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HISTORY OF CONGRESS, 



THE 



Forty-first Congress 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES, 



6 



10 Q— 1011. 



9-10 ji 



By WILLIAM HORATIO BARNES, A.M. 



WITH PORTRAITS ON STEEL. 



(: 



J^o 

o, 1879. cJ*^ 



NEW YORK: 
W. H. BARNES & CO., PUBLISHERS, 

3 7 PAEK ROW. 
WASHINGTON, D. C. : • PENNSYLVANIA AVENUE. 

1873. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by 
WILLIAM H. BARNES, 

in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at "Washington. 



PEEFACE. 




!HIS volume contains the legislative and personal history 
of Members of the Congress of the United States for the 
two years ending March 4, 1871. Of the three hundred 
and twenty-eight men whose records are here given, 
one hundred and seventy-five were members of the Fortieth Con- 
gress, and their biographies are begun in a preceding volume of 
this series and continued in this. Biographical sketches de novo 
are given in this volume of those who made their appearance in 
national legislation for the first time in the Forty-first Congress. 

A preliminary chapter presents a resume, of the doings of the 
Forty-first Congress which have a general interest and a national 
importance. The subjects which are here merely mentioned, or 
not even referred to, may frequently be found fully set forth, with 
important views relating to them, under the names of such Senators 
and Representatives as were their originators or chief advocates. 
The extracts given are generally concise illustrations of the opin- 
ions and the style of the speakers, and will be found worthy of 
perusal as specimens of recent American oratory. 

The plan of the work now appears fully developed in this and 
the preceding volumes. It is designed to publish a biennial 
volume, giving a history of the Congress for each successive term 
of two years. The biography of a Senator or Eepresentative who 
was a member of the Fortieth Congress is found, with as full 
details as could be given, in the History of Congress for 1867- 
1869. So long as he may remain in Congress his record may be 
traced through the succeedins; volumes of this series. 

For important material used in the work the author is indebted 
to numerous private letters from friends of the subjects, to the 



4: ■ PREFACE. 

lociil newspapers, wln'cli in manj instances published biographies 
of members of Congress when they were candidates, to the Con- 
gressional Globe, and to the Directory of Congress. Appleton's 
invaluable Cyclopaedia and Harper's Magazine have also furnished 
useful material. In some instances whole volumes of biography 
have been condensed into brief sketches which follow. 

Although using every eifort to secure the utmost accuracy, the 
author cannot flatter himself tliat he has escaped errors, and that 
he has avoided important omissions. As it is the purpose of the 
author to make as nearly as possible a perfect work, all errors 
and oversiii'hts which mav come to his notice in this edition will 
be. corrected in the next. 

A most attractive feature of this work is the steel portraits, of 
which it contains a larger number than any publication ever before 
issued. No care, labor, or expense has been spared to make it a 
portrait gallery worthy of the great national subject which it 
illustrates. The portraits are by the best engravers from approved 
photographs, and may be relied upon as life-like and accurate. 

Each sketch is separately paged ; for the book, as a whole, no 
folios are used. The sketches and portraits are to be found in 
alphabetical order — the Senators preceding the Representatives. 



BIOGllAPHIES AND PORTRAITS. 



^■» 



THE se:n"ate. 



|§ K^CHUTLER COLFAX, Yice-Peesldext of the United States. 



%0 ABBOTT, JOSEPPI C. 
Z/li<A.MES, ADELBERT 
22 ANTHONY, HENRY B. 
2^ BAYARD, THOMAS F. 
■2.4 ^ BLAIR, FRANCIS P., Jr. 
Z7t^B0REMAN, ARTHUR I. 
2Jf Jv^BROWNLOW, WILLIAM G. 
3t/ ^..-BUCKINGHAM, WILLIAM A. 
J 6 CAMERON, SIMON 
3.S "t-^CARPENTER, MATTHEW H. 
^^ CASSERLY, EUGENE 
^^ CATTELL, ALEXANDER G. 

CHANDLER, ZACHARIAH 

COLE, CORNELIUS 

CONKLING, ROSCOE 

CORBETT, HENRY W. 

CRAGIN, AARON H. 

DAVIS, GARRETT 

DRAKE, CHARLES D. 

EDMUNDS, GEORGE F. 
5^ l^ FENTON, REUBEN E. 
^ FERRY, ORRIS S. 
^ FESSENDEN, WILLIAM 
j^3V^FLANAGAN, J. W. 
jj}- FOWLER, JOSEPH S. 
<<:t,u-^GILBERT, ABIJAH 
6S GRIMES, JAMES 
^^yv<HAMILTON, MORGAN 
y'^ HAMILTON, WILLIAM 
■7/uHAMLIN, HANNIBAL 

HARLAN, JAMES ' 

HARRIS, JOHN S. 
-•• .^HILL, JOSHUA 
-v HOWARD, .JACOB M. 
•-, : HOWE, TIMOTHY 0. 
S* 1,-^EtOWELL, JAMES B. 

, K..<IOHNSTON, JOHN W. 
9'5 KELLOGG, WILLIAM PITT 
<^^ (^LEWIS, JOHN F. 



SI 



p. 



c. 

T. 



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7^ 



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p. 

s. 

w. 



McCREERY, THOMAS C. 

Mcdonald, Alexander 
.^ .; morrill, justin s. 
'^^ morrill, lot m.' 

morton, oliver 

y^ NORTON, DANIEL 
>r. NYE, JAMES W. 

OSBORN, THOMAS 

PATTERSON, JAMES W. 

POMEROY, SAMUEL C. 

POOL, JOHN 
/oj'iHPRATT, DANIEL D. 
/t7 RAMSEY, ALEXANDER 

REVELS, HIRAM R. 

RICE, BEN.TAMIN F. 

ROBERTSON, THOMAS J. 

ROSS, EDMUND G. 

SAULSBURY, WILLARD 



II ^ 

■I ; 

117 



SAWYER, FREDERICK A. 



IIS ti^^SCHURZ, CARL 

; -J ■? V^COTT, JOHN 



/ 2/r 

17^ 



;•',•■ 



/-T/ 



SHERMAN, JOHN 
SPENCER, GEORGE E. 
SPRAGUE, WILLIAM 
STEARNS, OZORA P. 
STEWART, WILLIAM 
STOCKTON, JOHN P. 
SUMNER, CHARLES 
THAYER, JOHN M. 
'THURMAN, ALLEN G 
TIPTON, THOMAS W. 
TRUMBULL, LYMAN 
VICKERS, GEORGE 
WARNER, WILLARD 
WILLEY, WALTMAN 
WILLIAMS, GKORGE 
WILSON, HEMRY 
STATES,- RICHARD. 



M. 



T. 
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lb; 



EEPEESEE"TATIYES. 

/SXn JAMES G. BLAINE. Speaker. 



/SS AD. A MS, GEORGE M. 
/Sr^ ALLISON, WILLIAM B. 
fiO AMBLER, JACOB A. 

AMES, OAKES 

fif ARCHER, STEVENSON 
\C^ t-' ARMSTRONG, WILLIAM H. 
/^ ARNELL, SAMUEL M. 
I SS' ^' ASPER, JOEL P. 
)yO «.- ATWOOD, DAVID 
/ -» ^ AXTELL, SAMUEL B. 
IJS ' AVER, RICHARD S. 
1 2 ^ BAILEY, ALEXANDER H. 
/77 BANKS, NATHANIEL P. 
--- -. BARNUM, WILLIAM H. 

;?8r L- BARRY, HENRY W. 
/^/ BEAMAN, FERNANDO 0. 

/^•^' BEATTY, JOHN 
/5Y BECK, JAMES B. 

I SS" BENJAMIN, JOHN F. 

/S'6 i>BENNETT, DAVID S. 
f V7 BENTON, JACOB 

/^ BIGGS, BENJAMIN T. 

iSy BINGHAM, JOHN A. 

f^fl' BIRD, JOHN T. 

'/i?l. BLAIR, AUSTIN 

M^ BOLES, THOMAS 

/- BOOKER, GEORGE W. 

/ ^' BOWEN, CHRISTOPHER C. 

/ y ^ ^ » BOYD, SEMPRONIUS H. 
J cj Cj BROOKS, GEORGE M. 

•l!tc> BROOKS, JAMES 

1^1 I BUCK, ALFRED E. 
1^(^ BUCKLEY, CHARLES W. 

■2-0-4^ l_,-BUFFINGTON, JAMES 
7cy u- BURGH ARD, HORATIO C. 
2 Oh C-^URDETT, SAMUEL S. 
7<^ BURR, ALBERT G. 

11 BUTLER, BENJAMIN F. 

"I /-' BUTLER, RODERICK R. 

Ti CAKE, HENRY L. 

2,/y- CALKIN, HERVEY C. 

.W5-' CESSNA, JOHN 



1f^ CHURCHILL, JOHN C. 
V/^*^LARK, WILLIAM T. 
J,/f CLARKE, SIDNEY 

2 jO*<!LEVELAND, ORESTES 

Z-i-y- COBB, AMASA 

22ivC0BB, CLINTON L. 

1-2 -7 COBURN, JOHN 

2.,>H^NGER, OMAR D. 

^30 CONNER, JOHN C. 

23/ COOK, BURTON C. 

,7J2, COVODE, JOHN 

'3.3yC0WLES, GEORGE W. 

2-3Si7C0X, SAMUEL S. 

13;. CREBS, JOHN M. 
SCf CULLOM, SHELBY M. 
-:Li^<9H)ARRALL, CHESTER B. 

/Y/ DAVIS, NOAH 

a-Vi- DAWES, HENRY L. 

2-Vy DEGENER, EDWARD 

ZMi" DEWEESE, JOHN T. 

2'^h DICKEY, OLIVER J. 

2.V7 DICKINSON, EDWARD P. 
'2%'*-^IX0N, JOSEPH 

Zv/^ DIXON, NATHAN F. 

•lSO DOCKERY, OLIVER H. 

2S\ DONLEY, JOSEPH B. 

2ir3 DOX, PETER M. 

2,5V DUKE, R. T. W. 

^ .7 DUVAI^r ISAAC H. 
l^J^i-^TYER, DAVID P. 

;;5<i ELA, JACOB H. 

IS^, ELDRIDGE, CHARLES A. 

;4/ FARNSWORTII, JOHN F. 

2^3 FERRISS, ORANGE 

2 ^t/ FERRY, THOMAS W. 

7 <5" FINKELNBURG, GUSTAVUS A. 

-^yi: FISHER, JOHN 
'V:,yb^'FlTGR, THOMAS 

-77/ FOX, JOHN 

v^ Z-GARFIELD, JAMES A. 

-r7VGETZ, J. LAWRENCE 

2^rGIBS0N, JAMES K. 



BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS. 



2 7-^ 
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2- - -r 



3 6^ 

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^-i^ILFILLAN, CALVIN W. 

GRISWOLD, JOHN A. 

IIAIGKT, CHARLES 

HALDEMAN, RICHARD J. 
«--^HALE, EUGENE 

HAMBLETON, SAMUEL 

TIAMELL, PATRICK 

HAMILTON, CHARLES M. 
i,. HARRIS, GEORGE E. 

HAWKINS, ISAAC R. 

HAWLEY, JOHN B. 

HAY, JOHN B. 

HAYS, CHARLES 

HEFLIN, ROBERT S. 

HILL, JOHN 

HOAG, TRUMAN H. 

HOAR, GEORGE F. 
t-^OGB, SOLOMON L. 

HOLMAN, WILLIAM S. 

HOLMES, CHARLES H. 

HOOPER, SAMUEL 

HOPKINS, BENJAMIN F. 

HOTCHKISS, GILES W. 

INGERSOLL, EBON C. 

JENCKKS, THOMAS A. 

JOHNSON, JAMES A. 

JONES, ALEXANDER H. 

JONES, THOMAS L. 

JUDD, NORMAN B. 

JULIAN, GEORGE W. 

KELLEY, WILLIAM D. 
L-^ KELLOGG, STEPHEN W. 

KELSBY, WILLIAM H. 

KERR, MICHAEL C. 
- — KETCH AM, JOHN H. 
iP^KNAPP, CHARLES 

KNOTT, J. PROCTOR 

LAFLIN, ADDISON H. 

LASH, ISRAEL G. 

LAWRENCE, WILLIAM 

LEWIS, JOSEPH H. 

LOGAN, JOHN ^. 
t--LONG, JEFFERSON F. 

LOUGHRIDGE, WILLIAM. 

LYNCH, JOHN 

MANNING, JOHN, Jr. 

marshall, samuel s. 
mayham, steriien l. 
maynard, horace 
McCarthy, de^nis 



f'A 






3^f 

3S^ 



33s' 



33^ 



I- 



McCORMICK, JAMES R. 

McCRARY, GEORGE W. 

McGREW, JAMES C. 

McKEE, GEORGE C. 

McKENZIE, LEWIS 

McNEELY, THOMPSON W. 

MERCUR, ULYSSES 
3wi^*-'-1!a:iLNES, WILLIAM, Jr. 
3^7 tv-- MOORE, ELIAKIM H. 
9,^/^9 4, MOORE, JESSE H. 

MOORE, WILLIAM 

MORBY, FRANK 

MORGAN. GEORGE W. 

MORPHIS, JOSEPH L. 

MORRELL, DANIEL .J. 

MORRILL, SAMUEL P. 

MORRISSEY, JOHN 

MUNGEN, WILLIAM 

MYERS, LEONARD 

NEGLEY, JAMES S. 

NEWSHAM, JOSEPH P. 

NIBLACK, WILLIAM B. 

O'NEILL, CHARLES 

ORTIT, GODLOVE S. 

PACKARD, JASPER 

PACKER, JOHN B. 

PAINE, H ALBERT E. 

PALMER, FRANK W. 

PECK, ERASMUS D. 

3'^ --• PERCE, LEGRAND W. 
't.-yo PETERS, JOHN A. 
37^' *^PHELPS, DARAYIN 
3^ (--PLATT, JAMES H. 
^^''f POLAND, LUKE P. 
Z Sb t-^OMEROY, CHARLES 
i, • PORTER, CHARLES H. 
t--POTTER, CLARKSON N. 

price' avilliam p. 

<f CVjl^-PROSSER, WILLIAM F. 
/^/3e,^-RAINEY, JOSEPH H. 
;>.,,■ J (.^RANDALL, SAMUEL J. 
REEVES, HlfNRY A. 
RICE, JOIIN^M. 
RIDGEWAY, Ir^BERT 
ROGERS, ANTHONY A. 0. 
ROOTS, LOGAN H. 
I7 ' ■ ^-^ANFORD, STEPHEN 
^SARGENT, AARON A. 
. SAWYER, PHILBTUS 
:, , ,- SCHENCK, ROBERT 0. 









^Kc-- 



^'0 



8 



BIOGRAPHIES AND PORTRAITS. 



U "to 



SCnUMAKER, JOHX G. 
SCOFIELD, GLEXXI W. 
SIIAXKS. JOHX P. C. 
' - ■ SIIELDOX, LIOXEL A. 

yilELDOX, PORTER 

^ZJ^ SnOBER,' FRAXCIS E. 
//?A fJ-BLOCUM. HEXRT W. 

SMITH, JOHX A. COtx-^^I- 

SMITH, JOSEPH S. 

SMITH, AVILLIAM J. 

SMITH, WORTHIXGTOX C. 

SMYTH, -WILLIAM 

STARKWEATHER, HEXRT H. 

STEVEXS, AARON F. 

STEYEXSOX, JOB E. 
^3f ''-'UTILES. JOHX D. 
V'/Z- STOKES, WILLIAM B. 
7^5 STOXE, FREDERICK 

^ V '*'*'"' STOUGHTOX. WILLIAM L. 
VV5" t-«TRADER, PETER W. 
U Lj'^i ^--STRICKLAXD, RANDOLPH 
H S2, ' — STROXG, JULIUS L. 
^ ^ J'-^WAXX, THOMAS 
/, ^N S\YEEXEY, WILLIAM N. 

SYPHER, J. HALE 

TAFFE, JOHX 

TAXXER, ADOLPHUS H. 

TAYLOR, CALEB N. 

TILLMAX, LEWIS 

TOWXSEXD, WASHIXGTOX 



/o. 



/ 






TRIMBLE, LAWREXCE S. 

:;' ,- TWICHELL, GIXERY 
^,.^i TYXER, JAMES X. 
,'^^t 1:7PS0X, WILLIAM H. 
X— TAX AUKEX, DAXIEL M. 
i/7'^VAX HORX, ROBERT T. 
Uy/ TAX TRUMP, PHILADELPH 
qjtJ' VAX WYCK, CHARLES H. 
S, DAXIEL W. 
WALLACE. ALEXAXDER S. 
WARD, HAMILTON 



"^ I pi/v^OORHEES 



'O 



'i 



u1^ 

iy;,.^WASHBURX, CADWALADER C. 

6S;^/WA.SHBURX, WILLIAM B. 

<^5Z-WELKER, MARTIN 
i^ S S'/^WELLS, ERASTUS 
4 S5'»WHEELI:R, WILLIAM A. 

'■/-^l WHITELEY, RICHARD H. 
/St'-^IIITMORE, GEORGE W. 

'i'rc WHITTEMORE. B. FRANK 



Af/- 



i-WILKIXSOX, MORTOX S. 
oWILLARD, CHARLES W. 



>y ?X"^ILLIAMS, WILLIAM 
^cV^'ILSOX^, EUGEXE M. 
.y^t> 'V\-ILSOX, JOHX T. 
tf'ff WIXAXS, JAMES J. 
^■: WIXCHESTER, BOYD 
To/ WITCHER, JOHX S. 
:f2'2-W0LF, WILLIAM P. 
^^•3 WOOD, FERX^AXDO 
<"<:'S' WOODWARD, GEORGE 



W. 



iyvYOUXG, 



PIERCE M. B. 



DELEGATES. 

SD^ i-^-'SELUCIUS GARFIELDE, 
Kf J ^--TYILLIAM H. HOOPER, 

c /: t^^iiicHARD c. Mccormick. 



THE FOETY-FIEST CO^GEESS. 



^^' 



pcMf^IIE Forty-first Congress assembled at noon on tlie 4:tli of 
f M March, 1869. There were present fifty-eight Senators, of 



?|3 whom fifty w^ere Eepnblicans and eight were Democrats. 
In the Honse of Representatives one hnndred and ninet}- 
three answered to their names, of Avhora one hundred and thirty-six 
were Republicans and fifty-seven were Democrats. Alabama, Con- 
necticut, and New Hampshire had not yet chosen representatives. 
Georgia, Mississippi, Texas, and Yirginia not having been recon- 
strncted, were without representation. 

Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Yice-President of the United States, took 
the chair as President of the Senate. In the House of Representa- 
tives Hon. James G. Blaine, of Maine, was elected Speaker, receiv- 
ing one hundred and thirty-five votes against fifty-seven for Hon. 
M. C. Kerr, c^f Indiana. The organization of committees in both 
the Senate and the House being in the hands of the same political 
majorit}", was similar to that of the preceding Congress. 

The work of reconstruction, which this Congress had the good 
fortune to complete, early occupied its attention. On the Tth of 
April the President sent to Congress a message, stating that it was 
desirable to restore the States which were engaged in the Rebel- 
lion to their proper relations to the Government and the country 
at as eai'ly a period as the people of those States should be 
found willing to become peaceful and orderly communities, and to 
adopt and maintain such constitutions and laws as would effect- 
ually secure the civil and political rights of all persons within their 
borders. The President suggested that, in regard to Virginia, a 
law should be enacted authorizing an election, to decide upon the 
acceptance of the Constitution adopted by a convention on the 17th 
of April, 1868. He also submitted whether the Constitution 



10 THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

framed in Mississippi, and rejected, might not be again submitted 
to the people of that State. 

A bill was framed, which passed both Houses, and was approved 
by the President on the 10th of April, providing that the President 
might submit the proposed Constitution of Virginia to a vote of the 
registered electors, and that at this election State officers and mem- 
bers of Congress miglit be voted for. If the Constitution should be 
ratified, the bill provided that the Legislature should assemble on 
the fourth Tuesday after the official promulgation of such ratifica- 
tion by the military officer commanding in the State. Essentially 
the same provisions were adopted with regard to Mississippi and 
Texas. It was also provided that, before these States respectively 
should be admitted to representation in Congress, their several Leg- 
islatures should ratify the Fifteenth Article proposed as an amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States. The proceedings 
in any of the States should not be deemed final, nor operate as a 
complete restoration thereof, until tlieir action should be approved 
by Congress. 

At the beginning of the second session, December, 1869, the 
President's Message called attention to the fact that seven of the 
States lately in rebellion had been fully restored to their places in 
the Union, while the eighth, Georgia, although complying in other 
respects with the requirements of Congress, had, in violation of its 
own Constitution, ex])elled the colored members of its Legislature, 
tind admitted some members who were disqualified by the Four- 
teenth Amendment. 

The subject was promptly acted upon by Congress, both Houses 
passing a bill for the reconstruction of Georgia, which provided for 
the convening of the old Legislature, excluding such as were ineli- 
gible under the Fourteenth Amendment, but none on account of 
race or color ; and empowering the President to enforce the act, 
using the army and navy if necessary. 

On the 10th of January, 1870, the joint resolution for the admis- 
sion of Virginia came up in both Houses, and was debated at length 
in the Senate. Those objecting to the immediate admission of the 



THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. H 

State did so on the ground that a large proportion of the members 
of tlie Legislature could not take the test oath. The opinion of At- 
torney-General Hoar, that the oatli might be legally dispensed with, 
was strongly opposed. On the 11th a bill was reported froui the 
Keconstruction Committee in the House admitting Virginia to rep- 
resentation on certain conditions. Mr. Bingham moved to strike 
out all after the enacting clause, and insert that Virginia is en- 
titled to representation in the Congress of the United States. This 
substitute was adopted by the House, January 1-1, by a vote of 
ninety-eight to ninety-five. In the Senate, several amendments 
prescribing conditions having been adopted, the bill passed, January 
21, by a vote of forty-seven to ten. Three days later, the bill as 
amended by the Senate was adopted by the House by a vote of one 
hundred and thirty-six to fifty-seven, and, without delay, received 
the approval of the President. 

Bills to admit Mississippi were introduced into both Houses Jan- 
nary 31, 1870. The House of Representatives, on the 3d of Feb- 
ruary, passed a bill with terms essentially tlie same as those of the 
Virginia bill. The bill passed the Senate February 17, and im- 
mediately became a law by Executive approval. The Senators 
from Mississippi were then admitted, one of them, Mr. Eevels, a 
colored man, taking the seat formerly held by Jefferson Davis. 

On the 7th of March a bill was introduced in the Senate for the 
admission of Texas, which passed that body on the 29th. The 
bill passed the House on the 30th, and on the following day the 
Senators and Representatives from Texas w^ere admitted to their 
seats. 

The bill for the admission of Georgia came up in the House 
March 5, 1870, and two days later passed that body. After a pro- 
tracted discussion in the Senate, a bill passed that body on the 
19th of April, 1870, tnrning the State over to military I'ule again, 
and providing for an election for a new Legislature in the followinir 
November. The bill was returned to the House of Representatives 
on the 20th, and, on motion of Mr. Butler, was referred to the 
Committee on Reconstruction. 



12 THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

It was not until the 24:th of June that tlie Georgia bill was finally 
passed in the House declaring the State entitled to representation, 
a leo-al Legislature having ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
Amendments. It was as late as the 16th of January, 1871, that 
the Representatives from Georgia were admitted to their seats, one 
of these, Mr. Long, being a colored man. A Senator from Georgia 
was admitted February 1st. The great work of Eeconstruction 
was then complete. 

Thouo-h the final restoration of the last of the States was so long 
delayed, through its failure to fulfill the conditions iuiposed, the 
crowning act of reconstruction was achieved at a much earlier date, 
the President having, on the 15th of March, 1870, sent to Congress 
a messao-c inclosing a communication from the Secretary of State, 
announcing that thirty States had, up to that date, ratified the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 

Following close upon the consummation of reconstruction came 
measures to do away with certain disabilities and restrictions which 
had hitherto been deemed necessary. In the Senate a bill was in- 
troduced by Mr. Sawyer, which passed tliat body without a divis- 
ion, April 22d, to abolish the test oath as applicable to those who 
are not disqualified from holding oftice under the Fourteenth 
Amendment, providing that such persons should take the oath pre- 
scribed for those whose disabilities have not been removed. This 
bill finally passed the House, February 1, 1871, by a vote of one 
hundred and eighteen to ninety. The President allowed this bill 
to become a law without his signature, explaining his conduct 
afterward in a special message, wherein he objected to the partial 
api)lication of the law. 

A measure having a bearing upon the subject of reconstruction 
was a bill to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, which was intro- 
duced in the House February 21, 1870, and passed May 16, by a 
vote of one hundred and thirty-one to fortj'-four. After receiving 
numerous amendments, it passed the Senate May 21 by a vote of 
forty-three to eight. A Committee of Conference was appointed, 
whose report was adopted by the Senate May 25, and by the 



s 



THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 13 

House on the daj fullowino;. Tlje law is general in its application, 
desimied to enforce the ri<>;ht of citizens to vote in the several States 
who have hitherto heen denied that right on account of race, color, 
or previous condition of servitude. 

Finance was next to reconstruction in importance among the 
subjects of legislation in the Forty-first Congress. On the 10th of 
December, 1860, the House, by a vote of one hundred and twent}'- 
four to one, passed a resolution setting the seal of its condemnation 
upon any and all propositions to repudiate any portion of the debt 
of the United States. A resolution, offered by Mr. McNeely, to. 
pay the five-twenty bonds in greenbacks, was tabled l)y a vote of 
one hundred and twenty-two to forty-one. The opposition of the 
Senate to an inflation of the currency was indicated by the ado])tion 
in that body, without a division, February 2-1, 1870, of a resolution 
that, in the opinion of the Senate, the volume of the currency 
ought not to be increased. 

A bill (known as Sherman's Currency Bill) passed the Senate 
February 2d providing for the issue of $45,000,000 more bank cur- 
rency, to be put forth l)y new banks against the same amount of 
three percent, certificates, which were to be cancelled, and after this 
issue it provided for a distribution of $20,000,000 of bank currency 
among the States which had less than their proportion of the 
$300,000,000 afloat — this sum to betaken from those States having 
more than their proportion, the object of the bill being to supply 
the West and South wnth needed capital. This bill was passed in 
the House, with an amendment, June 15th, which made it neces- 
sary that a Connnittee of Conference should be appointed. This 
Connnittee reported, on the 6th of July, in favor of adopting the 
bill as passed by the Senate, with the modification fixing the 
amount of additional currency to be issued at $54,000,000. The 
bill which, in accordance with the report, was adopted provided for 
the immediate distribution of this additional sunj of currency 
amono; the several States, and for a redistribution after the census 
of 1870. The bill in this form became a law. 

The most important financial measure of the Forty-first Congress 



14 THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

was the bill for funding the national debt. This bill was reported 
in the Senate as early as the 11th of January, 1870. After pro- 
tracted discussion, it passed the Senate March 11, 1870, by a vote 
of thirty-three to ten. The House adopted a bill of its own, as an 
amendment, July 1st, by a vote of one hundred and twenty-eight 
to forty-three. A Committee of Conference was appointed, but their 
report was rejected. A second Committee was more fortunate, 
their report being adopted, and, as modified by them, the bill 
passed, July 13, 1870. 

The relations of the Foi'ty-first Congress to the Executive were 
far more cordial than were those of its predecessor. Yery early in 
this Congress an effort was made to remove tlie restrictions which 
liad been placed upon the President's power of appointment to 
office and removal. The House voted to repeal the Tenure-of- 
Office Law absolutely. The Senate, jealous of its prerogative, re- 
fused to concur, but passed important modifications. A Commit- 
tee of Conference was created, and a bill agreed upon, ostensibly to 
amend, but really almost a repeal, which passed in the Senate by a 
vote of fortj'-two to eight, and in the House by one hundred and 
eight to sixty-seven. 

The Forty-first Congress also did something toward defining the 
position of the third branch of the Government — the Judiciary. 
At an early stage of the proceedings a bill was passed to amend the 
judicial system of the United States, which received the approval 
of the President. It provided that the Supreme Court of the 
United States shall consist of the Chief-Justice and eight Associate 
Justices, of whom six shall constitute a quorum. For each of the 
nine existing Judicial Circuits there shall be appointed a Circuit 
Judge, who shall reside in the Circuit. Any Judge who has held 
his commission for ten years, and has attained the age of seventy 
years, may resign, and shall receive during his life the same salary 
that was. payable to him at the time of his resignation. 

On the 28th of April, 1870, the House passed a bill, which was 
adopted by the Senate June 16, for the establishment of an execu- 
tive department, to be known as the Department of Justice, of 



THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 15 

wliicli the Attorney-General shall be the head. The bill provides 
for the transference to this new department of the Solicitor of the 
Ti'easiiry and the law officers of the other executive departments. 

Diligent efforts were made to diminish the burdens of the people 
by reduction of tariffs and taxes, so far as was consistent with the 
maintenance of the nation's faith with its creditors. Taxes were 
repealed amounting to many millions of dollars per annum. 

The income tax was a subject upon which much attention was 
bestowed. The Senate, in the second session, passed a bill for the 
continuance of the income tax at the rate of two and one half per 
cent, for two years, with an exemption of $2,000. The House 
passed this bill witli an amendment, striking out the limitation as 
to time. 

In the third session strenuous efforts were made for the repeal 
of the income tax, but without success. The Senate passed a bill 
for this purpose January 26, but on the day after its passage the 
House returned the bill with the information that the Senate had. 
exceeded its prerogative in originating a revenue bill. On the Ttli 
of February the House referred a bill for the repeal of the tax to 
the Committee of the "Whole. On the 9th a motion was made to 
go into committee for the purpose of considering the bill, which 
was lost, the vote being one hundred and three to one hundred and 
six. And thus the repeal failed of being accomplished. 

A great number (yf railroad enterprises sought the encouragement 
of Congress. One of the most important of them was the Northern 
Paciiic Kailroad. The bill proposed by the friends of this measure 
passed the Senate April 21, 1870, and came before the House soon 
afterward. It met with very strong opposition, based for the most 
part on the objection to the policy of granting so large a proportion 
of the public lands to railroad companies. The bill finally passed 
the House, one hundred and seven voting for and eighty-five 
against the measure. 

The Senate bill to incorporate the Texas or Southern Pacific 
Kailroad passed the House with important amendments on the 21st. 
of February, 1871. A committee of conference reported March 2. 



16 THE FORTY -FIRST CONGRESS. 

The bill as passed provides for a trunk ]-oad from Marshall, Texas, 
to San Diego, California, and two branch lines, one from New 
Orleans to the eastern boundary of Texas, and one from San Fi-an- 
cisco to the western terminus of the line, or to connect with it on 
the thirty-fifth parallel, at or near tiie Colorado River. 

The Civil Service Reform received a share of attention from this 
Congress. In the first session, on the 3d of May, Mr. Jenckes re- 
ported back to the House the bill to regulate the civil service of the 
United States, providing that all appointments of civil oftlcers, ex- 
cept postmasters and snch as are required by law to be appointed 
by the President, shall be made from those persons who shall have 
been found best cpialitied in open and competitive examinations, 
and after terms of probation to be conducted and regulated as pre- 
scribed in the bill. The bill was subsequently remodeled, and re- 
ported from the committee in the shape of a joint resolution, which, 
just at the close of the session, was passed as an amendment to the 
Civil Appropriation Bill. The bill authorizes the President to 
make rules prescribing the qualifications of government employes, 
and provide the means for testing the fitness of candidates. 

Great efibrts were made to secure the abolition of the Frankino- 
Privilege, but without avail. A bill for this object was passed in 
the House, near the beginning of the second session, by a vote of 
one hundred and seventy-four to fourteen. It failed to be carried 
in the Senate, twenty -six voting for and twent^^-eight against the 
measure. In the third session an amendment to the postal law 
abolishing the Franking Privilege passed the House, one hundred 
and three votino; for and sixty-five a<::ainst it. 

Attempts made to secure legislation for the purpose of reviving 
the commercial and navigation interests were unsuccessful. A se- 
lect coinmittee made an elaborate report on the subject, and pro- 
posed a bill, which failed to become a law. The President recom- 
mended, in a special message, that a law be passed authorizing the 
purchase of foreign-built vessels, to meet the emergency produced 
by the breaking out of the war in Europe. The recommendation 
occasioned some debate, but resulted in no definite action. 



THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 17 

A Census Bill, perfected with mucli labor, which passed the 
House, was rejected by the Senate, and, as a consequence, the ninth 
census was taken in accordance with the law of 1850. A bill for 
the apportionment of representation under the census of 1870 fixed 
the number of Representatives at three hundred, with a proviso that 
States having a fraction exceeding one half over the amount of 
population required for representation shall be entitled to an addi- 
tional member. 

The Fortj-first Congress, while adhering to the humane policy 
respecting the Indians previously adopted, made still further ad- 
vances toward advise and liberal treatment of that unfortunate race. 
A provision was inserted in the Indian Appropriation Bill putting 
an end to the absurd practice of treating with Indians as with for- 
eign nations. 

Vigorous measures were adopted for the suppression of polygamy 
in the Territory of Utah. Among the first measures considered in 
this Congress was a bill for that purpose, reported in the House 
from the Committee on Territories. The measure came up in the 
second session in the form of a bill to aid in the execution of the 
Jaws in Utah Territory, which passed the House March 23, 1870, 
nmety-four voting for and thirty-two against the measure. 

Among the important miscellaneous measures passed by this 
Congress were, a bill fixing the first Monday in November as the 
day for electing Eepresentatives and Delegates to Congress in all 
the States and Territories, and a bill relating to the subject of natu- 
ralization, reducing the period of residence to three years. Proceed- 
ings for naturalization are to be taken in the State courts, but the 
Federal courts have jurisdiction over all parties charged with 
fraud. 

Many benevolent acts, which were at the same time acts of jus- 
tice, were passed by the Forty-first Congress-such as a bill grant- 
ing a life annuity to the widow of President Lincoln ; a bill grant- 
ing pensions to all the surviving soldiers of the War of 1812 who 
served sixty days ; a bill granting one year's salary to the widows 
and orphans of the officers and seamen lost on the Oneida • and 



18 THE FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

a bill providing every soldier disabled in the late war with an arti- 
ficial limb once every five years. 

The executive sessions of the Senate were principally occupied 
with the consideration of nominations to office. The President, b}' 
proclamation, convened the Senate on the 12th of April, 1869, after 
the adjournment of the first session, for the consideration of execu- 
tive business. During the session which closed on the 22d of April 
more than one thousand nominations for office were acted upon. 

The most important business of this executive session was the 
consideration of the treaty negotiated by Mr. Eeverdy Johnson 
with Great Britain in relation to the Alabama claims. On the 
14th of April Mr. Sumner, from the Committee on Foreign Rela- 
tions, presented a report against the ratification of the treaty. lie 
accompanied the report with an elaborate speech, reviewing the 
whole question in controversy. The treaty was rejected in the 
Senate by a vote of fifty-four to one. 

Great prudence was manifested by Congress in avoiding any ac- 
tion which might implicate our Government with foreign powers. 
Although the profoundest sympathies of the country were with the 
Cubans in their struggle for independeuce, nothing was done which 
could be construed into even the appearance of toleration for a vio- 
lation of strict neutrality. A resolution was adopted authorizing 
the President to appoint Commissioners to make investigations re- 
specting San Domingo ; but there was manifested a strong opposi- 
tion to the policy annexing that republic to the United States. 

Many other subjects of legislation are referred to in the following 
pages, frequently in the language of the men who were the chief 
actors in the sceues. Undoubtedly, the greatest achievement of this 
Congress, and that for which it will be remembered throuo-h all 
time, was the final and full restoration of the revolted States to 
practical relations to the Union, A\^hile accomplishing this great 
result it gave new impulse to the general prosperity, aided in re- 
ducing the national debt, and did much to place the country in 
that commanding position among the nations of the earth to which 
its title is now for the first time universallv recognized. 




^'^■''b'^ff^^s.r.^ezF^''^'^' 




HON. SCHUYLER COLF^AX, 



"^/:.CE PEESIDSNT OF THE UNITED STT^TES. 



5 C N H £'.'.' 



TiEHIEI S E] ISr .^ T ZEU 



^«»t» 



SCHUYLER COLFAX, 

Vice-President of the United States, 




(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

'T the Republican National Convention which met in 
Chicago in 1868, Mr. Colfax was nominated for the Yice- 
^,^^^r''¥^ Presidency of the United States, and was elected in 
November of that year, receiving two hundred and 
seventeen electoral votes out of a total of two hundred and eighty- 
five. In response to the committee appointed by the two Houses 
of Congress to inform him of his election, February 15, 1869, Mr, 
Colfax said : " I shall endeavor to prove worthy of this mark of 
confidence by fidelity to principle and duty." 

On the occasion of tendering his resignation as Speaker of the 
House, March 3, 1869, Mr. Colfsix delivered a brief and appropriate 
address, in which he said that he had " striven to perform faithfully 
every duty," and that, devoted to the principles which he deemed 
correct, the honor and glory of the country had always been to him 
paramount above all party ties. On the motion of Mr. Woodward, 
the House unanimously passed a resolution expressive of its "high 
appreciation of his skill in parliamentary law, of his promptness 
in administering the rules and facilitating the business of the body, 
of his urbane manners, and of the dignity and impartiality with 
which he has presided over the deliberations of the House." 

On the 4th of March, 1869, Yice-President Colfax entered upon 
the discharge of his duties of President of the Senate, which he 
performed in such a manner as fully to meet the high expectations 
of the country and the unanimous approval of the Senate. 



I^( 



JOSEPH C. ABBOTT. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Abbott served on the Commit- 
tees on Military AiFairs and the Militia, the Pacific Kailroad, and 
Enrolled Bills. On a resolution for creating a Committee on the 
removal of disabilities Mr. Abbott, while not opposing the crea 
tion of such a committee, said : " We had better make haste slowly 
in this matter of removing disabilities from men who have commit- 
ted the crime of treason." Speaking on the Currency Bill, he 
uro-ed that the withdrawal of greenbacks and the issue of bank cir- 
culation would be unjust to the South. He further objected to a 
feature of the bill as making "unjust distinction between the old 
banks and the new ones." 

In his preliminary remarks on the restoration of Georgia Mr. 
Abbott said that " we ought always to remember, when w^e are deal- 
ing with the question of reconstruction, that w^e are in a measure 
outside of formulas and precedents and law as deduced from expe- 
rience and constitutional provisions. The Constitution did not 
seem to contemplate the disruption of the Union, such as we have 
seen, and consequently there was no precise provision for its recon- 
struction. We are, politically, like Columbus when his prows 
pointed out into the unknown sea, where the old counting 
of stars, after the manner of the Trojans, was useless. We are, in 
statesmanship, beyond highways and beaten paths. AVe are in a 
wilderness of statesmanship, where there is no path except that 
which we hew as we proceed. . . . We have a work to do. The 
old structure was mutilated ; we are to rebuild it." 

Mr. Abbott was firm and uncompromising in his views relating 
to the reconstruction of the seceded States. He had little patience 
wnth that class of legislators who assumed to be over-scrupulous in 
respect to the Constitution, and who are so embarrassed by con- 
stitutional scruples as to shrink back from all efficient legislation. 
He affirmed the propriety and necessity of the interference of the 
General Government to reconstruct, and, after reconstruction was 
enacted, to still throw the segis of its protection over all unprotected 
localities ; and he believed this latter to be the intent of the Con- 
fetitution wherever local authority fails to shield life and property. 




11 iBih 





^^^ t c 



flPUT i^ivfi; s 



ADELBEET AMES 




'DELBERT AMES was bom at Rockland, Maine, October 
31, 1835. He received an academic education in his 
'^i^^JI^ native State, and was admitted to the United States 
Military Academy as a cadet July 1, 1856. He gradu- 
ated, ranking fifth in his class, May 6, 1861, an opportune moment, 
for, the War of the Rebellion having just broken out, there was a 
loud and urgent call from the country for men of military education 
for her service. Mr. Ames immediately entered upon active dutj' 
as 2d Lieutenant of the Second Artillery. His first duty was drill- 
ing volunteers in Washington, in which he was employed until 
July, when he participated in the memorable Manassas campaign. 
In the battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861, he was severely wounded, 
and was breveted Major for his gallant and meritorious services. 
He was disabled by his wounds until September, when he resumed 
active duty and served in the defenses of Washington until March, 
1862. He then participated in the Virginia Peninsular campaign, 
and was engaged in the siege of Yorktown, the battle of Gaines' 
Mill, and the battle of Malvern Hill, where his gallant conduct 
earned promotion to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. 

He was appointed Colonel of the 20th Regiment of Maine Volun- 
teers, August 29, 1862, and a few days later was with his command 
in the battle of Aiitietam. He then took part in the Rappahannock 
campaign, engaging in the battle of Fredericksburg, December 13, 
1862. He was in the battle of Chancellorsville, May 2, 1863, actini- 
as Aid-de-camp to General Meade. Having been promoted to the 
rank of Brigadier- General of Volunteers, he command a briacade at 
the battle of Beverly Ford, May 20, 1863. He fought in the battle 
of Gettysburgh, July 1, 2, and 3, 1863, and engaged in the pursuit 

21 



9 ADELBERT AMES. 



£i 



of the enemy to Warrenton, Yirginia. For his gallantry in the 
battle of Gettysburg he was breveted Colonel in the regular army. 
From August, 1863, to the following April, he engaged in the opera- 
tions of the Department of the South. 

In command of a brigade or division of the 18th Army Corps he 
aided in the operations before Petersburg, engaging in the action of 
Whitehall Junction, May 7, 1864, and the battle of Cold Harbor, 
June 1, 1864. Subsequently, jn command of a division of the 10th 
Army Corps, he engaged in the actions of Darbytown Road. He 
afterward joined in the first and second expeditions against Fort 
Fisher, participating in the assault and capture of that stronghold, 
January 15, 1865. For his distinguished services on this occasion 
he was breveted Major-General of Volunteers. He was mustered 
out of the Volunteer service April 30, 1866. 

In consideration of gallant and meritorious services in the field 
during the Rebellion he was breveted Major-General in the regular 
army. Under the Reconstruction Act he was appointed Provisional 
Governor of Mississippi, June 15, 1868, and was p pointed to the 
command of the Fourth Military District, Department of Missis- 
sippi, March 17, 1869. He was elected United States Senator 
from Mississippi, January 18, 1870. His credentials having been 
presented to the Senate, were referred to the Committee on the 
Judiciary, who reported that General Ames was not entitled to the 
seat in the Senate to which he had been appointed, Mr. Rice alone 
of the Committee dissenting from this conclusion. An exhaustive 
and able debate ensued, running through several days, in which was 
discussed the meaning of the constitutional requirement that a man 
to be a Senator must be an " inhabitant of that State for which he 
shall be chosen," and whether it was in the power of a person in 
the military service to choose his place of residence. Finally, April 
1, 1870, the Senate disagreed to the report of the Judiciary Com- 
mittee by a vote of forty to twelve, and Mr. Ames was immediately 
sworn in as a Senator of the United States. He was appointed on 
the Committee on Military Afi'airs and the Militia, and the Select 
Committee on the Removal of Political Disabilities. 



^ 



'/^ 



HENRY B. ANTHONY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Con^'ress.) 

On the election of the Senate Committees for the Fortj-first 
Congress Mr. Anthony was continued in the Chairmanship of the 
Committee on Printing, and was also placed on the Committees on 
Naval Affairs and Mines and Mining. He was unanimously elected 
President of the Senate j9/'c> tempore. 

The following is from the speech of Mr. Anthony on the occasion 
of the presentation by Rhode Island to the Congress of the United 
States of the statue of General Nathaniel Greene, now standin"- in 
the old hall of the House of Representatives : 

Among those who in the Revolutionary period won titles to the national 
gratitude never disavowed, he whose statue we have placed in the Capitol 
stands, in the judgment of his contemporaries and by the assent of history, 
second only to the man who towers without a peer in the annals of America. 
I shall not attempt an analysis of his character, nor an enumeration of the great 
deeds upon which his fame securely rests ; nor shall I discuss that fertility of 
resources by which he supplied an army from an impoverished country without 
disaflecting the population ; that marvelous skill and conduct by which he 
wrung the results of victory from the very jaws of defeat, and with inferior 
forces drove and scattered before him a well-ajipointed and disciplined enemy, 
flushed with the insolence of conquest; that self-reliance and persistence by 
which he refused every suggestion to abandon the Southern campaign, and 
from the Held of disaster declared, " I will i-ecDver the Carolinas or perish in 
the attempt ! " How well he proved these words no idle boast — how well he 
kept his pledge — I do not propose to repeat. 

Pending the consideration of the Tax Bill, Mr. Anthony, in ad- 
vising that sulphur be placed on the free list, presented as a reason 
the following interesting statement : 

We all know that there has been lately discovered in South Carolina, as my 
friend from that State has just referred to it, a mineral wealth which is infinitely 
greater than the discovery of gold or silver. There have been discovered phos 
phatcs underlying the soil, I do not know to what extent, which, when com- 
bined with sulpliuric acid, will make fertilizers sufficient to rejuvenate the 
whole of the worn-out land of the South — worth more than a dozen guano 
islands. But this product cannot be utilized without sulphuric acid; it cannot 
be generally utilized without cheap suliihuric acid; and we cannot have cheap 
sulphuric acid unless we have cheap sulphur. 

Differing from some other Senators, Mr. Anthony justified the 
Postmaster-General in requesting the postmasters to consult the 
people for ascertaining their wishes touching the abolition of the 
Franking Privilege. 

23 



THOMAS F. BAYARD. 



^'^^sIIOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD was born at Wilming- 




ton, Delaware, October 28, 1828. His father and grand- 
ffither were both Senators of the United States — the latter 
having also been Minister to France, and one of the Com- 
missioners for negotiating the Treaty of Ghent. 

The subject of this sketch was chiefly educated at the Fhishing 
school, established by Rev. Dr. F. L. Hawks. His early training 
was for mercantile life, but he studied for and adopted the profession 
of law. He was admitted to the bar in 1851, and, with the excep- 
tion of two years in Philadelphia, has always practiced in his native 
city. In 1853 he was appointed United States District-Attorney 
for Delaware, but resigned in the following year for the purpose of 
devoting himself to his own professional business. He was elected 
to the United States Senate, as a Democrat, to succeed his father, 
Hon. James A. Bayard, who had been appointed to fill the vacancy 
occasioned by the death of Hon. George Read Riddle. Mr. Bayard 
took his seat in the Senate March 4, 1869, and was appointed on 
the Committee on Finance, the Committee on Private Land Claims, 
and the Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the Unitec 
States. 

From his entrance into the Senate, Mr. Bayard has borne 
a prominent and able part in debate. In his speech on the 
Civil Tenure Law he took a decided stand against the mere 
suspension of the law and in favor of its absolute repeal, 
believing it to be uncalled for, and without constitutional 
warrant. 

In his remarks npon the bill authorizing the submission to the 
people of the Constitutions of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, Mr. 



THOMAS F. BAYARD. 2 

Bajard tlius gave expression to liis views of Congressional Eecon- 
struction : 

The bill is biit a little more in its character than a confirmation of the 
series of measures ca]l(;d reconstruction, to the whole of which in letter and in 
spirit I have ever been opposed ; and if for no other, for the very antiquated 
reason that seems to have lost so much of its influence upon the minds of the 
members of this body. I mean that I believe that the whole of those measures, 
as well as the present proposed law, are in direct, open, and flagrant violation 
of the spirit and the letter of the fundamental law of this country that we have 
all sworn to sustain. 

Mr, Bayard excepted to the bill for enforcing the Fifteenth 
Amendment as grasping the whole control of elections, and intended 
not to prevent discrimination between races, but to discriminate 
directly against the white race and in favor of the black. He also 
opposed the bill for abolishing the Franking Privilege, and animad- 
verted with some severity upon the supposed influence of the Post- 
Office Department in procuring the multitude of petitions flowing 
in upon Congress for this object. 

Mr. Bayard repelled the attempt to fix the responsibility of Mr. 
M'Creery's resolution looking to the restoration of Arlington to 
Mrs. Lee upon the Democratic party, and said : 

Mr. President, when I came to this city a year ago last March, one of my first 
visits was to the cemetery at Arlington. I had never before visited that great 
sepulchre of my fellow-countrymen; and as I stood there and saw the myriad 
graves in their long rows fliding away in the distance, I am not ashamed to say 
that my sight grew dim, and my eyes misty, when I thought of the sufferings 
civil war had brought to my countrymen. " Rebel," as you term them, and 
"Union" soldiers, as youtei-m them, lay tliere together in their long last sleep, 
and were at peace ; and I almost envied that sleep if it brought the peace 
which seems from this debate to be to-day so far from the hearts of those who 
survive them. . . . 

Why, sir, the very feeling that any American, come he from the North or the 
South, the Eastorthe West, of our broad land, must have in visiting tlie heights 
at Arlington, must be that there is one of tlie cemeteries of the nation, and that 
it would be impossible to change the character of that ground or contemplate 
its dedication to any other use. The thing cannot be thought of, sir; it cannot 
be considered. "The perishing dead who are past all pain" are there; they 
occupy the land ; and surely there is " ample room and verge enough " left for 
those of us who are living to wander and occupy elsewhere, without dreaming 
of disturbing that repose which in a little time we all must seek, and the gen- 
eral sense of humanity instructs us to respect. 



FEA^CIS P. BLAIR. 



'--^RANCIS P. BLxilE- was born in Lexington, Kentucky, 
February 19, 1821. He graduated at Princeton College, 




f;;f. and adopted the profession of law. He was a member of 
the Missouri Legislature in 1852 and 1854. He was elect- 
ed a Representative from Missouri to the Thirty-fifth, Thirty-sixth, 
and Thirt^^-seveuth Congresses, serving during the latter Congress 
as Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs. He entered 
the Union Army as a Colonel of Volunteers in 18G1, in 1862 was 
appointed a Major General, and was subsequently re-elected to the 
Thirty-eighth Congress. During the first session of that Congress 
he resigned his seat to resume his position in the army. 

He was nominated by President Johnson Collector of Internal 
Revenue in 1866, and was rejected by the Senate. His subsequent 
nomination for Minister to Austria was also rejected. On the 30tli 
of June, 1868, he wrote his celebrated " Brodhead Letter," in 
which he said, " Tliere is but one way to restore the Government 
and the Constitution, and that is for the President elect to declare 
these acts null and void, compel the army to undo its usurpations 
at the South, disperse the carpet-bag State Governments, allow the 
white people to reorganize tlieir own Governments, and elect Sena- 
tors and Representatives." A few days later Mr. Blair was nomi- 
nated by the New York National Convention as the Democratic 
candidate for the Yice-Presidency, but was defeated in the Novem- 
ber election. He was elected to the State Legislature of Missouri 
in 1870, and was subsequently elected to the United States Senate 
to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr.- Drake, and 
took his seat January 25, 1871. He was immediately placed 
upon the Committees on the Pacific Railroad, Education, and 
Labor, and Post-Ofiices and Post-Roads. 

2^ 




/^^c^^^ /^ ^/^^'-^ 



^^n--- T--R/xj^]:c p E,L,AIR 



ARTHUR I. BOREMAlSr. 




ETIIUR INGHEAM BOREMAN was born in Waynes- 
burg, Pennsylvania, July 2-i, 1823. His grandtatlier 
"^ST "^"^^s born in London, and, coming to this country before 
the Revolutionary War, became a pay-master in the 
Continental army, and subsequently settling at Waynesburg, he 
held all the various clerk's offices for the county many years. 
When the subject of this sketch -was a child his father removed to 
Western Virginia, where he received a common-school education, 
studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1845, and commenced 
the practice at Parkersburg. In 1855 he was elected to t!ie House 
of Delegates of Virginia, and during six years represented his 
neighbors in that capacity at Richmond. He was in the State 
Legislature in the extra session in the spring of 1861, taking an 
active part against the secession movement. While the Legislature 
was in session a Convention was held in Richmond for the purpose 
of carrying Virginia out of the Union. Excitement became very 
great. The Legislature was lost sight of in the superior importance 
of the deliberations of the Convention. Mr. Boreman left Rich- 
mond finally, after the adjournment of the Legislature, about the 
time the ordinance of secession was passed, with the determination 
of doing his utmost to stay the progress of rebellion. He was 
president of the AVheeling Convention, held in 1861 for the pur- 
pose of reorganizing the government of Virginia. In October of 
that year he was elected Judge of the Circuit Court, and held that 
office until 1863, when, the old state of Virginia having been 
divided and West Virginia constructed, Mr. Boreman was unani- 
mously chosen the first Governor, no vote being cast against 
him. In 1864 another gubernatorial election was held, and he was 
again unanimously elected, receiving 19,098 votes. In 1866 he was 



1^ 



7 



2 ARTFIUR I. BOREMAN. 

elected for the third time. A Democratic candidate was put up 
against him, but Governor Boreman received 23,802 votes to 17,158 
for his opponent, a majority of 6,64:4:. As Governor he cordially 
and efficiently co-operated with the General Government in the 
work of suppressing the rebellion. Under his administration 
more than 33,000 troops were sent into the field, who were among 
the bravest and most efficient soldiers in the Union armies. Gov- 
ernor Boreman made efficient use of the means at his disposal 
within his own State, seldom calling on the War Department for 
aid, which, whenever called for, was promptly granted. Secretary 
Stanton, after tlie close of the war, repeatedly expressed himself in 
terms of highest commendation of Governor Boreman's administra- 
tion, and his efficient co-operation with the government at Wash- 
ington. Such was the sleepless vigilance and tireless energy of 
Governor Boreman during the war, and amid the emergencies, 
equally trying, of the years immediately following, that his health 
was seriously and permanently impaired ; not, howevei', to such a 
degree as to prevent him from giving further service to the country. 
In 1868 Mr, Boreman declined a re-election as Governor, and 
was in tlie following year chosen United States Senator, to succeed 
Peter G. Yan Winkle, for the term of six years from the 4th of 
March, 1869. During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Boreman serv^ed 
on the Committees on Manufactures, Territories, and the Bemoval 
of Political Disabilities. The principal speech made by him dur- 
ing this Congress was on the bill to admit the State of Georgia to 
representation. lie viewed the subject as "involving questions of 
great State policy, and not of mere technical law," and urged that 
"the hesitating policy which had characterized the action of Con- 
gress at almost every step, since the close of the war, looking to the 
reconstruction of the rebel States, should not lead us to commit an 
irreparable injury in the case of Georgia." He comprehensively 
reviewed the course of Congress in reconstruction, which " after 
near two years of temporizing" at length began in earnest, and 
" has been progressing in the midst of opposition and obstacle to 
the present time." 




-Ea^ * V J-C3->^*-" 





Jt)^^ 



y'-Jt/d^^ 



■y/ 



HON-W; G.BRO^VNLOW. 
SENATOP. FROM TENNESSEE^ 



WILLIAM a. BEO WILLOW. 



m 




'2^ o^ 



^0^ILLIAM G. BEOWNLOW was born in Wythe County, 
Ya.j August 29, 1805. Until eighteen years old he was 
reared to labor, and afterward served as a regular appren- 
tice to a house-carpenter. " I have been a laboring man," 
he states, " all my life long, and have acted upon the scriptural 
maxim of eating ray bread in the sweat of my brow ;" and it was 
one of his declared sentiments that labor was not degrading, was 
dignified rather, and essential to the welfare of the country. 

Mr. Brownlow's education, as may be inferred, was imperfect, 
and was defective, as he asserts, even in those branches taught in 
the common schools of the country. Like many other indigent 
but worthy young men, he acquired by his trade the means of 
supplying the defects of early mental training. After this he en- 
tered the Methodist itinerant ministry, traveling during ten years 
without intermission, and availed himself meanwhile of his position 
to improve still further his limited education, especially in all the 
English branches. 

After retiring from the itinerant ministry Mr. Browulow com- 
menced the editing and publishing of the ICfioxville Whig, in 
which occupation he continued for twenty-five years, his paper 
having a larger circulation than any political newspaper in the 
State of Tennessee, and taking meanwhile an active part in all the 
religious and political controversies of the time. He published 
meanwhile several books, mostly of a controversial character. At 
the same time, though much of a controversialist, he seems never- 
theless to have been a man of peace, and singularly free from the 
prevalent vices of the day. " I have never," he says, " been ar- 
raigned in the Church for any immorality. I never played a card. 
I never was a profane swearer. I never drank a dram of liquor 
until wdthin a few years, when it was taken as a medicine. I 

^1 



2 WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW. 

never had a cigar or a cliew of tobacco in ray raouth. I never was 
in attendance at a theater. I never attended a horse-race, and 
never witnessed their running save on fair grounds of ray own 
county, I never courted but one woman, and her I married.'^ 

Mr. Brownlow was in politics an " Old Line Whig," and his 
confession of political faith he thus expresses : " I am the advocate 
of a concentrated Federal government, or of a strong central gov- 
ernment, able to maintain its dignity, to assert its authority, and 
to crush out any rebellion that may be inaugurated. I have never 
been a sectional, but at all times a national man, supporting men for 
the Presidency and Vice-Presidency without any regard on which 
side of Mason and Dixon's line they were born or resided at the 
time of their nomination ; in a word, I am, as I ever have been, an 
ardent Whig, and Clay and Webster have ever been ray standards 
of political orthodoxy. With the breaking up of old parties I have 
merged every thing into the great question of the Union, the Con- 
stitution, and the enforcement of the laws." 

From all this it followed that Mr. Brownlow was araono* the 
sternest and most uncompromising of Union men, and a bitter and 
unrelenting foe of secession. This he fought early and late, 
through all evil report, and at the greatest hazard to life and limb, 
and contended against it with the severest blows of logic, with the 
most scathing and terrible denunciations, and even with the keen- 
est shafts of ridicule. On the eve of secession, and always before, 
he was equally pitted against the abolitionism of the JN^orth. A 
strong pro-slavery man, and having a tendency to controversy, 
he had persistently advocated from a scriptural stand-point 
the propriety and righteousness of American slavery, and was 
long recognized as one of its principal champions in the 
South. Standing between these two great evils, as he viewed 
them, he dealt his heaviest blows upon them both ; but as he 
beheld the demon of secession actually rearing and spreading 
itself over the Southern States, it at once revealed itself to him 
as a calamity more to be dreaded than the abolition of slavery. 
If he favored the latter, he, however, prized the union of these 



WILLIAM a. BROWNLOW. 3 

States far more, and if one or the other must perish, he preferred 
it should be slavery. 

It could not be otherwise than that the bold and determined 
stand assumed by Mr. Brownlow, both by pen and voice, against 
secession, should bring against him in return a fearful array of hos- 
tilitj^, denunciation, and ultimate persecution. One of the earlier 
manifestations of hatred and enmity was the withdrawal of patron- 
age from his paper, together with the ungracious addresses accom- 
panying such withdrawal. 

In March, 1861, Mr. Browidow issued several thousands of 
copies of a circular declaring himself a candidate for the office of 
Governor of Tennessee, but subsequently withdrew from the con- 
test in favor of another candidate, whom he supposed to be more 
likely to defeat secession. In the following autumn, as the result 
of publishing in his paper several taunting and ironical calls to the 
secession leaders in East Tennessee to volunteer as soldiers, his 
paper was promptly suppressed, and his arrest was determined upon. 
With this prospect before him he writes, " I expect to go to jail, 
and I am ready to start upon one moment's warning. ISTot only 
so, but there I am prepared to lie in solitary confinement until I 
waste away because of imprisonment, or die from old age. Stimu- 
lated by a consciousness of innocent uprightness, I will submit to 
imprisonment fur life or die at the end of a rope before I will 
make any humiliating concession to any power on earth. I shall 
in no degree feel humbled by being cast into prison ; but, on the 
contrary, I shall feel proud of my confinement. I shall go to jail, 
as John Rodgers went to the stake, for my 2)rinGiples. I shall go 
because I have failed to recognize the hand of God in the breakino- 
up of the American Government, and the inauguration of the most 
-wicked, cruel, unnatural, and uncalled-for war ever recorded in 
history." 

After the suppression of his paper, however, and previously to 
his imprisonment, Mr. Brownlow, at his home in Knoxville, was 
the subject of daily insults from the secessionists, accompanied with 
threats against his life. Under these circumstances he was per- 

3/ 



4 WILLIAM G. BROW NLOW. 

snaded by his family and other friends to retire for a seasoQ from 
liis home, and conceal himself from his murderous enemies. He 
accordingly took leave of his family early in November, and, with 
a few other loyal men, withdrew into the Smoky Mountains, sepa- 
rating North Carolina from Tennessee, a wild region, difficult of 
access, and quite beyond the precincts of civilization. Here the 
party encamped, receiving during the time their supplies from 
friends who were aware of their hiding-place. The fugitives, 
especially Brownlow, were diligently searched for by their ene- 
mies, until prudence dictated a separation and dispersion to dif- 
ferent loca,lities. Mr. Brownlow, with a companion, left the 
mountains by night, and after a ride of about forty miles on horse- 
back, came by morning to a resting-place six miles from Knox- 
ville, where they were provided with comfortable lodgings at the 
house of a friend. While here he was promised by the secession 
General Crittenden a passport and military escort to go to Ken- 
tucky, as being a too influential and troublesome man to be toler- 
ated within the Confederate lines. He reported himself accord- 
ingly to General Crittenden, received a renewal of the promise of 
passport and escort, and was to start on the morning of December 
7. Before the appointed time arrived, however, he was arrested 
on a warrant for treason, failed of protection from Crittenden, 
refused a trial and bail, and was committed to the common 
jail. Here about one hundred and fifty Union men, old and 
young, were incarcerated, and so crowded was the building that 
there was not room for all to lie down at once, but the prisoners 
were obliged to sleep and rest by turns. Many of these prisoners 
were old and tried friends of Mr. Brownlow, and hailed his en- 
trance among them with surprise and tears. Finding them gen- 
erally depressed in spirits, and fearing the worst, he addressed 
them, saying, " Gentlemen, don't take your confinement so much 
to heart ; rather glory in it as patriots devoted to your country 
and to your principles. ... I am here with you to share your sor- 
rows and sufferings, and here I intend to stay until the rebels 
release me or execute me, or until the Federal army shall come to 

^2^ 



WILLIAM G. BROWNLOW. 5 

my rescue. You may take a different view of tlie subject, but I 
regard this as the proudest day of my life." 

After a confinement of nearly a month Mr. Brownlow was taken 
with severe sickness, and, on the application of his physician, was 
permitted to exchange the confinement of the prison for a private 
room on his own premises, where he was guarded as at the jail. 
Here he continued till the first of March, when the ofiicer in com- 
mand of the post was authorized by the Eichmond Government to 
send him within the Federal lines, where he was received with the 
most cordial welcome. 

Mr. Brownlow, shortly after reaching JSTashville, proceeded north, 
and visited many of the principal cities, taking in his route Cin- 
cinnati, Indianapolis, Chicago, Columbus, Pittsburgh, Harrisburgh, 
Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington, addressing crowds of 
people wherever he came, and being everywhere received with 
flattering welcome. A few weeks after his departure from Knox- 
ville, Mrs. Brownlow received notice that herself and family would 
be required to pass beyond the Confederate lines within thirty-six 
hours, and that passports would be granted them accordingly. 
They reached Bordentown, ]^. J., in safety, where Mr. Brownlow 
was waiting to receive them. 

Mr. Brownlow was a member of the Constitutional Convention 
for the reorganization of the State of Tennessee, and on the 4th of 
March, 1865, was elected Governor witli almost no opposition. In 
1867 he was re-elected against Emerson Etheridge, the opposition 
candidate, and on March 4, 1869, took his seat in the Senate of 
the United States to succeed David T. Patterson. 

Mr. Brownlow was placed on the Committees on Pensions and 
Eevolutionary Claims. His state of health seems to have pre- 
vented him from an extended record of service in the Forty-first 
Congress, although no Senator was more constant in his attendance 
upon the sessions of the Senate. At its first session he on the 
15th of December had leave to present, as a personal explanation, 
a speech in the form of a letter relating to a previous election in 
Tennessee. 



35 



WILLIAM A. BUCKI:NGHAM. 



'iSMMlLLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM was born in Lebanon, 




Conn., May 2i, 180i. At the age of twenty he com- 
menced a course of training for mercantile life, and two 
years later established himself as a merchant in the city of Nor- 
wich, where his career has been alike successful and honorable. 
His enterprising life, his prudence, thrift, punctuality, and spotless 
integrity, have given him in the business circles of tlie country a 
name without blemish or reproach. 

In 1858 he was elected Governor of Connecticut, and was suc- 
cessively re-elected in the seven years following. From the com- 
mencement of the national troubles he conceived that compromise 
with the South was impossible, that the great struggle for liberty 
in this country was at hand, and that no human agency could 
avert the storm. Hence the news of the fall of Sumter, and the 
Presidential call for troops, found Governor Buckingham awake to 
the great crisis, and though the State Legislature was not in ses- 
sion, yet his extensive financial relations enabled him to command 
at once the necessary funds for equipping the militia for the field. 
Influential and strong men were ready to co-operate with him at 
this critical period, and the Governor gave himself with a will to 
the great work ; and when, by the uprising of rebellion in Mary- 
land, Washington was deemed in imminent peril, the first tidings 
received from the North was that Connecticut was rising as one 
man for the rescue of the government, thus giving assurance to the 
President that the national capital was safe. 

The advanced and enlightened views of Governor Buckingham 
at this very beginning of the great struggle are noteworthy and 
remarkable. In an olficial communication to President Lincoln 
he insisted that this was no ordinary rebellion ; that more than 



■A 





5 '"T'3e^EP-i-li 



( iibi/if2>uJtiM.4u4M^ 




WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM. 2 

300,000 men were already organized and armed against the gov- 
ernment; that these gigantic preparations should be met and sup- 
pressed by a power of corresponding magnitude ; that the princi- 
ples of equity and justice, the claims of humanity, civilization, and 
reliction unite in demandins; a sufficient force to drive the rebels 
from every field ; that half a million of men should at once be 
raised for this purpose ; that all other legislation than what was 
demanded for suppressing the rebellion should be deemed out of 
place until the authority of the government should be respected in 
every section of the country ; and he pledged the State of Con- 
necticut, with its entire resources, to co-operate with the General 
Grovernment in carrying out the strong and patriotic measures 
which he suojo-ested. 

Thus Governor Buckingham 2:)ossessed a clearer vision of the 
importance and magnitude of the rebellion than many other states- 
men. He had little faith that " the war would be over in sixty 
days," or in " three months," nor, as it loomed up in greater and 
more alarming proportions, did his energy and courage falter in 
the least degree. He was among the earliest to urge upon the 
President the policy of emancipation, alleging strong and unan- 
swerable arguments in its favor ; and when at length the cautious 
yet brave Lincoln sent forth his proclamation of September 24, 
1862, the equally brave Governor of Connecticut was among the 
first to congratulate him and the country. Indeed, from the be- 
ginning to the end Governor Buckingham was one of those efii- 
cient and loyal magistrates who rallied closely around President 
Lincoln, advising and cheering him in the dai-k hours of the war, 
assuring him of the fidelity of the people, and that the loyal 
masses of the North would carry him safely through the mighty 
struggle. 

The Republicans of Connecticut signified their appreciation of 
his services to the State and the nation in electing him to tlie 
United States Senate, to succeed Hon. James Dixon, and he took 
his seat on the dth of March, 1869. He was assigned a place in 
the Committees on Commerce, Engrossed Bills, and Indian Affairs. 

3S- 



1 SIMON CAMERON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Cameron, in the election of the Senate Committees for the 
Forty-first Congress, was continned as Chairman of the Committee 
on Agriculture, and was again appointed upon the Committee on 
Foreign Kelations and that on Military Aftairs. One of his earlier 
speeches in this Congress was upon the resolution of Mr. Carpen- 
ter, amended hj Mr. Trumbull, relating to employes in the Execu- 
tive Departments. He favored the resolution. '-The evil," said 
he, " in regai-d to these appointments is that Senators sign papers 
to get rid of the applicants. This has been tlie habit for long 
years. Importunate persons come here and ask lis out of the 
chamber to go into another room ; and, rather than talk to them, 
we sign their papers, often without reading them. . . . You all 
know that every day there is hardly a Senator who is not called 
out twenty times. I think this is a moderate estimate. I am 
sometimes called out fifty times to see people. They present you 
a paper ; it is a great deal easier to sign the paper than talk with 
them, and so it is signed." He adds, in conclusion, " AVe are to 
judge of these cases, and we are to decide whether the President 
has made a proper nomination or not ; and why shall we encumber 
liim with petitions? Let him send his nominations here, and let us 
judge whether or not they are proper persons to fill the places, and 
then we shall be respected as we deserve." 

From the speech of Mr. Cameron, April 22, 1869, in vindication 
of General Burnside, we extract the following : 

This, therefore, was the condition of aflFairs when I visited the battle-field, 
(Bull Run.) Some of the regiments were, according to their own convictions 
and by my decision, no longer forced to remain in the field and to participate 
in the fio-ht of the following day. Before I could reach them to appeal to their 
manhood, a portion of the troops from my own State had left the field. A New 
York battery, against my importunities, marched from the field also. The 
imminent danger now was that these examples would lead to a disintegration 
of our army on the eve of an important engagement ; and I then, relying, as I 
had always done, on Burnside and his splendid troops, appealed to him to show 
another and a nobler example to the army. His answer was worthy of that 
excellent man and soldier. He said the fathers and mothers of the men he 
commanded properly held him responsible for every unnecessary danger their 
sons endui-ed, and if he were to admit that they were forced to remain, and 
thereby a hair of one of their heads should fall, their blood would be upon his 



SIMON CAMERON, 9 

head. " But," said lie, " those to whom I must render an account for the lives 
of my soldiers will eagerly approve their act and mine it' I lead them to battle 
as volunteers who, being empowered by the Secretary to depart without dis- 
honor, are asked to remain as a duty to their country. We will stay and figlit I " 
. . . What General Burnsicle did after that needs not to be repeatetl here. The 
history of his country will tell that when his friends and his enemies are alike 
unable to discuss his merits and demerits in this chamber. 

AYe have only space for one or two brief extracts from Mr. Cam- 
eron's speech of May 17, 1870, on the Bill for enforcing the Fif- 
teenth Amendment: 

I have thought a great deal of this southern question. I have seen it in all 
its aspects, and I want now only a law which will secure to the negro the right 
to vote as the Constitution contemplates he shall. I was invited only last fall, 
in Noveml)er, I believe, to go to the Southern States. I went to Georgia, Flor- 
ida, and some other States, and I found there no disposition to carry out the 
kindness of the North toward the South. The rebels of the war were I'cbels 
still. ... In every house I heard them speaking with contempt of the northern 
men who had g(me among them. The "scalawags and carpet-baggers" were 
their constant theme of contempt, and everywhere were eulogies of the men 
who had fuight and distinguished themselves in the Rebellion. ... I tell 
you that in a few years no portion of the world of the same extent will be so 
rich, so i^owerful in wealth and money, as the Southern States; and when that 
time comes no man who settles among them from the North will be safe. No 
matter how much he may yield to them now, even though he may get down on 
his knees here and say they are compelled to violate the law, or to take fools 
or rascals for the offices, that will not save him when the southerners are reheved 
from all disabilities and are allowed to vote as they did before the Rebellion. 
Does any man here who thinks on the subject believe that there is not an idea 
now in the southern mind that all the debt incurred by the southern traitors in 
the Rebellion shall be paid by this Government ? If he does, he is more igno- 
rant than I believe him to be. That idea there is in the mind of every body ; 
and some day, not far distant from now, if you take off all the disabilities from 
these people and allow the traitors to come here, a 'law will be passed which 
"wiU comiDel this Government to pay the debt of the rebellious States. 

These extracts must suffice. They abundantly evince the clear- 
ness and directness with which Mr. Cameron expresses his ideas, 
while the simplicity and frankness of his discourse are equaled only 
by the glow of his patriotism. ISTo man in or out of the Senate 
Chamber more finely illustrates the advice once given by the Duke 
of Wellington to a young member of Parliament : " Tell just what 
you have to say, and don't cj^uote Latin." 



?7 



MATTHEW H. CAEPEXTER 




ff ATTHEW II. CAKPENTEE was born December 22, 
1824, at Mooretown, Washington County, Vermont. In 
June, 1843, at the age of nineteen, he bore the requisite 
examination and was entered a cadet at West Point, 
where he maintained an honorable position until he resigned in 
1845, on account of ill health, while his class was on furlough. 

He soon thereafter entered upon the study of the law in the 
office of the Hon. Paul Dillingham, of Waterbury, Yermont, under 
whose instruction, and by a course of systematic reading, he 
acquired a knowledge of those solid elementary principles of the 
law which have been the ground-work of his future success at the 
•Bar. His great aptitude in grouping and comprehending princi- 
ples, his powers of reasoning and critical analysis, his readiness of 
perception and retentive memory, with intense application, soon 
made him complete master of the learning and theories of his pro- 
fession, and perfectly qualified him for admission to the Bar, and he 
was accordingly admitted at Montpelier, Vermont, in the spring of 
1847. He immediately entered upon the practice and active duties 
of his profession in no obscure place, and with none of that doubt- 
ins; timidity that shrinks from competition, for he sought a position 
in the office of Hon. Pufns Choate, of Boston, as his assistant, and 
continued with that great lawyer, at the period of his highest 
maturity and greatest practice, until July, 1848. How much famil- 
iar intercourse with Mr. Choate, socially and professionally, and 
the exalted abilities, eloquence, peculiar manner, and high standing 
as a lawyer of such an example and instructor may have influenced 
a young man so impressible as Mr. Carpenter, and so capable of 
appreciating such high qualities, cannot be known. But however 




^.yffBIfall^ 



^^^^!^\ .^^^y^-^^'?2.'^>, 



c 



v.--^' 



t 



MATTHEW H. CARPENTER. £ 

mucli of an impetus may have been, and certainly was, given to his 
progress by snch a connection, and however much liis ambition and 
emulation may have been excited, he became no mere copyist or 
imitator, but has always maintained his own natural manner and 
peculiar style of oratory. And yet the advantages of such instruc- 
tion and intercourse must have been most efficient and salutary in 
forming and shaping his future career, as we know they have been 
in seauring his lasting admiration and gratitude. 

After being admitted to the Supreme Judicial Court of Massa- 
chusetts he went to Beloit, Wisconsin, one of the most flourishino- 
young cities of the State, and commenced his independent career as 
a lawyer, with scarcely any other means than his ready and com- 
manding abilities as a counselor and advocate, and secured from the 
start a large and lucrative practice. He was soon elected to the 
office of District-Attorney of Eock County, and held it for two 
terms with great credit to himself and usefulness to the public. 
He very soon attained the highest rank among a Bar conceded to be 
as able as any in the West, and was unexcelled as a profound law- 
yer and eloquent advocate, and no lawyer anywhere has been 
engaged in more cases or of greater importance. In 1851 he con- 
ducted a cause involving the questions of dedication to public use, 
of the legality of city plats, and of estoppel by deed and in pais 
concerning a public landing on Rock Eiver, in the city of Beloit. 
The case came to the Supreme Court of the State when at that 
time in that Court such questions were new, and Mr. Carpenter's 
brief, reported in full with the 0]Mnion of the Court, is a master- 
piece of legal investigation and learning, and the most elaborate to 
be found in the reports of that Court, passing in review the leadino- 
authorities of England and this country on the question involved- 
over one hundred cited cases. 

In 1856 that very remarkable proceeding by quo warranto to try 
the title of the office of Governor of Wisconsin, between the 
relator Bashford and the incumbent Barstow, was argued in the 
Supreme Court. Mr. Carpenter was the leading counsel for the 
respondent. The questions were then new and very important 

3'j 



3 MATTHEW H. CARPENTER. 

involving an inquiry into the constitutional principles of our State 
governments and the relative power of the departments, and his 
brief in that cause, with an abstract of his argnment, showing a 
clear nnderstanding of the subject and great research, were also 
published with the opinion of the Court in the Wisconsin Reports. 
These two cases are not nientioned because they were the only ones 
of great importance in wdiich he w^as thus early engaged, but as 
indicatino; the class of causes in v\-hich his services were souglit, and 
which he was deemed fullv able to manaije. 

His practice in Wisconsin constitutes a very large part of the 
judicial history of the State, and for several years past his has been 
the most familiar and attractive presence in the Supreme Court of 
the United States. He w\as retained by the late and lamented 
Stanton, when Secretary of War, to argue before the Supreme 
Court several important causes growing out of tlie reconstruction 
measures of Congress, and involving the constitutional powers of 
the Government. His able arguments in the Garland and McAr- 
dle cases bear indubitable evidence of his ability and high position 
in the highest ranks of the profession ; and it is safe to assume that, 
more than any other lawyer in the country, he has impressed bis 
views upon the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United 
States in the disposition of the great and complicated questions 
arisina: from the w\ar of the Rebellion and the anomalous condition 
of the reconstructed States. His legal practice has been most 
extensive and diversified, and his researches and knowledge in all 
branches of jurisprudence are exhaustive and profound. But as a 
mere lawyer and able counselor he is not alone distinguished. 
Although not often associated in the same individual, vet in him we 
find a remarkable combination of the highest powers of reason and 
logic, great learning, clear and impartial judgment, with the embel- 
lishments of imagination, eloquence, and wit. His exalted position 
both at the Bar and in the Senate, liis forensic eftbrts and his ad- 
dresses before popular assemblies, have exhibited him as an orator 
seldom rivaled, as all who have heard him w^ill freely concede. 
His literary acquirements are extensive, and his tastes cultivated 

^0 



MATTHEW II. CARPENTER, 4 

and refined. His intimate knowledge of books, of law, and of lit- 
erature could only be acquired by the most constant and severe 
study and reading, and be has gathered the largest and best selected 
libraries of both law and miscellaneous literature in the country. 

Of Mr. Carpenter's political life a few words will suffice. In the 
common acceptation of the word he has never been a politician or 
an office-seeker. Both by education and natural impulse he was a 
Jeffersonian Democrat, and he acted ably and disinterestedly with 
the Democratic party nntil he conscientiously believed that to con- 
tinue longer his party connection would rank him with the enemies 
of his country, and he then, at the risk of odium and proscription, 
broke, ranks, and has since stood shoulder to shoulder with the 
Eepublican party. He is now near the full maturity of his life, 
but by no means near the end of his acquirements and improve- 
ment; for his great industry, constant study, and untiring and rest- 
less activit}'- must advance him still higher in the shining pathway 
on which he has entered. 

Mr. Carpenter was elected a United States Senator from Wis- 
consin, and took his seat March 4, 1869. He served during the 
Forty-first Congress as a member of the Committee on the Judi- 
ciary, the Committee on Patents and the Patent-Office, and the 
Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the United States. He 
bore a conspicuous and able part in the deliberations of the Forty- 
first Congress. Among his earliest remarks in the Senate was the 
expression of his views on strengthening the public credit, and in 
this discussion he assumed the highest ground in favor of coin pay- 
ments to the full extent to which the Government was pledged to 
such jDayments. On the question of the admission of Georgia he 
opposed the Morton amendment requiring of that State, as a con- 
dition precedent of admission, the ratification of the Fifteenth 
Amendment. Pending the question of the restoration of Yirginia, 
Mr. Carpenter offered a proviso that she should not attempt to 
rescind the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. In an elab- 
orate and able speech he opposed the abolition of the Franking. 
Privilege. 



EUGEI^^E CASSEELY. 




'UGENE CASSEELY is a native of Ireland, bom in 
^^^ 1823. When four years old he came with his parents to 
<^^f America and settled in Kew York city. Y^oung Casserly 

fared better than most children of newly-arrived emi- 
grants in the city, and instead of being left to the uncertain educa- 
tion of the streets, he received careful instruction in classical and 
general studies. 

After leaving school he spent five years as an attache of the 
newspaper press. Meanwhile, having studied law, he was in 1845 
admitted to practice in the courts of New York. In 1846-17 he 
served as Corporation Attorney, lie continued the practice of law 
in Kew York until 1850, when he went to California, and made 
his residence in San Francisco, where he has since resided. He 
beiran life in California as the publisher of a daily paper, and in 
1851-52 was State printer. He then resumed the practice of law, 
which he continued until November, 1868, when he was elected 
United States Senator from California. 

On taking his seat in the Senate, March 4, 1869, Mr. Casserly 
was placed on the Committees on Foreign Relations, Public Lands, 
and Printing. He began early to rank among the most active 
members and most frequent speakers of the Senate. His manner 
of addressing the body is fluent, easy, and generally unimpassioned. 
His views on all party questions, which are strongly Democratic, 
are presented clearly, often forcibly, and always persistently. His 
first extended speech was in favor of repealing the Civil-Tenure 
Act. He gave no countenance to the idea of merely suspending 
the law. Said he, " I am for the repeal of the law, pure and sim- 
ple. I shall vote for that because I believe the Tenure-of-Oflice 
Act to be a violation of the Constitution, and to have engendered, 



EUGENE CASSERLY. 2 

and, for the time, disturbed some of the most important balances 
of the Constitution." 

To the general measures of Eeconstruction Mr. Casserly pre- 
sented an opposition stern, uncompromisino;, and invariable, and 
every step encountered his persistent hostility. On the question 
of Georgia's being required, previous to reinstatement, to ratify 
the Fifteenth Amendment, he said : 

What has Congress to do with the ratification by the States ? The function 
of Congress is ended when it proposes. It has nothing else to do with the sub- 
ject; just as the function of the President is ended, in appointing to office when 
he proposes a name to you. Suppose he shbuld surround this Chamber with an 
armed force, and forbid you to go out for meat, drink, candle-liglit, or fire until 
you had agreed to his nominee, would that be a valid confij-mation ? Would 
that be an act of ratification whicli would bind any one ? Would it bind this 
body any longer than until the external force was removed? That is entirely 
too plain for argument. Therefore I say that the coercion which, by tlie decla- 
rations of Senators, is to be exerted upon Georgia, whether it be expressed in 
the bill or omitted from it, is coercion that invalidates all ratifications which 
have m any substantial or material degiee been affected by that coercion. 

Mr. Casserly favored the repeal of the Income Tax, insisting that 
the tax had outlived its time by at least two years, and that by its 
repeal the Senate would be doing a good work even if it were the 
only act of the present session. We present one more extract from 
the numerous speeches of Mr. Casserly, in which he evinces that, 
while a firm and consistent Democrat, he is capable of commending 
what he deems to be good, though the policy of a Eepublican ad"^ 
ministration. In the commencement of his speech on the Indian 
Appropriation Bill he remarked as follows : 

The administration, in the assertion of an undoubted power, has seen fit to 
inaugurate a new policy in respect to Indian affr.irs. Tiie distinguishino- ele- 
ment of that policy is that it proposes, by means of a board of benevoleut^men 
emplnymg peaceful measure^ to bring the Indian tribes of the plain under the 
humanizing influences of Cliristian civilization. Can any object be more noble ? 
Can any be more honorable to the country ? Looking at it in the lowest point 
of view as a financial question, is any course so likely to turn out advanta- 
geously? Is It not worth a trial ? I say with all my heart, Let the new policy 
be tried. I would not place the least obstruction in the way. I would not even 
speak too strongly of the many discouragements which our experience in the 
past may well suggest. 

^3 



ALEXANDER G. CATTELL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill the Fortj-first Congress Mr. Cattell was a member of tlie 
Committee on Finance, and Chairman of tlie Committee on tiie 
Library. His addresses to the Senate dnrino; this Congress were 
brief, business-like, and always to the point. The following extract 
is from his touehino; remarks on the occasion of the announcement 
in tlie Senate of the death of Senator Fessenden : 

"Mr. Fessenden was my friend. "When, three years ago, I came 
to this Chamber, fresli from the busy walks of a stirring com- 
mercial life which aftbrded little time for the careful study of 
public affairs, a stranger to most of the members of the body, un- 
familiar with the forms of legislation, deeply impressed with tlie 
responsibilities of my new position, and distrustful of my ability to 
do justice to my State, he took me by the hand, addressed to me 
generous words of encouragement, gave me his confidence and hon- 
ored me with his friendship, and with all the kindness, delicacy, 
and affection of an ehler brother he continued to the end to be my 
constant counselor and steadfast friend. At the very outset of my 
senatorial career he was kind enough to express a wish to have me 
placed on the Finance Committee, of which he was then Chairman ; 
a position which, as a new member, I had no right to expect, but a 
compliment I fully appreciated. For more than two years it has 
been my privilege to occupy a seat by his side in this Chamber, 
kindly invited thereto by himself. I had, therefore, the advantage 
of enjoying to a large extent his brilliant and instructive conver- 
sation on subjects of public interest, and also ample opportunities 
to study the characteristics of his mind and heart, in the unre- 
stricted social intercourse which such proximity naturally begets 
between friends." 

During the tliird session of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cattell 
suffered seriously from ill health, and was most of the time absent 
from his seat under medical treatment. He was, however, able to 
be in the Senate during the closing hours of this Congress, and on 
the night of the 3d of March made a speech in favor of an appro- 
priation for the l^avy Yard at League Island, that the Government 
might keep faith with Philadelphia. 



ZACHARIAH CHANDLER. i 

(Continued from Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Fortieth Congress Mr. Cliandler was placed on the Com- 
mittee on Commerce, and also on the Committee on Mines and 
Mining. His career in this Congress was marked by several charac- 
teristic speeches clearly evincing the ardor of his temperament and 
the strength of his convictions. In the conclusion of his remarks 
reviewing the case of Fitz John Porter, who, in view of certain 
alleged new evidence, desired a re-examination of his case, Mr. 
Chandler alluded to a confession of Porter that he " was not true 
to Pope, and there was no use in denying it," and proceeded as fol- 
lows : " Mr. President, what was ' not true to Pope ? ' If he was not 
true to Pope, whom was he true to ? Being true to Pope was being 
true to the country ; ' not true to Pope ' was being a traitor to the 
country. Sir, ' not true to Pope ' meant the terrific fight of the 
30th of August, with all the blood and all the horrors of that bit- 
ter day ; ' not true to Pope ' meant the battle of Antietam, with its 
thousands of slain and its other thousands maimed ; ' not true to 
Pope' meant the first battle of Fredericksburg, with its twenty 
thousand slain and maimed ; 'not true to Pope' covered the battles 
of the Wilderness and Cold Harbor, and all the dreadful battles 
that followed. Had Fitz John Porter been true to his Government 
Jackson would have been destroyed on the 29th of August, and on 
the 30th the rebels could scarcely have ofiered any resistance to our 
victorious army. ' Kot true to Pope ' meant three hundred thou- 
sand slain and two thousand millions of additional dollars expended. 
Sir, I wish to put this on the record for all time, that it may 
remain. Let Fitz John Porter thank God that he yet lives, and 
that he was not living at the time under a military government. I 
told General Pope in the first interview I had with him that I had 
only one fault to find in the whole conduct of the campaign, 
namely, 'that you ever allowed Fitz John Porter to leave that blt- 
tle-field alive.' " 

Mr. Chandler's speech of May 28, 1870, on the subject of Amer- 
ican Commerce, was a masterly efi'ort, and commanded close atten- 
tion on the part of the entire Senate. A multitude of deeply 
interesting facts were presented by the speaker, and such as were 



2 ZACHARIAH CHANDLER. 

calculated to excite serious consideration in the minds of American 
statesmen. Said Mr. Chandler in his introduction : " It is a fact, 
although a humiliating one, that our flag has been practically 
driven from the ocean so far as our foreign commerce is concerned. 
Our domestic and coastwise commerce was never in a more pros- 
perous condition than it is to-day; but from the foreign trafiic our 
flag has been driven. The question is, What shall be done to 
restore to our flag the commerce which it formerly almost monopo- 
lized ? 

" Prior to 1S60 we built the best and cheapest ships in the world. 
American clippers were the fastest and most economical ships that 
sailed the ocean. In consequence of that we built ships for the 
world. England, Germany, France, Turkey, China, the whole 
world, purchased more or less of our ships. . . . But, sir, that is all 
changed now. Twenty-seven years ago I spent a winter abroad, 
and at that time I saw more ships bearing the American than the 
flao- of anv other nation in the different ports whicli I visited. 
During the past summer, in a six months' journey or more, I do 
not remember having seen bnt one single American flag on Euro- 
pean waters. . . . Virtually we are driven from the ocean. In the 
davs of our prosperous commerce the immigrant traffic was all 
done by sailing ships. There was a single line of steamships— the 
Cunard line — then running; but those ships were small, and car- 
ried few if any immigrants. Our fast-sailing clippers brought the 
great bulk of the immigrants. But, sir, that is all changed. Now 
it is impossible for an American wo9den ship to obtain a cargo of 
immigrants at any price. Then most of the valuable merchandise 
of the world came to this country in those fast-sailing ships ; to-day 
not a pound of valuable merchandise is brought in sailing ships. 
. . . What is the cause of this great change ? It is that there has 
been a revolution in commerce — a revolution as complete, since the 
year 1S60, as though a century had intervened. To-day all immi- 
grants, all valuable freights, all profitable cargoes, are shipped by 
steam propellers. Iron has taken the place of wood, and steam the 
place of wind. . . ." 



CORNELIUS COLE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cole served on the Committees 
on Appropriations, Post-offices and Post-roads, and on Public 
Buildings and Grounds. 

Among his addresses to the Senate in this Congress was a brief 
speech on the bill regulating the importation of Chinese into the 
United States. In this speech he favored their emigration so far 
as the immigrants were characterized by industry and enterprise. 
"We have relied upon them," he states, "to a great extent in 
California and the Territories of the West for their labor. They 
have assisted to build our railroads; they have been employed as 
servants in almost every capacity ; they are to-day employed in our 
manufVictories; and it is difficult to see how we could have got 
along anywhere near so fast as we have in those industries had it 
not been for this description of labor." 

Mr. Cole was not favorable to the abolition of the franking priv- 
ilege, regarding it as likely to result in little or no reduction^of the 
expenses of the Government. "While I believe," said he, "the 
law relating to the franking privilege should be modified in some 
essential particulars, I do not concur in the general sentiment in 
favor of an absolute repeal of it at once. I do not regard its repeal 
as a matter of economy. I do not suppose the abolition of the 
franking privilege would reduce the price of mail contracts one 
cent, and therefore the abolition of the privilege probably would 
not result very much, if at all, in the way of reducing the expenses 
of the Government." 

Pending the bill to encourage the establishment of a line of 
steamships under the American flag for the convevance of the 
mails of the United States to foreign ports, Mr. Cole remarked : 

Why, sir, there are at this clay some eight or ten European lines of steamships 
crossmg the Atlantic Ocean, and not a single American steamship in that trade 
There are one hundred and twenty steamships so employed, owned by Govern- 
ments undoubted^ inferior, as we claim, to tlie Government of the United 
States, and we have not a single steamship crossing the Atlantic. We wish to 
pursue a course somewhat similar to that which has been pursued by European 
Governments for the purpose of establishing a Une of our own across^ the Atlan- 
tic. At present our postages are paid to foreign lines. This proposition is that 
our own citizens who are to establish this line shall receive this compensation 

^7 



EOSeOE CONKLING. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Conkling was placed upon the 
same committees as in the Congress preceding. Among his most 
elaborate efforts in tliis Congress was his speech of February 22, 
1870, on the recommendation of the Counnittee on Eevision of the 
Laws for the indelinite postponement of the Eesolutions of the 
New York Legislature rescinding the Eesolution of a preceding 
Legislature ratifying the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution 
of the United States. Only a brief extract or two from this able 
speech can be indulged. Mr. Conkling commenced with affirming 
that the fate of the Fifteenth Amendment was not now depending 
upon the action or reaction of New York : 

The formalities of its existence cannot now be aided by adding to the column 
of approving States the greatest State of all. Its right to be no longer rests 
with any single Legislature. The required States appear without turning to- 
ward New York ; and if futurity has a challenge for the proceedings of to-day, 
tliat challenge will not stand or fall because of the part New Ycn-k has taken in 
this Constitutional assize. . . . 

The usual choice of a Legislature was matter of course ; but the amendment 
having passed from the forum of consideration, the right to choose a Legislature 
to act upon it, once exercised, was exhausted the same as if the ratification had 
been by a convention. Tlie power, like a multitude of other powers, is spent 
by being once exerted. This is true of elective powers generally. The Consti- 
tution itself abounds in examples of rights and functions which cease with a 
single exercise. Among these examples of Senators by the Legislatures of 
States, the election of President of the United States by ttie House of Repre- 
sentatives or by electoral colleges, the pardoning power, the veto power. . . . 
The whole truth lies in the statement that the Constitution does give the power 
to ratify, and does not give the power to cancel a ratification. This absence of 
power is fatal to the attempt to undo a ratification, whether the attempt be 
made before three fourths of the States have ratified an amendment or after- 
ward. At all times such an attempt is usurpation, not because it is unreason- 
able, not because it is inexpedient, not because it is illogical, but because it is 
unauthorized, because no warrant for it exists. . . . 

The same provision which is said to endow the States with this continuing 
discretion would uphold a majority of the two Houses of Congress in with- 
drawing the Fifteenth Amendment from consideration altogether at any hour 
before it had been ratified by twenty-eight States. This is but part of the un- 
seemliness of a doctrine never conceived in our history before, and born now in 
the miscarriage of ill-gotten and baflied opportunity. Pursuing it no further, I 
dismiss the new dogma as a sinister and mischievous impostor. Were it an ab- 
straction it would be a harmless heresy ; but it has a purpose, and allowed to 
go unchallenged, it might yet become an agitating and disorganizing iutruder. 

4S 



HENRY W. CORBET T. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Corbett was placed on tlie Com- 
mittees on Commerce and Indian Affairs, and continued to apply 
himself to his senatorial labors with characteristic fidelity. His 
addresses to the Senate were, for the most part, brief and business- 
like, rigidly confined to the subject in hand. In his remarks on 
the bill to repeal the Civil-Tenure Act he declared himself ready 
at once for the repeal : " I am prepared to-day to vote for the un- 
conditional repeal of that law, believing, as I do, that every man 
who is appointed to office should be responsible to the President of 
the United States. I believe that there should be a head to this 
Government, and that if he appoints corrupt, bad men he should 
be held responsible for it ; and the people hereafter will judge as 
to that, and they will place men at the head of this Government 
who will appoint desirable, honest, and capable men. It seems to 
me that we ought to look at this question in the same light that 
we would look at it in a business point of view. If you have an 
employe under you wdio is corrupt, there should not be a third 
party to come in and decide that he should not be removed from 
Lis position, but you should have the sole control of that, and say 
that you will appoint a man to that position who will faithfully 
discharge his duties. That is the only way in which you can sys- 
tematically and successfully manage your own business. It seems 
to me that the same rule should be applied to the President of the 
United States ; that he should Lave the power to appoint these 
officers, and should be held responsible for them." 

Mr. Corbett favored the resolution granting a pension to Mrs. 
Lincoln, and, pending the resolution, remarked : " Certainly the 
death of Abraham Lincoln was caused by that spirit which was 
raised in rebellion, and which directed the assassin's dagger as it 
pierced the heart of our respected chief magistrate of the nation. 
I hope that every State in this Union which is here represented 
may cast a vote for this bill, that we may testify our gratitude to 
this great and noble man, that we may show to the nation and to 
other nations that we appreciate his great services, and that we may 
testify to his widow our appreciation of her husband." 



^f 



AARON H. CRAGIN, 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Cragin in 1870 was re-elected to the Senate for the term of 
six years from the 4th of March, 1871. In the Forty-first Congress 
he served on the Committees on Territories and l^aval Aifairs, 
being chairman of the latter committee. 

Mr. Cragin's principal speech in this Congress was his exhaustive 
exhibit of Mormonism on the occasion of considering the, bill in 
aid of the execution of the laws in the Territory of Utah. Tliis 
speech occupied twenty-five columns of the Congressional Globe, 
and was delivered on the evening of May 18, 1870. He thus gives 
the origin of Mormonism : 

The Mormon Cliurcli had its origin in the vagaries and lying deceits of 
Joseph Smith. The "Book of Mormon" was published in 1830. IMornion, it 
is pretended, was the most noted prophet of tlie Nephites, a Hebrew colony in 
North America, which came here al)out GOO B. C, and was destroyed by the 
Samanites about 400 A. D. The '' golden plates " containing the Book of Mor- 
mon, it is said, were Ijuried in Ontario County, New York, about A. D. 420, and 
exhumed by Joseph Smith, Sen., Sejit. 22, 1827. In leality, the greater part 
was written by one Rev. Solomon Spaulding between 1810 and 1812 as a ro- 
mance, for the purpose of connecting the North American Indians with tlie lost 
tribes of Israel. Smith saw that here was liis ojiportunity. He pretended that 
he bad found these " plates," and that he had received revelations from God, 
John the Baptist, Peter, and other apostles. The fanaticism took root, and de- 
luded men and women followed him. 

Mr. Cragin states polygamy to have been no part of Mormonism 
as originally established, but was, previous to 1852, repudiated by all 
Mormon writers and speakers, and quotes Pratt, one of the shining 
lights of Mormonism, as asserting that "such a doctrine is not held 
or known or practiced as a principle by the Latter Day Saints." In 
1852, however, it was announced by Brigham Young as a revela- 
tion. The power of this personage in his dominions is tlius set 
forth by Mr. Cragin : 

He bas ruled governors, judges, secretaries, and marshals, with some honora- 
ble exc-eptions, liy bribery, flattery, fear, or some other adroit chicanery, and 
Utah is today the same pandemonium it always has been. He has always had 
the Territorial Legislature xmder his complete control, the members being all 
oath-bound Mormons, and he dictates every law. He has established Probate 
Courts, where nearly all the Imsincss is done, and the judges arc his most pliant 
tools. He tells jurors, grand and trial, what they are to do, and if they disobey 
him in the least particular they are lashed from the pulpit. . . . 



GARRETT DAVIS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress ) 

Mr. Davis, in the Forty-first Congress, notwithstandino- his ad- 
vanced age, must be classified among the most punctna],%icn-lant 
and industrious men of tlie Senate. His chair was seldom vacant' 
aiid few indeed were the mattei-s coming before that body that 
failed to receive his careful attention, while the frequency and iii- 
dependence with which he addi-essed the Senate were remai-kable 
A strong pai-tisan, he, notwithstanding evinced a firm conviction 
of what he deemed to be right, and in his speeches he often joined 
a high degree of excitement with unquestionable ability 

As somewhat illusti-ative of his activity in the Senate, we add 
that dui-ing.the second session of the Foi'ty-first Conc^ress, extend- 
ing from December 6, 1870, to the middle of the following July 
Mi-. Davis, besides inerely incidental remarks, addressed the^Senate 
about two hundred and fifty times in speeches of from two or thi-ee 
imnutes to such as occupy a dozen or moi-e closely printed columns 
ot the Congressional Globe. 

One of the most able of his-speeches dui-ing this Coi.gress was 
that of May 20, on the bill to enfoi-ce the Fifteenth Amendment 
Some ot his int.-oductoi-y remarks on this occasion were as follows,- 
I am disposed to concede some facts and some events that have been brouc^ht 
a^^ou by the war and never, so far as I am coneenaed, is it in7l)urpose tot 
tempt to reverse them. The first is the emancipation of all slaved and'heutie; 
and final abolition of slavery I beli.-vP tl.<,f H,of • 7 / 

Avas efi-ected .vithnnf « .. "^''^ irregularly eftected, and 

A^as enected ^Mthout a proper sanction of authority and power- but althmi.rh 
an act of disorder, although the result of force, an efi-ort toJelrmlf!^ 
J w^iM produce more mischief than a continuance of tt':t:;e f th /;; -^ 
It has inaugurated I might make the same remark in relation to the stTb ec 
o iiegro votmg. I believe that that was a right conferred upon the 1 .ck ma" 
Without any proper sanction of authority, without any authority what™ w 
was vahd, and that was entitled to act on the subject but I i Jo^lte the fa,;^^ 
the transaction, that this iight of siifi-rage has been giv n by the form of aw aiid 
of coiistitution to the colored race, and therefore 1 am ut'te,-]y inZo eTm 
self ever to eiideavor to wi-est or regain the right from the coloured Jn '' 

But . . . though I concede, and am willing to acquiesce in, the abolition of 

w h ccmtest the pnncple of revolution that strikes down coifstituticlnaw' 
th. n.akes it stibservxent to niilitary power in times of domestic violenc even 
t^min c ' fT-' ^1-t Coiigress, acting on propositions to :n::;d 

the Constitution, can revolutioiiize the Government, can overthrow the constitu- 
tions and governments of the States. tonsutu- 



1 C II A R L E S D. D R A K E. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Drake served on the Committee 
on JS'aval Aifairs, the Committee on the Pacific Kailroad, and as 
Chairman of tlie Committee on Education and Labor. He re- 
mained the same unswerving advocate of the reconstruction policy 
of the Kepublican party that he had ever been. The deptli of liis 
conviction and the steadfastness of his purpose are apparent in nu- 
merous speeches made by him on questions relating to reconstruc- 
tion. In a speech delivered on the 18th of April, ISYO, he made 
the first exposition, accompanied with authentic proofs, of the 
Southern Ku-Klux, which was made in the Senate, closing with 
these words : 

Oil, Senators, if the cry of the blood of oue man was so great tliat it ascended . 
to the throne of God himself, how can we shut our ears to the blood-cry of the 
thousands of slain who have fallen on southern soil since the day that Lee sur- 
rendered at Appomattox ? Do we owe nothing as Senators to our own con- 
sciences, to our people, to humanity ? Do we owe nothing of duty to the God 
whose providence is over and around us every day of our lives, that we should 
turn a deaf ear to the wailing cry that comes up from the desolated homes 
whose husbands and fathers, l)y thousands and thousands, have been shot down 
by the wayside assassin, or murdered at midnight by these American Thugs? 

I can s:iy no more, Mr. President. God will judge between Senators and their 
own consciences in this matter. I do not ]n-etend to judge them. But, for 
myself, I can hardly name a cause in which I would sooner lay down the poor 
remnant of the life that God lias given me than in that • of suppressing 
this midnight tramp of death in the stricken region to which it is in your 
power to give peace by the adoption of the plan l»have now defended before 
you. 

Probably the ablest speech delivered by Mr. Drake in the Senate 
was that of December 13, 1869, denying the right of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, or any other Court, to declare an act 
of Congress unconstitutional. It treated that subject in a way it 
had not before been treated, and the speech attracted largely the 
attention of the legal mind of the country. 

Mr. Drake having been appointed Chief Justice of the Court of 
Claims, on the 15th of December, 1870, sent to the Vice-Presi- 
dent the announcement of his resignation as a Senator of the United 
States, to take effect on the 19th instant. On the 16th he delivered 
his final speech in the Senate in reply to his colleague, who had 



CHARLES D. DRAKE. 2 

spoken on tlie preceding day. The following are the closing para- 
graphs : 

Mr. President, liere I close at once my reply to my colleague, my participa- 
tion in political atfairs, and my service in this body. After this day my voice 
will be heard no more in this Chamber. Hencef,.rtli my lot is cast hi another 
sphere, where the calm of justice in a high and honorable tribunal will Mel- 
comely succeed the storms of the political sea, and the consciousness of dis- 
pensing the right, as God enables me to see the right, will dignify and brio-l,ten 
the labors of a declining life. For nearly four years I have represented ifere a 
noble State. It was not unfit my last address to the Senate should 1)(> on belnli 
of the true Republicans of that State in the gloomy hour of their causeless and 
wicked l)etrayal by tliose they had trusted and honored-as time has proved 
too confidingly trusted, too generously honored. . . . I came here almost equally 
a stranger to the Senate and to the laws and usages of deliberative bodies. It 
is not strange, then, that I should have said and\lone much that in the light 
of experience I would had been otherwise. But one of tlie first things I learned 
here, as it is one of the best I have ever learned, was the leniency and mao-- 
nanimity of Senators toward the mistakes, shortcomings, and indiscretions of 
their inexperienced associates. I soon learned, too, that, notwithstanding great 
and often excited differences of opinion and sentiment, all ^-ere ready to°recog- 
nize and respect sincerity of conviction and honesty of purpose, and I took 
courage and went forward. My record here is made up, and is not now open to 
amendment. With all its imperfections I leave it to the Senate and my constit- 
uents. So far as it evinces a heart bound by every tie to my country, to hu- 
manity, and to freedom, there is not a line which, dying, I would wish to 
blot. But so far as it ijresents the workings of a mind obeying the impulses 
of that heait, I can only mourn that I had not more and better of intellectual 
jiower to give to so glorious a cause. 

I go hence, as many have gone before, and as many will go hereafter, to swell 
the long roll of the forgotten. But to him who has striven faithfully before 
God and man to do his duty in his station futurity has no remorse, oblivion no 
terxor. His record here may be defaced with manifold errors, but through them 
all will shine forth the honest purpose of an upright heart ; and though by man 
such a record maybe forgotten, there is One by whom it will be held in remem- 
brance even when senates, republics, and nations shall have ceased to be. 
Humbly I say it, but with sincerity, I have tried here, as I had elsewhere, to 
make a record as a puljlic man which could, at least, bear tlie scrutiny of the 
great and patriotic party to which I belong, and which I might not dread to 
meet where a higher than human judgment decides inf dlil^ly and witliout ap- 
peal. It is for you, Senators, to say how near I have come to the former ; with 
the Higher Forum is the solution of the latter and greater problem. But my 
hope is that at either bar the verdict, if not all that ambition might crave, may 
at least be in some such words as these : In every struggle of his country with 
the spiiit of rebellion and treason, in every uprising of human rights against 
the despotism of slavery and caste, in every conflict of his party with open 
foes and treacherous friends, he was " faithful found among the faithless." 

S3 



I GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. 

[Continued from the Fortieth Congress.] 

Mr. Edmunds, in the Forty-first Congress, served on the Com- 
mittee on the Judiciary and Appropriations, also on the Select 
Committee on Revision of the Rules, and was Chairman of the 
Committee on Pensions. He frequently addressed the Senate, 
especially on subjects reported from the committees of which he 
was a member. We present an extract from his speech of Decem- 
ber 16, 1869, on the Bill for Promoting the Reconstruction of 
Georgia. Having alluded to the exclusion of the colored members 
from the Legislature of that State, "What happened," said the 
Senator, " after that? Why, sir, tlie reign of anarchy, of cruelty, 
and of tyranny began. Murder, assault, assassination, ostracism — 
every thing that can disgrace a community, that can turn it into a 
state of barbarism, and make it a living hell for civilized people, 

was done, 

" Gentlemen say — it was said before our Committee by a distin- 
guished citizen of that State who thought he believed it—' I have 
no doubt that peace and order had reigned in Georgia all the time ; 
that life was as safe, property as secure, justice as truly adminis- 
tered, in that State, in proportion to its numbers and population, 
as in any State in the Union.' But when he was asked whether 
there had been, in the last two years, any execution for murder, 
he could not tell us that there had been. When he. was asked if 
there had been any convictions for murder in that State he could 
not tell us that there had been, unless he may have said that there 
had been one very recently. And yet the recorded evidence shows, 
if there is any faith to be put in human testimony from official 
sources that have no interest to misrepresent, that the reign of an- 
archy and of cruelty and of blood in many sections of that State 
has been supreme, and that there is no such thing as justice admin- 
istered there ; that there is no such thing as security for life or 
property, or anything that a man holds dear and has a right to 
have, except at the mere sufferance and permission of bands of 
regulators ; and when anybody receives an injury, when anybody 
is murdered, if the sheriff of the county attempts to arrest the 
murderer he is sent about his business, first being soundly whipped 



GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. 9 

for interfering witli tlie free institutions of the Democratic State 
of Georgia, and driven out ! " 

Mr. McCreery having asked leave to introduce a joint resolution 
looking to the restoration of the Arlington estate to Mrs. Robert 
E. Lee, Mr. Edmunds objected, remarking as follows: 

I hope tlmt joint resolution will not be introduced into this body and th-it 
leave will not be granted. The idea that the Senate of the United States i. io 
enter uito an investigation as to whether there is not some contrivance by which 
the bones of our soldiers can be dug up on the other side of that Viro-inia 
stream and earned off somewhere else, and that property given back to its" late 
rebel owners, is to my mind perfectly monstrous, and I hope the Senate will not 
consent to receive or entertain such a proposition. I have the hio-hest respect 
lor my friend from Kentucky, as he knows. He looks at it, I suppose, from a 
different point of view ; but I trust the Senate will not consent to enter into any 
such investigation, or to entertain any such proposition 

* ********* 

I will say, before I ask for tlie yeas and nays. upon his motion for leave to 
bring m his joint resolution, that this man whom he has euloo-ized and of 
whom I am reminded by an old maxim to say nothing but good, mid of whom 
I should have said nothing at all but for the Senator's remarks— I think it safe 
to say has committed the crime of treason against more light, against better 
opportumties ot knowing that he was committing it, than probably anv mm in 
the whole range of the Southern States. Instead of being tlie child of Yhcrinh 
and wedded to the institurions of his State, and sharing her destinies with a 
passionate enthusiasm, he was the child of the people; he was the ward of the 
nation. It had educated him, it had fed him, it had clothed him- it had 
instructed his military talents, which he turned against it at last He 'lived at 
the capital, and when the capital called upon him to follow and defend the 
flag that he had been born under, and educated under, and protected under 
and honored under, he turned his back to it deliberately, and planted his 
cannon in sight of the capital that he had sworn to protect and defend. 

But I do not desire to discuss this question. General Lee is dead ' I have 
never wished him ill. I do not wish hi.s memory ill. The only re-ret I think 
that right-minded men who believe in a country will have, without°anv unkind- 
ness to lam, is that he had not died earlier than he did, either in his" youth or 
m his patriotic manhood, or tliat he liad not died later than that, and earlier 
than he did, by the hand of the law. That would have atoned in some measure 
lor nis crimes. 

Although opposed to the acquisition of San Domingo, Mr. 
Edmunds favored the resolution authorizing the PresidenAo' send 
a Commission to make investigations in regard to that island, 
as a matter of "interest to the American people, whatever their 
opinions may be respecting the acquisition of that territory."- 

Sir 







EEUBEJN^ E. FE^TOI^. 



5jj|^f EUBEIS^ E. FENTOK was born in Carroll, Chautauqua 

4^feC County, New York, July 4, 1819. His father M'as a na- 

jfe'-^^ tive of New Hampshire, but the family was of Connecticut 

origin and furnished its share of soldiers, wlio did good 

service durins; the Kevoliitionarv "War. 

His opportunities for acquiring an education were limited to the 
common schools, and a few terms in neiohborino; academies. He 
read law one year, not with the view of going into the profession, 
but for the ])urpose of obtaining knowledge which would be useful 
to him in whatever business he might engage. 

At the age of twenty he entered into mercantile business with 
limited means at his command, but with an energy and industry 
which soon made him successful. He soon engaged in the lumber 
^ trade as auxiliary to his mercantile pursuits. He was very pros- 
perous, and in a few years lumbei'ing became his principal busi- 
ness. So energetically and skillfully did he ply this pursuit that 
be soon enjoyed the reputation of being the most successful lum- 
berman on the Alleghany and Ohio rivers. 

The first office held by Mr. Fenton was the Supervisorship of 
his native town, to which he was elected in 1843. He held the 
office eight years, during three of which he was Chairman of the 
Board, although the majority were Whigs, while he was a Demo- 
crat. In 1819 he was a candidate for the Assembly, and came 
within twenty-one votes of being elected, although the successful 
candidate was one of the most popular men in the district, which 
was strongl}^ Whig. 

In 1852 he was a candidate for Representative in Congress, and 
was elected by fifty-two majority, although his opponents had 
counted on carrying the district by at least three thousand ma- 
jority. He took his seat in a house in which the Democrats out- 

36 



REUBEN E. FENTON. o 

numbered their opponents by about two to one. Just then occurred 
one of the most memorable events in the legislative history of this 
country, the proposal by Mr. Douglas of a bill to repeal tiie Mis- 
souri Compromise. Mr. Teuton, with Nathaniel P. Banks and 
others of the younger Democrats, strenuously opposed this proposi- 
tion, but it passed the House by a vote of 113 to 100, and became 
a law. A breach was thus made in the Democratic ranks which 
was never healed. Mr. Teuton, with such conspicuous Democrats 
as Preston King and George Opdyke, was after that identified 
with the Republicans. 

In 1S5-1 Mr. Teuton did not consent to be a candidate for re- 
election until the Saturday before the election, and the Know 
Kothings carried his district by a considerable majority against 
him. In 1856 he was a candidate on the Tremont ticket and was 
elected, and was re-elected by large and generally increasing ma- 
jorities until 18G1:, when he was nominated for Governor. 
Mr. Teuton's career of ten years in Congress was marked by 
. much that was useful to his constituents and the country. With 
humane and patriotic care he watched the interests of the soldiers 
of 181^2, and shortly after entering Congress he introduced a bill 
providing for the payment of certain just claims due them. He 
continued to urge this measure upon the attention of Con^rress, and 
finally, on the 30tli of May, 1860, had the satisfaction to witness 
its passage in the House. He held a prominent place on several 
leading Committees, and discharged the duties which thus devolved 
upon him in a most successful manner. He delivered able and 
efiective speeches against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
Act, and in opposition to the policy of the Democratic party with 
regard to Kansas, and in favor, of a cheap postal system, the bill to 
extend invalid pensions, for the improvement of rivers and harbors, 
the repeal of the Tugitive Slave Law, and other important subjects.' 
In Congress Mr. Teuton gave his constant and efficient support 
to the government in its efforts to suppress the rebellion. He 
voted steadily for taxes, loans, levies, drafts, and for the policy of 
emancipation. 



3 REUBEN E. FENTON. 

As early as the fall of 1862 Mr. Fentou^s name was favorably 
mentioned in connection with the office of Governor of I^ew York, 
but npon the presentation of the name of General Wadsworth he 
promptly withdrew from the canvass, and gave his warmest sup- 
port to the patriot soldier. Two years later Mr. Fen ton received 
the nomination, and was elected Governor by a majority consider- 
ably larger than that of Mr. Lincoln in New York. 

Entering npon his administration as Governor at a most trying 
period in the progress of the war, Mr. Fenton found exercise for 
all his industry and ability as an executive officer. lie was prompt 
to reward merit, and skillful to harmonize differences which threat- 
ened injury to military organizations in the Held. 

His judicious course in the administration of public affairs met 
with much approval and created strong public coniidence. At the 
close of the first year of his service as Governor, Moses H. Grinnell, 
Peter Cooper, and many other prominent citizens of New York, 
addressed him a letter of thanks, promising him their hearty co- 
operation and support in his efforts to meliorate the condition of 
the metropolis. A few months later, when he was in New York, 
city, he was waited upon in person by thousands of leading citi- 
zens, who gave him sincere expressions of their warm approbation. 
The New York Tribune referred to this remarkable demonstration 
as a proper recognition of official worth and integrity, saying, 
" This hearty welcome sprang from a generous and enduring remem- 
brance of the protection afforded to our municipal rights and fnui- 
chises in his judicious exercise of the veto power." His vetoes of 
various bills which would have deprived the city of valuable fran- 
chises without compensating advantages proved so acceptable to 
the Board of Supervisors of New Y'ork County that they passed a 
resolution tendering thanks to the Governor, and congratulating 
the people of the State " in having an Executive who possesses the 
vigilance and fearlessness necessary to correct the errors of hasty 
and imperfect legislation." 

Mr. Fenton's course as Governor during his first terra had been 
such as to secure for him the untpialified approval of his party. 



REUBEN E. FENTON. 4 

He had stimulated volunteering, and had relieved Xew York from 
a lai-ge portion of the dreaded burden of the draft. He had done 
much to originate a financial system which rendered the credit of 
the State secure, and furnished the means to supply the demands 
of war without being felt as oppressive. ' He had sought to foster 
all the material interests of the Commonwealth, and had reluctantly 
interposed to the defeat of needed enterprises when their aid would 
render the burden of taxation onerous, and awaited a more favor- 
able opportunity to join in giving them necessary aid. He was 
vigilant in his attention to the commercial wants of the State, and 
promoted its prosperity by every means within his reach as its 
chief Executive. 

So successful and popular had been the administration of Gov- 
ernor Fenton that the Republican State Convention of 18GG re- 
nominated him by acclamation, and he was elected by a majojity 
of five thousand larger than was given him for his first term. 

In his messages to the Legislature Governor Fenton advised a 
reduction of the number of items in the tax lists, and a re-adjust- 
ment of the assessment laws, in order that every source of w^ealth 
might bear its just proportion of burden. He took strong ground 
in defense of the inviolate maintenance of the national faith. He 
eloquently maintained the rights of the freedmen, in consideration 
of their manhood and loyalty, to protection through law, and to 
the elective franchise. 

The claims of Governor Fenton to receive the Eepubliean nom- 
ination for the Yice-Presidency wei-e strongly urged upon the 
Chicago Convention of 18G8. The Republican State Convention 
held at Syracuse February 5, 18G8, unanimously adopted a resolu- 
tion that " Reuben E. Fenton is the first choice of the Republican 
party in this State for the office of Vice-President." 

Having been elected to the Senate of the United States, Mr. 
Fenton took his seat in that body on the -1th of March, 1869, for 
the term ending in 1875. During the Forty-first Congress he 
served on the Committee on Finance and the Committee on the 
Pacific Railroad. 

5f 



ORRIS S. PERRY. - 

(Cimtinued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

- One of the characteristic speeches of Mr. Ferry hi the Forty-first 
Cono^ress was that of January 14, 1870, on the subject of the 
admission of Virginia to representation in the Cono-ress of the 
United States, in which he said : 

I want to see not only Vircrinia, but the remaining States which are still imre- 
constrncted, restored to their practical relations to this Union; and I want to 
see it done in accordance with the public faith wliichi think Congress pledged, 
and which I know I pledged ; and I want to see it so that the people of those 
States can resume the consideration and management of their own affairs, and 
so that life, and property, and person can be secured there, as they only can be 
ultimately secured imder our system of government, by means of the local 
autonomy of the people of those States. You cannot secure life, liberty, and 
l^ropcrty permanently under our Federal system of government— if you are to 
maintain that system — except by the local government of the people of the 
various States that compose the Republic. If you take any other view, if you 
adopt any other mode, it must be by direct intervention of Federal authority in 
the various States for the purpose of managing their local affairs ; and when 
you have come to that, there is an end of our free representative Federal sys- 
tem upon this continent. ... 

Now, sir, bring Virginia back as you have pledged you ^vould bring her back 
when she had performed the conditions imposed upon her; bring her back be- 
cause she has, in my judgment, legally and faithfully performed those condi- 
tions—no State so loyally, and so faithfully. In the action of her people, in the 
action of her Legislature, in the action of her State officers elect, loyally and 
faithfully has the old Mother of States come up to the work of restoration. 

In his speech of May 17, 1870, pending the bill for the Enforce- 
ment of the Fifteenth Amendment, Mr. Ferry insisted that this 
Amendment is a sham and a delusion so long as political disabilities 
were retained. He added : 

The black man is not enfranchised in the South. It is nothing to say to me 
that I may vote if among the great mass of my fellow-citizens you select one 
half of them and say I sliall not vote for any of them; and that is precisely 
what the disability amendment and the test-oath act do to-day. 

Who are these eight hundred thousand men that are ineligible for office ? 
Sir, they are the class out of whom we have to win adherents to the Republican 
party, or the Republican ])arty will go down in every Southern State. I know 
I am speaking for the welfare of my party, and through that for the welfare of 
my country. How can it be otherwise ? Will not the wealth, the culture, the 
property, the intelligence, exert its own natural force in society against all 
resistance in the end ? Sir, there are liundreds and thousands of those negroes, 
emancipated and enfranchised now, who yet retain the old attachment to tlic old 
home and the old master, and those attachments will stay with them till they die. 

^0 



WILLIAM PITT FESSENDEN. 1 

(Concliuled from the Fortieth Congrcas.) 

In the first session of the Fortj-first Congress, extending from 
March 4 to April 22, 1870, Mr. Fessenden was, as usual, in his 
place in the Senate, and as diligent and able as formerly in liis 
senatorial duties. But lie was performing his last work in the 
councils of the nation. At the end of the session he returned to his 
home at Portland, passed the summer months, as usual, mostly 
wdtli bis family, spending mucb time in bis garden and library, 
mingling but little witb society and avoiding all excitement. Such 
were his habits generally during tbe recess of the sessions, bis 
naturally feeble constitution requiring recuperation, physical and 
mental, after sucli close application as be was accustomed to bestow 
upon bis public duties. At tbe very commencement of autumn, 
however, be was attacked by sickness, and on tbe morning of Sep- 
tember 8, 18T0, surrounded by bis family and friends, be expired. 

The- death of Mr. Fessenden was felt to be a national calamity, 
and througbout tbe country it was painfully realized that one of its 
ablest and best statesmen and truest patriots was no more. The 
memorial addresses on bis life and ebaracter, delivered at the 
reassembling of Congress, in tbe Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, were remarkable for tbe deep feeling evinced, as well as for 
tbe higb character and eminent abilities wbicb, without distinction 
of party, were accorded to the deceased Senator. " The lineaments 
of Mr. Fessenden's character," said his colleague, Mr. Morrill, 
" were marked and clear. He was endowed with an acute under- 
standing, lively sensibility, and intense personality and self-reliance. 
Penetration and insight eminently cbaractei'ized bis genius. . . . 
There was next to nothing in his life, public or private, which was 
factitious and artificial." 

Said Mr. Sumner : " Of all tbe present Senate, one only beside 
myself witnessed bis entiy into this Chamber. I cannot forget it. 
He came in the midst of that terrible debate on the Kansas and 
JS^ebraska Bill by wbicb the country was convulsed to its center, 
and his arrival bad the efifect of a re-enforcement on tbe field of 
battle. . . . He did not wait, but at once entered into tbe debate 
with all those resources which afterward became so famous. The 



2 WILLIAM PITT FESSENDEN. 

scene tliat ensued exliibited his readiness and courao-e. While 
saying that the people of the North were fatigued with the threat 
of disunion — that they considered it as ' mere noise and nothing 
else,' he was interrupted by Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, always 
ready to speak for slavery, exclaiming, ' If such sentiments as 
yours prevail I want a dissolution right away' — a characteristic 
intrusion doubly out of order — to which the new-comer rejoined, 
'Do not delay it on my account ; do not delay it on account of any- 
body at the Xortli.' The effect was electric; but this incident 
was not alone. Douglas, Cass, and Butler interrupted onlv to 
he worsted by one who had just ridden into the lists. . . . The 
Senator from Maine, erect, firm, immovable as a jutting prom- 
ontory against which the waves of ocean tossed and broke in 
dissolving spray — there he stood. Xot a Senator loving freedom 
who did not feel on that day that a cliamjtion had come." 

"His clear intellect," said Mr. Trumbull, -'quick perception, 
and incisive manner of speaking gave him great power in a legis- 
lative body ; and when added to these are purity of character, 
spotless integrity, a high sense of honor, together with love of 
country and liberty, you have the useful and accomplished states- 
man, and such was Mr. Fessenden, As a debater, engaged in the 
current business of legislation, the Senate lias not had his C(]ual in 
iny time. No man could detect a sophistry, or perceive a scheme 
or a job quicker than he, and none possessed the power to expose it 
more effect uallv," 

Said Mr. Anthunv : " Tie will loni; be held in <j-rateful and 
affectionate remembrance fi,»r his masculine and vigorous intellect, for 
liis pure and honest statesmanship, for his careful and exact acquire- 
ment, fn' the independence which nothing could shake, for the 
integrity which nothing could corrupt, and, underlying all. for that 
sound common sense, that intellectual as well as moral rectitude, 
upon which, as upon a basis of enduring granite, rose the beautiful 
superstructure of his character."' 

62^ 





"tAyyXJ 



J. w. fla:^agak 



" " W. FLAjSTAGAI^ was born in Albemarle County, Vir- 




ginia, September 7, 1805. ITe enjoyed in early yontli 
^1^ the privileges of a common education, and when but eleven 
years of age removed to Kentucky, settling iii-st in Mad- 
ison County, and afterward in the County of Breckenridge. 

Mr. rianao-an eiis-ao'ed in early life in the mercantile business, 
in which he continued till 1813, when he removed to Texas, mak- 
ing his permanent residence in the County of Rusk. Here he 
engaged in planting, at the same time giving attention to law 
studies, which indeed he had begun to do previously to his removal 
from Kentucky. He was admitted to the bar in 1815, and, in con- 
nection with his business as a planter, has continued the practice 
of the profession of law ever since. In this he has been quite fortu- 
nate, havino; in a brief time obtained an extensive nractice, in the 
course of which he has been engaged, either as associate or oppo- 
nent, with many of the first lawyers of the State. 

From a boy, Mr. Flanagan was politically in sympathy with the 
"Okl Line Whigs,'' naming, as he has said, "a son for Clay, one 
for Webster, and one for the great Houston." While in Ken- 
tucky he was for several years a justice of the peace, and one of 
the county judges of the County of Breckenridge; and, after 
removing to Texas, he was in 1851 elected to the State Legisla- 
ture, serving two sessions in the Lower House, and afterward 
served during two sessions in the Senate. In 1856 he was one of 
the State Electors on the Fillmore presidential ticket, and was a 
member of the State Constitutional Conventions of 1866 and 1868. 
By the latter Convention he was sent as a Delegate to the Congress 
of the United States to aid in the reconstruction of tlie State of 
Texas ; and was afterward, in 1869, elected Lieutenant Governor, 
and organized the State Senate, over which he presided until his 



2 J. W. FLANAGAN. 

election, in February, 1870, as a Republican, to the United States 
Senate, taking his seat in that body on the 31st of March following. 

Mr. Flanao-an, though a lar^e slave-holder, always adhered un- 
flinchingly to tlie Union, and was one of the ten out of four hun- 
dred and eighty-five who cast his vote against secession ; and he re- 
cords with pleasure that a son and a son-iu-Iaw were also of the ten. 

Mr. Flanagan is one of the modest and prudent men of the 
Senate; M'hile, at the same time, in his remarks before that body 
he gives evidence of a large share of independence of thought, as 
well as of much good sense. One of the most elaborate of his 
speeches in the Forty-first Congress was that on the abolition of 
the franking privilege, delivered on the 9th of June, a few weeks 
after entering the Senate. In this speech he took very decided 
ground against this bill. lie considered the franking privilege a 
privilege not only to those who possessed it, but also to their con- 
stituents, and a public advantage. He admitted its abuse, but 
contended that the benefits arising from it much overbalanced the 
evils; and this he endeavored to illustrate by alluding to the infor- 
mation scattered broadcast over the country by the use of the 
frank, which he was inclined to elevate to the rank of an educator 
of the people. lie said : 

If I preferred darkness rather than light, I would vote to abolish the frank- 
ing privilege. But I am unqualifiedly for education. I want education broad- 
cast throughout the Union. I want to educate the boys and the little girls. I 
want to be educated myself. * * * I desire to be able at all times to be the 
instrument to send knowledge and information to the great State of Texas, 
which I have the honor, in part, to represent. * * * Let information be spread 
abroad in every sense of the word. Our people are a reading people ; and I 
am all anxiety that they should be cnal)led to have all the documents that 
emanate from the Congress of the United States, or anything that may come 
int-o the jjossessiou of the representatives of the people at large. * * * As a 
matter of course, bad documents will occasionally get among the peojjle under 
this privilege ; but I am clearly of the opinion that if proper documents had 
been spread broadcast throughout the South at the jiroper period previous to 
the war, the people thereby obtaining proper light on their relations to the 
Government, the Rebellion would not have gone on as it did. 

Such were some of the sentiments urged by the Senator, and 
such may be deemed a specimen of his ordinary style. 



JOSEPH S. FOWLER. 

(Continued from tlie FoHieth Congress.) 

Ill the proceedino's of the Forty-first Congress Mr, Fowler bore a 
prominent part. He favored the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office 
Law, making a protracted speecli in favor of such action, concluding 
by saying: "If this law is a good one it should neither be sus- 
pended nor repealed. If, on the contrary, it is, as I believe, evil, 
and only evil continuall}', the sooner it is wiped from the statute 
book the better for every interest in the Government." 

Mr. Fowler favored the restoration of Virginia, and without 
the condition requiring her ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment. " Let Virginia come back to her place. . . . Will not the 
ancient glories of that old Commonwealth redeem her from the 
stain of rebellion ? If not, I confess I have no hopes in the flimsy 
and miserable pretense of a legislative condition appended to her 
Constitution. . . . You must leave something for the virtue and 
intelligence and freedom of the people to accomplish." 

Also in urging the restoration of Mississippi Mr. Fowler pleaded 
for its admission without conditions: "It can do no sood. It can 
punish no crimes. It can avenge no slaughtered patriots. It can 
never again recall to life the honored brave who sleep their long 
sleep for their country's glory. Each State is a part of the heritage 
of every freeman. Its glory is ours ; its shame is also ours." 

The same general strain of argument was pursued by Mr. Fowler 
in his speech favoring the re-instatement of Georgia — a speech 
occupying twenty-six columns of the Congressional Glohe. And 
accordant- with the sentiments of these speeches were those of his 
speech on enforcing the Fifteenth Amendment : " ' We must utterly 
overthrow the Eebellion and punish tlie rebels.' How ? let me ask. 
By the sword and the scaffold ? ]S"ay, verily ; by mercy and good- 
will. We will rebuild the desolate habitations, level down the 
fortifications, obliterate every vestige of war, surround all with 
the segis of equal rights and equal advantages, and make the chil- 
dren of the Unionist and the Eebel feel alike the blessings of the 
nation." ^ 

Mr. Fowler's services in the Senate of the United States termi- 
nated with the close of the Forty-first Congress. 

5 



ABIJAH aiLBEET. 




'BIJAH gilbert is a native of Gilbertsville, Otsego 
County, I^ew York. He was tlie eldest of a family of 
T^ eighteen children born to a father who was a man of 
remarkable energy, great force of character, and rare 
integrity. He was a strict Presbyterian, and reared his family in 
accordance with his high notions of Christian precept and practice. 
The duty of implicit obedience was earl j learned by every member 
of his numerous household. So carefully did they heed the maxims 
of a wise father that all of them who lived to maturity became 
wealthy and influential citizens. 

Mr. Gilbert entered. Hamilton. College as a student; but applica- 
tion to study developed symptom's ; of consumption, and he was 
compelled to abandon his plans for literary and professional pur- 
suits. He then went into a store as clerk, and, finding the employ- 
ment conducive to his health, he entered with much energy and 
ability into mercantile pursuits. He greatly extended his opera- 
tions, with head-quarters in New York city, and branch establish- 
ments in various parts of the country. He was very prosperous in 
his commercial undertakings, and while yet in middle life had 
secured an ample fortune. 

At this point, such is the spirit of the age, most men would have 
increased their efforts, and labored with greater zeal to swell their 
already more than sufficient fortunes ; but Mr. Gilbert had other 
and higher aims. He wisely determined to enjoy his wealth, by 
makino; it of service to himself and his fellow-men. He retired 
from active business pursuits, expecting to find some better way of 
employing his time and money than simply in amassing more. 

Opportunities were not long wanting. The clin>ate of New York 
})eino- unfavorable to the health of his family, Mr. Gilbert deter- 
mined to settle in Florida. He purchased a handsome place near 




^Sn,E,;j^iU:-a;£lvm^ 




'.r:?/;^ 




ABIJAH GILBERT. 2 

tiie ancient city of St. Augustine, the beauties of wliicli he de- 
veloped by a judicious outlay of money and the exercise of a culti- 
vated taste. But it was not destined that he should spend his time 
in devotion to rural pleasures and pursuits. Citizenship in Florida, 
in its transition state, brought with it new duties and responsibilities. 

In early life Mr. Gilbert had been a Whig, but after the demise 
of the old party which had so long claimed his fealty he became 
an ardent Republican. The cares of business, however, had pre- 
vented him from actively participating in politics, and in the North 
there were so many competent as well as willing to do political 
work and hold the offices that Mr. Gilbert had gladly stood aloof. 
In Florida, however, affairs were different. A large portion of the 
population had just been released from a slavery which had left 
them poor both in money and in intellectual resources. With un- 
exampled magnanimity the Government had come out of the war 
leaving its enemies rich, and its friends in the South abjectly poor. 

A political campaign came on in Florida involving the whole 
question of Reconstruction and the future well-being of the State ; 
but the party friendl}^ to the Government had no money to prose- 
cute a canvass, and take the first steps necessary to a successful 
issue. At this juncture Mr. Gilbert, without even visiting the 
Capital or making tlie acquaintance of politicians, nearly all the 
candidates being unknown to him, quietly furnished the money 
necessary to conduct the canvass. Speakers went to all parts of the 
State at his expense, the newl}^ enfranchised people were enlight- 
ened as to their rights and duties, and the State by a large majority 
was carried for the Republicans. 

Mr. Gilbert refused to share any of the honors or emoluments 
resulting from the victory. The Republican Legislature would 
gladly have elected him to a seat in the United States Senate on 
the readmission of the State, but he declined the honor. The 
service of Senator Welch, who drew the short term, exnirinir March 
4, 1869, Mr. Gilbert was prevailed upon to allow his name to be 
used for the succession, and he was elected by more than a full 
party vote for the Senatorial term ending March 3, 1875. 

^7 



JAMES W. GRIMES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congi-ess.) 

At the opening of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Grimes was still 
the Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs. On the 6th of 
March he introduced a bill for the reorganization of the ISTavj of 
the United States, which was referred to his committee, from which 
it was reported on the 11th of March, and passed the Senate on the 
10th. In explanation, he said that " when this bill shall pass there 
will not be quite as many officers in the navy as there were at the 
beii-innino; of the war, in 1861." 

He opposed the bill fixing the number of judge advocates in the 
army at ten, maintaining that if one such officer was sufficient be- 
fore the war, now that the army is only fifty per cent, larger the 
number of jndge advocates proposed was inordinate. lie opposed 
the Currency Bill as a " bill of spoliation," adding : 

When this country was in troul)le, and making its most strenuous efforts to 
preserve its existence, it went to the banks of the countiy and sought to induce 
them, and did induce them, by persuasion or by coercion, to let it luive aJl their 
money, with the stipulation on its part that it would give to those banks cer- 
tain bonds to be issued by the government, upon which they should be permit- 
ted to issue a certain amount of circulation ; and we gave to those banks in 
consideration therefor a charter and a franchise authorizing them to have an 
existence as banks and to enjoy the privileges of that circulation. Now it is 
proposed that that franchise shall be impaired ; that the contract you have en- 
tered into with those banks shall be done away with. 

Mr. Grimes opposed the bill reported from the Judiciary Com- 
mittee for the amendment of the Ten ure-of- Office Law, and. in a 
brief speech on the subject, March 21, 1869, he said : 

Entertaining the opinion which I do, and whicli I have always entertained, 
that this government can properly be administered only by the enforcement of 
a speedy and strict accountability of all the otBcers to the Executive Chief of 
the government, whose duty it is to see that the laws are administered, I am 
satistied that the passage of this measure will sim^jly have a tendency to per- 
petuate and continue the conflicts between the executive and tlie legislative 
departments of the Government which have existed during the last four years; 
and not being desirous to have any hand in perpetuating such trouijles and con- 
flicts to the injm-y of the public service, I cannot consent to this amendment. 

After the close of the first session of the Forty-first Congress 
Mr. Grimes went to Europe for the benefit of his health, and on 
the 11th of August, 1869, he sent his resignation from Paris. 




-^^ . ^. y'^Ct.^t.^ \ 



MOEGAN O. HAMILTO:?^. 



mif ^0EGA:N" C. HAMILTON was bom in the territory now 
'^t^^ witliin the limits of Alabama, near Huntsville, February 
v"^-^" 25, 1809. He received only the simplest rudiments of a 
country-school education at intervals from labor, and was 
bred to mercantile pursuits. He removed to the Eepublic of Texas 
in 1837, where he was a clerk in the War Department from 1839 
until April, 1845, acting as Secretary of War the greater portion 
of the last three years. During the rebellion he remained in 
Texas, constant in his devotion to the Union. 

•* In 1867 he was appointed Comptroller of the Treasury of the 
State by the Commander of the Fifth Military District. He was 
elected a Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention in 1868, 
and on the reconstruction of Texas he was elected to the United 
States Senate as a Republican, taking his seat in that body March 
31, 1870, and was assigned to the Committees on Indian Aifairs, 
Revolutionary Claims, and the Select Committee on the Removal 
of Political Disabilities. 

Soon after his admission to the Senate Mr. Hamilton delivered a 
speech on the reconstruction of Georgia, in which he urged the 
necessity that the General Government should give protection to 
the only friends and supporters which it has in nearly one half of 
its peopled territory. Mr. Hamilton said : 

Not less than ten thousand hearts have ceased to beat since the surrender of 
Lee's army within the limits of the late Confederacy simply because they were 
true to the Government, and how many of the murderers have been punished % 
. . . The very small number of arrests made, and the still smaller number of 
convictions had, would be as incredible as the very large number of homicides 
committed. 



&1 



WILLIAM T. HAMILTOI^. 




^^ILLIAM T. HAMILTON was born in Washington 
County, Maryland, September 8, 1820. He received an 
^ ^^^ academic education, and attended Jefferson College, Penn- 
sylvania. He subsequently studied law, and located at 
Hagerstown, Maryland, for the practice of his profession. He was 
a member of the State Legislature in 1846, and was a Eepresenta- 
tive in Congress from 1819 to 1855. He was elected to the United 
States Senate as a Democrat, and took his seat March 4, 1869, for 
the term ending in 1875. He was assigned to the Committees on 
Patents and the Patent-Office, Public Buildings and Grounds, and 
Mines and Mininsr, 

One of his most extended and elaborate speeches in the Senate 
was made May 18 and 19, pending the consideration of the bill for 
enforcing the Fifteenth Amendment. He considered it, as he 
expressed in the outset, among the most important measures that 
had ever arrested the attention of the American Senate. The 
merits of the amendment he declined to discuss, being convinced 
that " time would disclose the bad consequences of its evil origin 
and of its enforced adoption ;" but added that for the purpose he 
had in view he should assume the amendment as a part of the 
Constitution, and binding upon the States and the people. This 
speech occupied twenty^-five columns of the Congressional Globe, 
and the followinsr were amono- its closino; sentences : 



'r> 



Though I disagree with you about this Fifteenth Amendment ; its objects, 
its principles, its ends I reject ; I oppose it in its powers ; I denounce the man- 
ner of its adoption ; yet if it is the law of the land, and it confers upon you the 
power to enforce it, enforce it, ))ut enforce it in good faith and fairly; enforce 
it in the spirit of our institutions, enforce it by legislation that comports with 
its character as a part of the Constitution, 

. ;^ 




^G . l^ (. 




HOl^. fiANUIBAL HAMIJN. 
SENAH^OK FROMM/. ' 



HAl^jSriBAL HAMLII^. 



'mM" AN'NIBAL HAMLIN was bom in Paris, Maine, August 
-iM^M 27, 1809. He was the youngest of seven children, and 




JT his father designed to give him a liberal education ; but 
when nearly fitted for college, the health of an older 
brother failing-, Hannibal was recalled from school to aid in the 
labors of the farm. He continued upon the farm till eighteen 
years old, when, by the approval and direction of his father, he 
commenced the study of law with an elder brother residing in the 
eastern part of the State. His father, however, dying soon after 
Mr. Hamlin's departure from home, he returned, and during the 
succeeding two years continued to labor upon the farm. 

About the time of his coming of age Mr. Hamlin became asso- 
ciated with Mr. Horatio King in the proprietorship of the Jeffer- 
sonian, a paper printed in liis native town. This enterprise, 
however, he soon relinquished, and under the advice of his mother 
resumed the study of law. At the end of three years' study he was 
admitted to the bar, and entered at once on the practice of his pro- 
fession, gaining a case on the very day of his admission. In April 
of the same year he removed to Hampden, near Bangor, where he 
has since resided. Here he at once entered upon a large practice, 
and in addition to his forensic efforts made frequent addresses at 
lyceums, as well as at political and other assemblies. 

In the five years from 1836 to 1840 inclusive Mr. Hamlin was 
annually elected a Representative in the State Legislature, and 
became at once a prominent member of the House ; was prominent 
in all the principal debates, was one of the recognized leaders of 
his party, and for three out of these five years he was Speaker of 
the House. Li 1840 he was the Democratic candidate for Repre- 
sentative in Congress, and was defeated by less than two hundred 
votes. Three years afterward, however, he was pitted against the 

7/ 



2 HANNIBAL HAMLIN. 

same opponent and for the same office, and was elected by a major- 
ity of a thousand. Assuming Lis seat in the Twenty-eighth Con- 
gress, he at once took tlie position of an active and able member 
of the House. The measure for annexing Texas by joint resolution 
failed to meet his approval, and he made an eloquent speech against 
it, wherein he expressed his regret that this " great and important 
question bad been dragged down, down, down from its own proper 
sphere to a wretched, contemptible one for extending and perpetu- 
ating slavery." 

Mr. Hamlin was elected to the succeeding Congress, in which he 
served in the Committee on Naval Aifairs, and was Chairman of 
the Committee on Elections. In this Congress, both by speech 
and vote, he assumed a decided stand against the encroachments 
of slavery, announcing most explicitly his opposition to its exten- 
sion, and offered the Wilmot Proviso as an amendment to the 
famoi^s " Three Million Bill." 

In 1848 Mr. Hamlin was elected to the Senate of the United 
States to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Governor 
Fairfield. Having served the four years of this unexpired term, he 
was re-elected for the full term. He was elected as a Democrat, 
although bitterly opposed by a portion of the party for his previous 
anti-slavery attitude in Congress. His opposition to slavery and 
its extension continued firm and unyielding, utterly regardless of 
party ties or inducements leading in any other direction. " I owe 
it," said he in a speech on the Clayton Compromise, " I owe it to 
the constituents whom I represent, to our posterity, to all the toil- 
ing millions who are seeking an asylum in our land, to embrace 
this opportunity of opposing with unshaken firmness any attempt 
to introduce or permit this institution to flow into territory now 

free." 

In June, 1856, in connection with a brief speech in the Senate 
on the Democratic Platform, as announced at the Cincinnati Con- 
vention, Mr. Hamlin publicly and formally declared off from that 
party, and expressed his determination to battle vigorously for the 
defeat of its presidential candidate. In the following January, 

7-2- 



HANNIBAL HAMLIN. * 3 

having by a large majority been elected Governor of Maine as a 
Republican candidate, lie resigned liis seat in tlie Senate. About 
one week after his inauguration, howevei", he was for the third 
time chosen a Senator of the United States. lie resi«:ned the 
office of Governor in a little more than a month after assuming it, 
and resumed his seat in the Senate. 

The nomination of Mr. Hamlin for the Yice-Presidency of the 
United States was as unexpected to himself as it was honorable ; 
while the unanimity and cordiality with which it was made, 
and its universal popularity, were conclnsive evidences of the 
exalted character and eminent national standing of the Senator. 
Having been triumphantly elected on the ticket with the illnstrious 
Lincobi, he presided over the Senate as Vice-President from 18G1 
to 1865, acquitting himself in that position with great ability and 
universal approval. When the Republican Convention of 18G1: re- 
nominated Mr. Lincoln there was a desire to have a Southern man 
associated with him on the ticket, and Mr. Hamlin was set aside 
for Andrew Johnson, much to the subsequent regret of the party. 

Mr. Hamlin was appointed Collector of the Port of Boston, but 
resigned in the following 3^ear on account of his disapproval of the 
policy of President Jolmson. He was subsequently re-elected to the 
Senate, and took his seat for the fourth time as a member of that 
body March 4, 1869. Of Mr. Hamlin's general congressional 
career a judicious writer has said : 

It is but stating the truth to say that during his entire congressional service 
Mr. Hamlin has displayed in an eminent degree the qualities of a j^romirt, intel- 
ligent, and efficient business man. His executive abilities are of a rare and 
high order. He has made it a first object to meet the demands made upon him 
by his own constituents and State. Every letter of this sort is promptly attend- 
ed to and answered. Wliat a draft this lias constantly made upon his time and 
efforts every man who knows anything of the requirements made of a Congress- 
man will l)e able to appreciate. All parties in Maine have demanded these 
services of Mr. Hamlin, and have accorded him the praise of fidelity and effi- 
ciency in devotion to their interests. The heads of the Treasury and of the 
Customs Departments, including such men as Secretary Quthrie, Secretary 
Hodge, and Governor Anderson, have declared Governor Hamlin to be the best 
business man in the Senate. Dm'ing his entire service as a Senator he has been 
a member of the very laborious and important Committee on Commerce, and 

?3 



4 • HANNIBALHAMLIN. 

was its Chairman for seven years. In tins latter capacity he had supervision of 
all the great questions and measures affecting the commerce of tlie country, 
both domestic and foreign, acted upon by that Committee — no bill being 
reported which lie had not fully understood by jiersonal investigation. 

The later record of Mr. Hamlin's senatorial course seems to indi- 
cate a greater attention to the current and actual business of the 
Senate than any inclination to long and elaborate speeches. Of 
these latter the history of the Forty-first Congress reveals to us but 
few. " I believe," said he on one occasion, " I do not occupy the 
tliree and a half minutes that I am entitled to out of a day's session 
here ; and if Senators would vote as cheerfully as I will vote, with- 
out talking, we should have passed the Mississippi bill yesterday." 

With the concluding remarks of Mr. Hamlin's brief speech in 
the Senate on the occasion of the death of his colleague, Mr. Fes- 
sen den, we close this sketch : 

Mr. President, there are events connected with the Senate which the solemni- 
ties of the occasion seem to impress upon me with peculiar force,, and to -which 
I may appropriately refer. I run my eye over the Senate Chamber to-day, and 
of all the men which constituted the body upon my entrance into it as a mem- 
ber, but a single one, but a single one now remains with me. That one is my 
honored friend, the Senator from Pennsylvania, who sits nearest to me, (Mr. 
Cameron ;) and it is no slight compensation for the annoyance incident to public 
life to know that intimate and most friendly relations which were then formed 
in all changes and antagonisms of public life have never for one moment been 
disturbed. Could we have been transferred from that time to the present, Irom 
the Senate as it then was to the Senate as it now is, how startling would be the 
chano-e ! We would find ourselves in association with those who would be 
strangers to us. It teaches a moral that ail may heed. 

During the period of time referred to the Senate has certainly been graced by 
many of the most eminent and distinguished American Senators. Clay, with 
his clarion voice and fervid eloquence ; Calhoun, with his captivating manner 
and subtle metaphysics ; Webster, with his Avords of masterly power ; Benton, 
with his comprehensive knowledge of the legislation of the country and an 
indomitable will ; Douglas, with an earnestness and courage to meet and, if 
possible, to overcome all obstacles in his way; and Collamer, with his plausibil- 
ity to persuade, and his learning and his logic to convince, and Cass and Clay- 
ton, are certainly some f)f the Senators whose names stand highest upon the roll 
of senatorial fame. Their names, and others that might be designated, will be 
remembered while the Republic or its history shall exist ; and to this list is 
now to be added the name of Fessenden, my late colleague. There it will re- 
main imperishable as one of the great American Senators. 

7^ 



JAMES HARLAN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Harlan was continued a member 
of the Conniiittees on Foreign Eelations and the Pacific Eailroad, 
and was placed as Chairman on the Committee on Indian Afi'airs. 

Mr. Harlan's course in this Congress continued to be character- 
ized by his usual diligence, capacity, and fidelity. He opposed the 
bill for repealing the Tenure of Ofiice law, and in his speech 
against the repeal he expressed apprehensions that the pressure 
upon Senators for the abrogation of the law might have been 
stimulated more or less by the personal interest of a multitude of 
gentlemen residents of Washington. He added : 

The framers of the Constitution intended that this body, at least, should be 
lifted above the influence of public clamor. I have sometimes tliought there 
was a possibility of the judgment of Senators being to some extent shaken by 
what is understood, outside of official information, to be the judgment of an 
illustrious officer now at tlie head of another branch of the National Government. 
I heartily join in the common judgment that that officer deserves the universal 
fT-atitude of the nation which he has received. He doubtless richly merits the 
confidence that has been reposed in him ; but it seems to me that Senators 
ought not to forget, while joining in this universal expression of gratitude and 
confidence in the nation's benefactor, that the framers of the Constitution 
intended to place the Senators and House of Representatives on an official plane 
equally high with that occupied by the President of the United States. 

AVhy, sir, the Constitution clothes this body and the co-ordinate branch of 
Cono-ress with the power to make Utws by a vote of the majority of each branch 
with the concurrence of the President, and by a vote of two thirds without Ms 
concurrence. The power to enact laws is the highest power known to civil 
government. . . . AVhen the framers of the Constitution clothed Congress with, 
the power to make the nation's laws over the disapproval of the President, 
they vested Congress witli the supreme power of the nation. They could not 
have intended that the matured, deliberate judgment of either Ijranch sh(mld 
be controlled by the judgment of any other organ of the Government. And 
when the framers of the Constitution placed a still higher power in the two 
branches of Congress — the power to bring to the bar of the Senate, and at the 
disposal of the judgment of the Senate, the highest officer under the Constitu- 
tion for sufficient reason alleged and proven — it is manifest to my mind that 
they intended that the Senate should occupy a plane not inferior in dignity and 
power to that occupied by any other public functionary. . . . Senators should 
never forget that they and the members of the House, and not the President, 
are made responsible by the Constitution for the enactment, the modification, 
or the repeal of laws ; and that it is the President's constitutional duty to see 
that they are faithfully executed, whether enacted with or without his apj)roval. 

7^ 



JOHN S. II A K R I S. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-firrit Congress Mr. Harris served on the Com- 
mittee on Printing and the Committee on the District of Columbia. 
He continued to take a deep interest in the passage of a measure 
for the protection of the alluvial lands in the Valley of the Missis- 
sippi, which he had urged upon the attention of the pre\'ious 
Congress. On the second of June, ISYO, he made 'an elaborate 
speech in favor of this measure, endeavoring to " bring it out of 
the comparatively narrow range of local and sectional affairs into 
its true position of broadly national interest and value, worthy of 
the attention and just aid of the Federal Government." In the 
opening paragraphs Mr. Harris thus eloquently presents the rela- 
tion which the Mississippi holds to the coantry : 

Our situation in Louisiaua and the region adjacent on the Lower Mississippi 
is peculiar in its pliysical aspects. The great highway to and from the vast 
upper hasin passes at our doors. Build railroads as we may, a great navigable 
river will always be a highway ; immense freights will jjass over it, and travel- 
ers will delight in the comfort and liixui'y it offers them. The Mississippi 
Valley is two lifihs of our national domain ; the river and its tributaries afford 
a water-carriage of more than sixteen thousand miles, ftn-ming a system of river 
navigation unequaled in the world, and with a commei'ce which is so immense 
as to startle the imagination. 

In 1860 the foreign commerce of the United States was $760,000,000 ; but in 
1805 the trade of nine cities on the Mississippi and its tributary, the Ohio, was 
$747,000,000, and the annual commerce of the Mississippi Valley is now esti- 
mated at $2,000,000,000. Of this great trade a large amount is through this 
river. The products of distant farms and forests come to us from tlie far north, 
and the products of inland mines and factories and workshops are to come, in 
untold quantity and variety, in the future. Our cotton and sugar and fruits go 
up the river, and the products of distant foreign lands are transhijDped to the 
interior. We are thus linked in fortune and interest to millions of people, and 
whatever adds to our wealth and security, or to the area of our ricli soil, adds 
to their resources as well. 

A score of mighty rivers, each with its many tributaries, join to swell the 
tide of many waters that sweeps past us to the Gulf, and the restraint and safe 
direction of which is too im])ortant to the country to be left to private cajorice 
or partial and conflicting State legislation. In the late war it was thought that 
the control of the Mississippi held the Union together, and that control was 
gained and the river kept open at a fearful cost of treasure and of blood. As 
in war, so now in peace, we recognize instinctively how this region along its 
banks and near its outlet is peculiarly and closely linked to distant States. 



7G 




^'^ 'hBBBaJUSons «fW»'^5jJ'"> 




/• 



-^^^>-'c_^5^;^ 



HQi\r JOGHUA HILL 



JOSHUA HILL. 



^r^i 






te?ff0SriUA HILL was born of Yirginia parents in Abbe- 
Mf ville District, South Carolina, January 10, 1812. He 
^i^'t received a liberal education, studied law, and practiced his 
profession successfully in the courts of Georgia and the 
United States. He entered political life as a Whig, and was a 
delegate to the National Convention of that party, which nomi- 
nated Harrison and Tyler in 1814. 

He was elected a Kepresentative from Georgia to the Thirty- 
fifth Congress, and was a member of the Committee on Public 
Lands. He was re-elected to the Thirty-sixth Congress, in which 
he served on the Committee on Foreign Affairs. When Georgia 
seceded in 1861, he alone of the delegation in Congress refused to 
withdraw and go into the Eebellion. He resigned and returned to 
Georgia, where he carefully avoided all recognition of the Con- 
federacy as his government. He received in 1863 a complimentary 
vote for Governor from the opponents of secession. Li 1866 he 
was appointed Collector of the Port of Savannah, and in 1867 he 
was appointed Register in Bankruptcy, but declined both offices. 
In July, 1868, he was elected to tlie United States Senate as a 
Union Republican, but owing to the failure of the State fully to 
comply with the terms of Reconstruction, he was not admitted 
to his seat until February 1, 1871. In the few opportunities 
afforded him during the brief remainder of the Forty-first Congress 
of participating in debate, Mr. Hill proved himself to be an able 
and forcible speaker. In the course of a speech on the subject of 
Schools in the District of Columbia, Mr. Hill advocated the policy 
of providing separate schools for the colored people as more likely 
to accord with their own choice, deriving this conclusion as the 
result of life-long and careful observation. 

77 



1 JACOB M. IIOWAED. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Fortj'-first Congress Mr. Howard was Chairman of the 
Committee on the Pacific Raih-oad, and was a member of the Com- 
mittees on Territories and on Military Affairs. He was one of tlie 
most strenuous and able opponents of the repeal of the Tenure of 
Office law. His presentation of the question was as follows : 

" The Constitution is a letter of attorney conferring upon the 
President and Senate this joint power of putting A. B. into office. 
If this be the joint act of the two bodies, the Executive and 
Senate, then I ask any man liow one of these two parties to whom 
the power is thus jointly given can revoke or annul the act of the 
two parties in making the appointment? To admit such a doctrine 
is to admit that, in such a case, one of the two joint parties has 
poM'er to undo the very thing to perform which the consent and act 
of both parties M-ere required. 

" That lias always been my view of the power of removal, and 
in this I have the support of such men as Webster and Clay and 
Kent, and various others of the most brilliant luminaries of the 
law ever produced in the United States. And I might add two 
other names ecjually famous in our history, equally profound in 
their knowledge of constitutional law — Thomas H. Benton and 
John C. Calhoun." 

Pending the bill for the settlement of Southern claims for 
military supplies in rebel States, Mr. Howard remarked as fol- 
lows : 

" War is a scourge to all the parties concerned in it. It punishes 
the innocent as well as the guilty ; it punishes the friend as well as 
the enemy. It is a calamity to both parties ; it is like a tornado 
that sweeps over the country, destroying indiscriminately life and 
property of all classes of persons, not to be controlled by any human 
■will, direction, or purpose. It is a misfortune — a calamity in which 
all persons concerned in it niust submit to ; and there is no such 
principle of public law as requires the government of one of the 
parties to a war to indemnify all its own citizens who happen to be in 
the enemy's country, all losses M-hich they may incur or which they 
may sustain. On the part of Congress I hold that there is no obliga- 



JACOB M. HOWARD. 2 

tion known to public law, or even to morals, requiring this act at 
the hands of the Government of the United States." 

On the proposal to procure a portrait of the late General Thomas, 
to be placed conspicuously in the National Capitol, Mr. Howard 
gave the following tribute to that officer: 

" There is no officer of the army to whose memory I would 
render this honor any sooner than to General Thomas. His mili- 
tary career was most brilliant and of inestimable value to the 
country, and he is deserving of all the honor the United States can 
confer upon him. The people of the United States will not be 
slow to render honor to so great a man. They will not be slow to 
recognize his great and important services to the country. No 
picture of him that Congress can purchase and pay for will contrib- 
ute to the perpetuation of his great fame. Thomas will be known 
in his achievements, and recorded upon the page of history — the 
most important page the world has ever seen." 

Mr. Howard thus stated his ground for favoring the proposition 
of a pension to Mrs. Lincoln : 

" This pension is justly and fairly due to Mrs. Lincoln for the 
same reason that we are in the habit of granting pensions to the 
widows of other officers of the army. I put it solely on that 
ground. Mr. Lincoln was Conmiander-in-Chief of the army, and at 
the time of his assassination there was under his command a mili- 
tary force numbering not far from a million men, so to speak, in 
battle array. It was during the flagrancy of the war that he was 
assassinated by one of the enemies of the United States in a clandes- 
tine, cowardly, unsoldierly manner ; nevertheless, his death differed 
in no respect, so far as I can see, from the ordinary death of a 
soldier or an officer on the field of battle." 

Mr. Howard's senatorial term closed March 4, 1871, when he 
immediately returned to his home at Detroit. It is mournful to add 
that he had been at home but a few days before he was seized by a 
fit of apoplexy and suddenly expired, being in the sixty-sixth year 



of his age. 






TIMOTHY O. HOWE. 

(Continued from tlie Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Howe acted as Chairman of the 
Committee on Claims, and was also a member of the Select Com- 
mittee on Political Disabilities and of the Joint Committee on the 
Library. Among the speeches of Mr. Ilowe during this Congress 
were tliose relating to the admission of Virginia to representation, 
and in one of these addresses he gives the following expression to 
his views of the necessit_y of the ballot for the freedmen : 

We have finally insisted that the ballot shall be put into their hands, and that 
they shall have that sort of protection wliich the ballot affords. That is not 
very ample any\\diere, but it is something; because you know, sir, and we all 
know, that where I have the right to go to the polls just once in the year and 
vote against a' man or against a party, there is some limit to the injustice and 
wrong and oppression which that man or party will attempt to inflict upon me 
during the year. You know, sir, and we all know, that however ignorant a 
man may be, or however depraved he may be, or however black he may be, you 
cannot kick him three hundred and sixty-four days in the year without expos- 
ing y()urSL4f to the liability of his voting against you on that day when he 
comes to the polls ; so that, wherever this power is in the hands of a man, he 
has some means of protection. We have, therefore, insisted on putting this 
sort of protection into the hands of the loyal whites and black men in those 
States. 

Kesponding to an arraignment of the Eepublican party by Mr, 
Thnrman, who pronounced it a failure, Mr. Howe thus answered 
the Ohio Senator : 

I differ very widely from that honorable Senator in his estimate of the past 
career of the Republican party. I am one of those who still cherish the con- 
viction that Republican administration has not been a failure. Nay, more, sir; 
I am even rash enough to stand here and assert that, in my judgment, Repub- 
licanism has been a success. I think more than that— it has been a triumph. 
I venture to go farther than that, and to say to any student of political history 
that he cannot find the story of a political party whicli, in a single decade, has 
accomplished so much for human rights and for human progress as the Repub- 
lican party has during that less than a decade in which it has held the reins of 
Government. 

In the commencement of his speech on the consolidation of the 
National Debt Mr. Howe alluded to an intimation by Mr. Bayard 
of injustice practiced against the South by Congress, and responded : 

On the contrary, Mr. President, we cherish the faith that this administration 
of the Government is the first one which ever undertook to carry justice to the 
southern section of the United States— which ever assumed the immense labor 
of enforcing justice within that portion of our common country. 




-2S-.''-~3^c?: Permed- 




^^ 



JAMES B. HOWELL. 



'^^AMES B. HOWELL was born near Morrlstown, Kew 
Jersey, July 4, 1816. In 1819 his father, Elias Ildwell, 




^^ moved his family to Ohio, and settled on a farm in 
Licking Comity, some ten miles north of Newark. In 
a few years, owing to his extraordinary energy, sound judgment, 
and popular address, he became one of the most prominent and 
influential men in the county, as shown by his election as Sheriif 
of the county in 182G, as State Senator in 1830, and Eepresentative 
to Congress in 183L The subject of this notice spent his early 
boyhood on the farm, where school advantages were very limited. 
Not long after his father's removal to Newark, in 1826, an excel- 
lent high-school was opened there, in which he commenced his 
academic course. In 1833 he entered the Freshman class in 
Miami University, where he was graduated in 1837. 

Choosing the profession of the law, Mr. Howell then spent two 
years as a law student with Judge Hocking H. Hunter, of Lancas- 
ter, Ohio, where he also enjoyed the acquaintance, and frequently 
witnessed the forensic efforts, of Thomas Ewing, Henry Stan berry, 
and other distinguished lawyers. In 1839 he was admitted to the 
bar, and settled in Newark. In 1840 he was the Whig candidate 
for Prosecuting Attorney in Licking County, and took an active 
part in the famous Harrison campaign, but failed to be elected, 
although, under the excitement of the times, and the unpopularity 
of the Van Buren administration, the usual Jackson majority of 
one thousand or thereabouts was reduced to one or two hundred. 

In the spring of 1841 Mr. Howell, suffering from bad health, 

determined to find a home or a grave in the "great West," and 

made his way slowly on horseback first to Sandusky, Ohio, and 

thence to Chicago, which he found to be a growing village in a 

6 



2 JAMES B. HOWELL. 

mud-liole, presenting no special attractions just tlien for a young 
attorney. 

Pushing on from Chicago to Muscatine, Iowa, Mr. Howell rested 
there for a few days, and, after making some observations, concluded 
to settle at Keosauqua, in Yan Buren County, then one of the most 
important and promising places in the territory. It became the 
home of many who subsequently acquired prominence at the bar or 
in politics. Here were Hon, George G. Wright, afterward so long 
an eminent member of the Supreme Judiciary of the State, and 
now a United States Senator ; Hon. A. C. Hall, subsequently 
Chief Justice of Nebraska, and a man of commanding abilities; 
Delazon Smith, subsequently a member of Congress from Oregon, 
and a very brilliant speaker; J, C. Knapp, Judge Summers, C. C. 
ISTourse, afterward Attorney-General of Iowa ; Hon, H, C. Cald- 
well, now United States District Judge of Arkansas, and others of 
fine ability, No place in the young commonwealth ranked higher 
in talent or the social character of its population. Locating here, 
Mr. Howell's ability and force of character had immediate recogni- 
tion, and secured him large influence at the bar and in politics. 
He became one of the Whig leaders of the Territory. He was 
influential and sagacious in counsel, and an indefatigable worker. 
With every political contest of moment he had a marked connec- 
tion. At that day, thereabouts, almost every lawyer was a politi- 
cian ; and Mr. Howell's blood was too impetuous for him to be 
indiflerent to his convictions, or a trimmer or laggard in ]^arty 
struggles. He drifted away from the practice of law into politics. 
This was not until he had purchased, and been for some time con- 
ducting, " The Des Moines Yalley AVhig," a paper which had a 
sickly existence there for some time before he took hold of it in 
1845. He had no purpose of quitting the law when he purchased 
the "Whig;" his purpose was to give his party a live and efiicient 
organ. But he was too much in earnest to do half-way work. 
His paper absorbed his time and feelings, and he at last gave up 
entirely his law practice for the arduous, active, and exciting life 
of a political editor. 



JAMES B. HOWELL. 3 

Iowa passed from Territory to State. Keosauqua came to a 
stand-still in growth, Keokuk, on the Mississippi River, at the 
foot of the Des Moines Rapids, sprang into life as " Tlie Gate City '■ 
of the Des Moines Yalley, and the most important place in it. Mr. 
Howell transferred his paper there in 1849. He has resided there 
and published his paper there ever since. The change gave in- 
creased circulation and influence to the paper, now called "The 
Daily Gate City." Despite a life given to it, however, and the 
unremitting labor it has exacted, Mr. Howell is scarcely a journal- 
ist per se. He was always more than his paper. It did not give 
influence to him ; he gave influence to it. While universally rec- 
ognized as a vigorous and strong writer, his friends always found 
more in him than there was in it. Thus, while that never attained 
a State circulation, he never was without a State influence ; he 
never ceased to be one of the recognized strong leaders of his 
party throughout Iowa. 

As long as the Whig party kept its organization he worked with 
it and for it. The name outlived the party, which died in 1853 at 
tlte close of the Scott campaign. From that date to 1856 — a period 
of transition and new formation, characterized by the increasing 
anti-slavery agitation, the "Know-nothing" frenzy, the Temper- 
ance and Maine-law contest, the Nebraska-Kansas struggle, the 
incipient disintegration of the old Democratic party, and the organ- 
ization of all the anti-slavery elements into the powerful Republican 
party — Mr. Howell labored zealously, through his paper and other- 
wise, to unite and fuse the elements of opposition to the pro-slavery 
party which resulted in the election of James W. Grimes as the 
first anti-Democratic Governor in Iowa in 1854. In 1855 and 1856 
he strenuously advocated the adoption of the name of Republican 
for the new anti-slaverj'^ party. He signed the call for the Conven- 
tion which organized the Republican party in Iowa, and as a mem- 
ber took an important part in its proceedings. In 1856 he was a 
delegate from Iowa to the Fremont Convention in Philadelphia, 
whose platform and candidate he supported with ability and zeal. 
He participated fully in the fiery agitation which culminated in the 



4 JAMES B. HOWELL. 

Kansas troubles under Buchanan, and the fatal disruption of the 
Democratic party. The efficient labors and wise counsels of Mr. 
Howell were potent in each successive step of the transforma- 
tion of Iowa from a constantly Democratic to an overwhelmingly 
Republican State. Heartily approving th.e nomination of Lincoln 
in 1800, he took an active part in the ensuing campaign in Iowa. 
The redemption of the nation from slave rule had been one of the 
cherislied hopes of his life, and one of the ends of all his political 
work. Sucli was his constant well-known and earnest hostility to 
slavery, that in the Wliig days, when he was not an Abolitionist 
at all, he was constantly denounced by the opposition as one of the 
chiefs of Abolitionism, 

Lincoln was elected, and the Southern States seceded. The issue 
stirred the earnest and impetuous nature of Mr. Howell to its 
depths. He was one of the foremost in kindling patriotism to pre- 
sei've the Union. That prominence he maintained throughout the 
war. He could not enter the service, for a fall received just before 
the outbreak of the Eebellion crushed the bone of his leg in several 
places, and badly crippled him for life. The work that remained 
for him to do he did with all his might — standing steadfastly by Mr. 
.Lincoln, and only impatient with him when he held back from ear- 
nest work and spared slavery. 

Advocating the re-election of Lincoln, opposing the corruption 
and malfeasance of the Johnson administration, urging Grant's 
election to the Presidency as the hope of tlie Union cause from the 
time that Johnson made him Secretary of "War, supporting the re- 
construction measures of Congress, his long and able service to the 
Republican cause was finally recognized by the Republican Legis- 
lature of Iowa when, in January, 1870, it elected him as Senator 
in Congress to fill the unexpired term of Hon. James AV. Grimes, 
who had previously, on account of ill health, resigned the seat he 
had so long and so ably filled. 

Assuming his seat in the Senate January 26, 1870, the wide and 
varied experience which Mr. Howell brought in legal, editorial, 
political, and business affairs, enabletl him at once to take high 

'If- 



JAMES B. HOWELL. ^ 

Standing among Senators as a man of tact, sound judgment and 
eminently practical views. 

Shortly after his entrance he delivered a speech on the subject 
of land grants in aid of railroads, in wliich he advocated a wise 
economy in the disposition of the lands, and the imposition of the 
conditions that the railroad companies should sell their lands 
within limited periods and at a limited price ; and, in passino;, he 
paid an eloquent and glowing tribute to the State of Iowa, whose 
wonderful career and splendid record in peace and war he claimed 
were second to no other State. During the same session the new 
Senator made his mark as a rigid economist, and as an enemy of 
jobs of all kinds. 

During the next session, commencing in December, 1870, it 
devolved upon him, as a member of the Committee on Pensions, to 
take charge of the House bill granting pensions to the soldiers of 
the War of 1812, which, notwithstanding the opposition of the 
Chairman of the Committee, was carried and became a law. Other 
important bills, and all measures looking to a wise, salutary, and 
economical administration, received his earnest, attentive, and 
hearty co-operation. His senatorial term, expiring March 3, 1871, 
was brief; and, considering the embarrassments which surround a 
new Senator, and especially one who comes in for a short term, 
arising from the reserved and conservative character of that digni- 
fied body, it may be said that few Senators under like circum- 
stances have achieved greater success than Mr. Howell. 

Shortly after the close of the session the President selected him 
as one of the three Commissioners authorized bv the act of March 3. 
1871, to examine and report upon claims for stores and supplies 
taken or furnished for the use of the Union army in insurrectionary 
districts. This nomination, toojether with that of Judo-e Aldis. of 
Vermont, and Hon. Orange Ferris, of ]N"ew York, was confirmed 
without the formality of reference to the usual committee — a 
deserved compliment to the character of the nominees for inteirritv, 
loyalty, and ability, which with their other qualifications eminently 
fit them for their arduous and responsible duties. 



JOHISr W. JOHI^STOK 



'"^-^OHN" W. JOHNSTON was born at Abingdon, Yirginia, 
){M, September 9, 1818. His father, who lived but abont a 




ti^^ year after marriage, was an eminent physician, a brother 
of General Joseph E. Johnston, of the Confederate Army, 
and the son of Judge Peter Johnston, who served through the 
whole of the Kevolutionary War, attached to Lee's legion. On the 
mother's side the subject of this sketch is the grand-nephew of 
General William Campbell, who commanded the American forces 
at the battle of King's Mountain, and on the father's side a grand- 
nephew of Patrick Henry. 

Young Johnston in early life gave evidence of an active tem- 
perament, and manifested great anxiety to acquire knowledge. He 
received the rudiments of his education at the Abingdon Academy. 
At the age of fifteen he had pre])ared himself for college, and on 
horseback and alone he traveled from Abingdon to Columbia, 
South Carolina, where he entered South Carolina College, in which 
he studied about four years, but left without graduating. While 
at college he was a diligent student, and held a good position in his 

classes. 

After leaving the South Carolina College he entered the Uni- 
versity of Yirginia, where he devoted one session to the study of 
law. He then completed hi^ legal education in the law-office of 
his uncle, Hon. Beverlv E. Johnston, one of the most eminent 
lawyers of the South. In the year 1839, when in his twenty-first 
year, he was admitted to the bar, and immediately removed to 
JefFersonville, Tazewell County, Yirginia, where he opened an 
office and commenced an active and successful career in the prac- 
tice of law. 

u 



^ 1S^ 




/^. '^6/ ^ ^ru^^-c^ 



JOHN W. JOHNSTON. 2 

111 1841 he married Miss Nicketti B. Floyd, youngest daughter 
of Governor Floyd, and sister of John B. Floyd, who was Secretary 
of War under Mr. Buchanan. In 184G he was elected to the State 
Senate for two years, but took little part in the proceedings of that 
body, and declined a re-election. In 1850 he was elected President 
of the North-western Bank of Yirginia, which was located at 
Jefferson ville. He served in this position for eight years, when he 
resigned and removed to Abingdon, his present residence. Here 
he continued in the practice of his profession, principally in the 
same Courts as before, conducting a business which had become 
very large and lucrative. 

He was a Democrat before the war, and when hostilities com- 
menced warmly espoused the cause of the South. After the war 
his disabilities were removed without his knowledo;e throuo-h the 
kind intervention of an otiicer of the United States Army, with 
whom he had become acquainted. General Stoneman appointed 
him Judge of the Tenth Judicial District of Virginia, and while 
holding that office he was elected to the Senate of the United 
States as a representative of the Conservative element of his 
State. 

Admitted to his seat in the Senate January 28, 1870, during the 
remainder of the Forty -first Congress Mr. Johnston took an active 
])art in the debates on the original and supplemental Enforcement 
bills, speaking earnestly against both measures. He also resisted 
the passage of the Naturalization bill, and was quite vigorous in 
his efforts in favor of the reduction of taxation and the repeal of 
the Internal Eevenue system, of which, in his speech of January 
26, 1871, he said : 

It is not equal in its oi:)eratinn, bat bears with almost destructive weight 
upon some parts of the country and some important interests. It is badly ad- 
ministered, and cannot well be otherwise. It is demoralizing in its eficcts, and 
tends to weaken the respect of the people for the Government and lessen their 
inclination to obey the laws ; and it extends the jurisdiction of the United 
States Courts, extends the powers of the General Government, swells the already 
too great patronage of the Executive, is fatal to the individual liberties of the 
people, and destroys the constitutional rights of the States. 

'7 



WILLIAM P. KELLOGG. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-lirst Congress Mr. Kellogg continued to serve 
on the same Committees as before, and besides was Chairman of 
the Select Committee on tlie Levees of the Mississippi River. 
Pendino- the consideration of the Currency Bill Mr. Kellogg pro- 
posed an amendment, adding fifty millions of dollars to the amount 
of increased circulation, to be distributed among the Southern and 
AVestern States, and in so doing instituted the following interesting 
comparison : 

The Senator from Massacluisetts, in speaking of the operation and effect of 
the fourth section of the bill on his constituents, spoke of it as a hardship. 
His remarks suggested to my mind the diS"erence between the condition of the 
people of the State I have the honor in part to represent and that of the people 
of the State of ilassaclmsetts. The State of Massachusetts, I believe, has about 
sixteen hundred thousand inhabitants, and $57,000,000 and upward of banking 
circulation, or about thirty-four dollars per capita. The State of Louisiana has 
about one million inhabitants, and a little over $1,000,000 of banking circula- 
tion, or about one dohar^>t7- capita. One third of the entire cotton crop of the 
South the past season, that is to say, since the 1st day of September last, has 
been taken to New Orleans. It has required more than $90,0(JO,000 to move 
that cotton. The whole circulation, I repeat, is a little over $1,000,000 in our 
State. The exchange our people are compelled to pay varies from three fourths 
to one and one fourth per cent. Now I insist and sulmiit that it is not just to 
the people of the West or of the South that they shall be allowed only a circu- 
lation of a little over two dollars^:»e;- capita, whereas the States of New England 
and the State of New York have over twenty dollars per capita. 

Pending the consideration of the Tax Bill, Mr. Kellogg spoke in 
favor of retaining the duty on sugar : 

All my advices, so far as the people, or that portion who are sugar-producers, 
of the State which I have the honor in part to represent are concerned, are to 
the eff"ect that this reduction contemplated by the House bill is most invidious, 
unjust, and discriminating against the grower and producer, and in favor of the 
refiner; while, on the other hand, the refiners also enter their protest against 
it. . . . It would strike directly at tlie interests of the producers of the State 
of Louisiana ; and I need hardly say that there are more than half a million of 
people dependent to a greater or less extent upon the production of sugar in 
that State. 

The amount now received from the staple of sugar alone— $33,000,000— is 
collected certainly and directly, with the least circumlocution, with the least 
embarrassment, with less expense to the Goverameut than on almost any other 
staple. It costs no more to secure ihe tariff on sugar, as imposed by the pres- 
ent law, than it would if the rates were reduced as proposed by the House bill, 
while by that bill wc should lose more than ten millions of revenue. 









^^ 



"OHiJ 



1; 



SENATOPL 



JOHI:^ F. LEWIS. 



^^^^OHN F. LEWIS was born near Port Republic, in the 
kW County of Rocldno;ham, Va., Marcli 1, 1818. His name 
%^J and lineage are of Revolutionary fame. His paternal great 
o-randfatlier, Thomas Lewis, was the elder brother of An- 
drew Lewis, whose imposing statue is among the group, with 
Henry, and Jefferson, and Mason, around the Washington monu- 
ment in Richmond, Va., and whose name is the synonym of all 
that is noble and chivalric in human character. His matemal 
great grandfather (his father and mother being cousins) was that 
Charles Lewis who is so frequently mentioned in Virginia history 
for his daring in the Lidian warfare of that early period, and who 
was killed at the battle of Point Pleasant. His bloody clothes, 
brought by a soldier, conveyed the first news his wife had of his 
death. 

His father. General Samuel H. Lewis, was, during his whole 
mature life, a prominent citizen of Virginia, profoundly respected 
by men of all parties, and whose sterling moral and religious char- 
acter made him the beloved friend of Bishops Meade and Cobbs. 
The old veteran, while exceedingly genial among his especial 
friends, was a man remarkable for his strict religious observances, 
for his stern deportment in the presence of frivolity, particularly if 
it savored of irreligion, and for his iron will and irreproachable 
integrity as a public officer ; yet in his latter days he was as tender 
as a woman in the manifestation of his religious feelings and con- 
victions, and always wept when speaking of his two devoted friends, 
Bishop Meade and Bishop Cobbs. The name of General Samuel 
H. Lewis is dear to the Church in Virginia, in whose councils he 
was so long a ruling spirit. 

His son, the subject of this sketch, is heir to many of his traits 



2 JOHN F. LEWIS. 

of character. John F. Lewis wliile a boy was noted for Lis reck- 
less bravery, his impulsive denunciation of v;rong, and his ntter 
disregard of public opinion when he conceived it to be in error. 
These traits of character, belonging essentially to the Lewis family, 
coupled with his old anti-democratic proclivities and principles, 
brought him to the position he now occupies wnth such unmistakable 
advantage to his State, and with such genuine honest}^ of purpose. 

Born to a farmer's life, and living in the very stronghold of 
democracy, the famous " tenth legion," as it is still called in Vir- 
ginia, he of course saw but little of public life until in 18(31 he was 
elected to the Convention which attempted to withdraw Virginia 
from the Union. His county, although democratic, was opposed 
to its party leaders on this point ; it was thoroughly Union in sen- 
timent, and elected John F. Lewis for his known character and 
principles, Ilis county, however, during the sitting of the Conven- 
tion, changed. Pleaded with and inflamed by a hundred stump 
speakers, it was persuaded to instruct its delegates in the Conven- 
tion to vote for secession ; but John F. Lewis, like a rock in the 
midst of the furious waves, was immovable. lie sent back word 
to his constituents that " they had elected him as a Union man — 
they had sent him there to vote against secession — and while some 
assassins might kill him, there was no power on earth that could 
make him vote for that ordinance ;" and he never did. 

ISTone but those who were present at the time can realize the 
intense excitement that agitated Richmond for the six or seven 
days before the ordinance of secession was passed. Another con- 
vention had been secretl}^ called, and had assembled there, com- 
posed of the most prominent men in Eastern Virginia, and for the 
avowed deliberate and determined purpose of raising the war flag 
should the Constitutional Convention fail to pass the ordinance. 
It assembled daily, and was a standing threat to the Unionists to 
drive them from the capital and inaugurate civil war. 

Many of the best and staunchest Union men gave way to the 
pressure, and signed the ordinance. Samuel M'Dowel More was 
burned in eflagy ; Jubal A. Early was threatened with mob law ; 



JOHN F. LEWIS. 3 

yet More and Early, fearing the results, yielded to the overwhelm- 
ing excitement. Carlile and Willey fled from the city, and John 
F. Lewis was left — not to stem the torrent, for no one man could 
have done that, but to remain at his post and be true to the last, 
A hundred times that ordinance was thrust in his face, and the 
demand made upon him to sign it ; but he invariably replied, " I 
will die first." 

He stood by when his colleague, Colonel Gray, after long per- 
suasion and many threats, was writing his name to it, and, grinding 
his teeth in anger, he exclaimed, " Never mind. Colonel, you need 
not be so particular about writing your name, for the time is com- 
ing when you will wish it blotted out ! " A prominent seces- 
sionist, who was standing by and holding the paper for Colonel 
Gray to sign, angrily replied, " Lewis, I expect to see you hanged 
yet ! " " And I," retorted the indomitable Unionist, " and I ex- 
pect to see the time when all such traitors as you are will be 
liano-ed ! " That he was not killed seemed almost a miracle. 

When the deed was done, and the last hope of saving his State 
was gone, he returned to his home, and during the whole war was 
an outspoken opponent of the Confederacy, and a warm and ardent 
friend to the American Union. His truth, his integrity, his hon- 
esty of purpose were so well known and so well appreciated that 
they seemed to be a shield to his open and often reckless Union 
utterances; and while others were imprisoned or shot down on the 
roadside, he was spared, and spared to save his State from the in- 
ternal strife which to-day retards the happiness and prosperity of 
many of the more Southern States. In 1869 he was elected Lieu- 
tenant Governor on the ticket with Gilbert C. Walker, both gen- 
tlemen running as Republicans, and in ISlovember of that year he 
was elected to the United States Senate. 

Mr. Lewis married the youngest daughter of the great Yirginia 
representative, Daniel ShefFy, and in their beautiful home on the 
banks of the Shenandoah, surrounded by their sons and daugh- 
ters, they constitute one of the most hospitable families in " Old 
Yirginia." ^ 



THOMAS C. McCREERY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. McCreery, in the Forty-first Congress, served on the Com- 
mittees on Agriculture, Pensions, and Territories. 

The most remarkable of the acts of Mr. McCreery in this Con- 
gress was his offer, December 13, 1870, of a joint resolution for the 
relief of Mrs. Kobert E. Lee, looking to a restoration to her posses- 
sion of the estate known as "Arlington," the burial-place of seven- 
teen thousand soldiers who fell in the War of the Eebellion. After 
the readin"- of the resolution Mr. McCreery proceeded in a brief 
speech to present a eulogy, of which the following is an extract : 

From the concurrent testimony of bis most intimate acquaintances we are 
led to believe that General Lee enjoyed a singular exemption from the faults 
and the follies of other men. He was a stranger and an enemy to extravagance, 
to dissipation, and to vice. The vanity and flattery which usually attend suc- 
cess could not seduce him from jDropriety, while his inflexible virtue could defy 

defeat. 

"But his faults and his follies, whatever thej^ were, 

Be tlicir memories dispersed like the winds of the air." 

General Lee was an American citizen, and the American people will never 
relinquish the property which tliey hold in the name and the fame of the great 
Virginian. His modesty and sobriety, his spotless integrity, his virtue and his 
valor, will he held up tor the admiration and the imitation of mankind as long 
as those exalted qualities shall have a friend upon earth. . . . His battles and 
his sieges, his victories and defeats, were witnessed by some of you, and they 
are known and understood by you all. Many men have been successful in the 
conduct of military aftairs. The Warwicks, the Marlboroughs, and the 
"Wellingtons of the Old "World were successful; but who among them all 
had more genius nnd less ostentation than General Lee? "Was he not a 
hero? "Was he not a Christian? Was he not a gentleman? . . . General 
Lee has gone to the grave. He was buried, by his own diTection, with- 
out display. If there are those among us who derive comfort from casting 
aspersions upon his character, they will do so; but the South and the North 
and the East and the West will remember Lee. The widowed partner of his 
bosom still lives, and in her behalf I implore your justice. I do not ask for 
any thing else. She belongs to a race fond of bestowing charity, but poverty 
cannot force them to accept it. She owns, but does not occupy, the home of 
her fathers. Will you, Senators, remove the bar which excludes her from 
Arlington ? 

The Senate refused leave to introduce this resolution by a vote 
of 54: to 4. Mr. McCreery's career in the Senate ended with the 
close of the Forty-first Congress. 



ALEXANDER M'DONALD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr, M'Donald served on tlie Com- 
mittees on Post Ofiices and Post Koads, Manufactories, and Terri- 
tories. He favored the abrogation of the Civil Tenure Law, urging 
that the distinguished services of President Grant, and the Large 
support accorded to his candidacy in the several States of the 
Union, demanded that he should come to the discharge of his 
duties unfettered by any preventive legislation. 

Mr. M'Donald favored also the bill to encourage the establish- 
ment of a line of steamships, under the flag of the Union, for the 
conveyance of the mails of the United States to European and 
Asiatic ports. Pending the consideration of this bill he addressed 
the Senate in an extended and highly instructive speech, showing, 
among other things, the entire predominance at present of foreign 
vessels in trade with our Atlantic ports. He said : 

From the port of New York alone eight lines of foreign steamships are now 
plying between it and different ports of Europe, owning a hundred and nineteen 
steamers, of an aggregate of 311,000 tons burden. . . . The cost of tliis immense 
merchant marine is put down at $75,000,000, and is manned by at least 15,000 
men, who derive their support and that of their families from the trade of 
Eiu-ope to and with the city of New York. The gross annual earnings of these 
steam-ships are estimated at $26,000,000, yielding a net profit of $10,000,000 
per annum, which are derived from the American trade, but which our foreign 
cousins put exclusively into the pockets of their own shareholders, owners, and 
insurers. . . . Sir, these foreign steam-ship lines were not established by private 
enterprise alone, but were, and still are, liberally subsidized by their respective 
governments. 

Following the above, Mr. M'Donald proceeded to make the 
humiliatino; statements that durinoj the three months ending De- 
cember 31, 1868, fifty-seven per cent, of our imports and forty-one 
and a half per cent, of our domestic exports were transported in 
foreign vessels ; that in 1853 our commerce was fifteen per cent, 
greater than that of Great Britain, while in 1866 it was not one third 
as much as hers. " Furthermore," said he, " while in 1860 two 
thirds of our imports and more than two thirds of our exports 
were carried in American bottoms, in 1866 nearly three quarters 
of our imports and more than three fifths of our exports were car- 
ried in foreign bottoms." 



P 



1 JUSTIN S. MORRILL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty -tirst Cong-ress Mr. Morrill served as a member 
of the Committee on Finance and the Committee on Education and 
Labor, and as Chairman of tlie Committee on Public Buildings and 
Grounds. He opposed the repeal and the suspension of the Civil- 
Tenure Act, advocating, however, a considerable modification of 
the law. He contended that the law was enacted, not merely to 
bear upon a single President, but was intended as a part of the per- 
manent policy of the country, and was in strict accordance with 
the Constitution. 

Mr. Morrill opposed the act constituting eight hours a day's work 
for all laborers, workmen, and mechanics employed by, or in behalf 
of, the United States. Against this measure he urged the objec- 
tions that the eight hour law, applied only to those in the employ- 
ment of the General Government, is anti-republican, and oifensive 
to all other laboring men ; that such a law, universally applied, 
would be inconsistent with the highest interests of American work- 
ingmen ; that it would not afford any additional leisure which will 
be made available for mental and moral improvement; that it is 
untrue that mankind will or can perform as much labor, and of 
equal value, in eight hours as in ten ; tliat the measure, if adopted 
now by our whole country, would prove an immeasurable national 
disaster ; and that there are other means whereby labor has been 
and can be much more efficiently encouraged and protected. 

Mr. Morrill favored the abolition of the Franking Privilege — 
dissenting, however, from the opinion that several millions would 
thus be saved to the country. On the contrary, he believed that 
nothing would be saved by the adoption of the measure. 

One of the most extended and important of Mr. Morrill's speeches 
in the Forty-first Congress was that of Ma}^ 9, 1870, on the Reduc- 
tion of Taxation — a masterly effort, abounding in important facts 
and powerful arguments. He started out with the assumption that 
"owing to the policy of our present Administration we shall soon 
be able to part with all direct taxation or all internal taxes, and the 
only subject then that will remain for serious consideration will be 
the subject of the tariff." 

n 



JUSTIN S. MORRILL. 3 

Thus entering upon the consideration of a subject with which he 
is, perhaps, more familiar than any other American statesman, Mr. 
Morrill thoroughly explored the ground upon which the Republican 
party stood on this question, and showed that there was not " neces- 
sarily any such antagonism as should on principle now or hereafter 
divide the votes of its members." The conclusion of this important 
speech was as follows : 

Shall we not, from the considerations presented, and from a proper regard for 
the present position of the American people, all agree. 

First, that it is expedient to rely mainly on duties upon the importations of 
foreign mercliandise for revenue to support the General Government ? 

Secondly, that in levying these duties such reasonable protection should in all 
cases be given as will favor the cousumiition of home-made and home-grown 
products ? 

TliirrJh/. that such articles as are usually grouped among the necessaries of 
life, and sucli raw materials as we do not produce, should bear the least amount 
of taxation in any form ? 

Fourthly, that having to some extent created for agricultural products a home 
market, it ought not to be surrendered and made free to foreign rivals, near or 
remote, who have never contril^uted to the support of such a market ? 

Fifthly, that American manufacturers ought not to l)e forced by free trade to 
demand such terms of workingmen as many of the latter came to our country 
only to escape from ? 

Finally, the Republican party has the destinies of the American people in its 
hands, and it should not subordinate them to the mastery of every other country 
filled with cheaper capital and cheaper labor. Labor here is not only honora- 
ble, but here obtains its highest rewards; and it should be our mission to jjer- 
petuate this national distinction. The marvelous accession of force added to 
the productive power of nations Ijy machinery and the Archimedean leverage of 
the mechanic arts, must not be wholly abandoned to our rivals. The aptitude 
of our people for all the useful arts; their inventive genius, as displayed in the 
past and so full of promise for the future; the vast tiieater wherein they are 
called to operate and find scope, deserves something more than the cold disre- 
gard and the heartless indifference of free trade. Tiie recently emancipated 
population of the South should be furnished with grander opportunities than it 
has hitherto had, both of profit and culture, by which its best examples of in- 
telligence may hope to rise altove the universal level of the old cotton planta- 
tions. Let the energies of our whole people be put in motion by making 
industry and enterprise prosjierous in all directions — of the jilow, the loom, and 
the anvil — and thus give assurance at home and abroad that the year of our 
deliverance is not remote, when all debts, public and private, will have been 
honorably discharged, and when to be an American will be to be a citizen of 
the happiest, freest, and foremost nation of the world. 



LOT M. MORRILL. 

(Continued Irom the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Morrill was succeeded by Hanni- 
bal Hamlin ; but on the death of "William Pitt Fessenden he was 
appointed by the Governor of Maine, and subsequently elected by 
the Legislature, to fill the vacancy, taking his seat at the opening 
of the second session, December G, 1869. He was appointed Chair- 
man of the Committee on Appropriations, and a member of the 
Joint Committee on the Library. 

As was proper, Mr, Morrill's first speech in tlie Forty-first Con- 
gress was his eulogy on Mr. Fessenden, liis immediate predecessor, 
who had so long been his colleague and friend. From that speech 
we make the following extract, which presents the views of the 
speaker as well as those of tlie deceased statesman on great histor- 
ical sul)jects : 

Simult:ineousl,y witli his advent to the Senate arose in Congress that dass of 
public questions which were calculated to test the temper of his affections, the 
tenacity of liis opinions, and the steadiness of his purpose. Kansas-Nebraska, 
the stalking-horse of slavery, vrhich under an aifectatioii of defending the Con- 
stitution was to conceal the guilty purpose of subversion of democratic-repub- 
lican institutions, afforded an opportunity for the exhibition of those powers of 
analysis, logic, and invective which have rarely been surpassed in any legisla- 
tive body. Here was audacious menace, significant hint, of overt treason which 
was to follow; here was the first muttering of the storm that was to biirst 
upon the nation amid the convulsions of civil war. This audacious spirit of 
bad faith, usurpation, and oppression, leading an assault upon popular rights, 
could not fail to provoke the intensest hostility in one, the very elements of 
whose being made him intolerant of every species of infidelity, violence, and 
cruelty. 

Pending the consideration of the Currency Bill he favored the 
proposition to equalize the distribution of the currency. At the 
same time he demurred at the disposition to characterize the pre- 
vious distribution as illegal and unjust. Pie said : 

This national currency has a history. It originated in 1863. What was the 
condition of the country then ? There are advocates of the South who say that 
the South has been deprived of her fair and just proportion of the currency. 
Why ? If any body will tell me why, that will answer why it is that there is 
an unequal distribution of the currency. Every body knows that the South at 
the time this system was inaugurated was not in a condition to share in the 
distribution of the national currency, and that answers that point, I think, 
satisfactorily. 



f 






OLIVER P. MORTON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congi-ess.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Morton was Chairman of 
the Committee on Manufactui-es and a member of the Committees 
on Foreign Eelations and Military Affairs. He took a very active 
part in the work of legishition, occupying a pi-ominent position 
before the country as one of the leaders of the Republican party 
and an able supporter of the Administration. 

Very eai-ly in this Congress he advocated the absolute repeal of 
the Civil Tenure Act. In a speech of March 16, 1870, he opposed 
the proposition of the Judiciary Committee that it should be sus- 
pended until the next session of Congress, remarkino-; 

I believe that the repeal of this law is demanded by the best interests of the 
country. In other words, I do not believe that the Administration can be car- 
ried on efficiently and successfully under the ojjeration of the law. I am of the 
opmion to-day that the country has gained nothing by the operation of the law 
even during the administration of President Johnson, and as a party man I will 
say that the Republican party has gained nothing by it. I believe it was a mis- 
take from the first. 

He took a prominent part in discussions upon financial questions. 
He thus expressed his views upon an important section in the bill 
to strengthen the public credit : 

I think it is very important to the country to establish some limit to this gen- 
eral power of making contracts payable in coin while our cm-rency is depre- 
ciated. I know It is a common and popular argument to sav, "Let men make 
contracts just as they please. Why not give the people liberty to make iust 
such contracts as they please, whether to be executed in coin or paper ? " Well 
Mr. President, the experience of the world is against that argument. The expe- 
nence of mankind has shown the necessity of protecting the debtor class ao-ainst 
usury. That has been the experience in every age and in every country. °" " 

Pending the Currency Bill, Mr. Morton opposed the proposition 
to increase the national banking currency and retire an amount of 
United States notes equal to the addition proposed to the bank cir- 
culation. This he regarded as not in compliance with a pledge 
recently given in the act to strengthen the public credit that pro- 
vision should be made at the earliest practicable period for the 
redemption of the United States notes in coin. 

^ On the 9th of April, 1869, pending the bill in relation to Vir- 
ginia, Mississippi, and Texas, Mr. Morton submitted as an amend- 
ment an additional section to the bill, providing that before these 
States should be admitted to representation in Congress they should 



2 OLIVER P. MORTON. 

ratify the proposed Fifteenth AiDendment to the Constitution. In 
his speech advocating this requirement Mr. Morton said : 

Wc have already required these States as a condition that they shall put uni- 
versal suffrage iu their State constitutions; and if they propose to acccjit that 
in good faith in their State constitutions what ol)jectiou can they have to put- 
ting it into the Constitution of the United States ? None whatever. If they 
shall oljject to putting it into the Constitution of the United States it will be 
because they do not accept it in good faith in their State constitutions, and are 
relying upon remodeling their State constitutions and depriving colored men of 
the right of suffrage. It is important that we have this question settled, that 
it shall not hang over the States for the next four years. 

So far as I am concerned, I would rather see this bill fail than to pass without 
this amendment attached to it. I would rather see the whole matter go over 
until the next session of Congress. I will speak frankly here on the subject. I 
know what the expectation of the opposing party is. They know the prejudice 
that has existed in the Western States in regard to ncgi'o suffrage, and I know 
that the Democratic party desire to keep this question open as an element of 
political success in the elections of 1870 and of 1872. Look at what has taken 
l^lace in the State of Indiana. The Democratic party in the State of Indiana, 
for the purpose of preventing the Legislature, which has a large majority of 
RejDublicans in both houses, from ratifying the amendment, and to keep it as 
an open question, broke up the Legislature ]:iy every man of them resigning. 
That Legislature was called togetlier again yesterday, and I am advised that 
the very moment the amendment is presented the Democratic members will 
again resign. They have made the calculation that without the votes of Virginia, 
of Texas, and of Mississippi the amendment cannot be ratified vmless it receives 
the vote of Indiana. Indiana they regard, therefore, as the pivotal State upon 
which the ratification of the amendment is to turn; but if it shall be ratified by 
these three unreconstructed States it will then become a part of the Constitution 
without the vote of Indiana, and the revohitionary measure that has been 
adopted in the State of Indiana will not be successful after all. 

Limited space will not allow even an allusion to all the speeches 
of this able statesman and active Senator. His speeches covered 
the whole ground of Keconstruction. He strove with all his en- 
ergy and ability to secure stringent legislation that would forever 
prevent the recurrence of the Kebellion. He introduced a res- 
olution providing for the appointment of a Commission to make 
investigations respecting San Domingo, pending which his defense 
of the policy against the attacks and charges of Mr. Sumner 
evinced his masterly ability, while at the same time it completely 
vindicated the fairness, integrity, and patriotism of those who 
favored the proposed investigation. 



DANIEL S. NORTON. 

(Continued from the Fortietli Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Norton served on the Committee 
on Patents and the Committee on Enrolled Bills. Pending the 
bill for the reinstatement of Georgia, and the discussion of the con- 
dition precedent, namely, her ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment, he said : 

If you can thus reconstruct and reorganize Georgia, why may you not recon- 
struct and reorganize any other State in the Union ? If this measure may be 
justified because of the condition of affairs in Georgia, because of the disturbed 
state of society there, because of the lawlessness and disorders there, why may 
you not take the State of Minnesota, and because of its lawlessness and its social 
disorder, reconstruct it ? 

Mr. Norton was not destined to see the close of his constitutional 

term in the Senate. He had for some time been the subject of 

consumjDtive symptoms, and he yielded to that dread disease on 

the 13th of July, 1870, a few days previous to the adjournment of 

Congress. At the memorial services in the Senate on the occasion 

of his decease several affectionate testimonials were proffered by 

members of both parties. Senator Thurman said : 

I believe that I have never known a man who was governed in his conduct 
by nobler sentiments. I never knew him to do an unworthy act; I never heard 
him utter an unworthy sentiment. He was a man of the purest integrity, and, 
in the truest sense of the term, a man of honor. He was a brave man, too, 
physically and morally. What he believed to be right he never hesitated to ad- 
vocate or defend ; what he believed to be wrong no consideration could make 
him support. 

His colleague, Mr. Ramsey, on the same occasion spoke as 

follows : 

In this body, as Senators are aware, we were unable to act in concert upon 
many questions of pul)lic j^olicy, especially upon the grave issues which agitated 
the country and divided parties in connection with the reconstruction of the 
South ; but notwithstanding fundamental jjolitical differences upon those ques- 
tions, I am happy to say -that on very many matters we found in this body 
common ground for promoting the interests of our constituents and serving the 
State which had so highly honored us both, and that the friendly personal re- 
lations which had subsisted between us, and which had been cemented by 
seven years of joint service in the administration of civil affairs in Minnesota, 
were never interrupted; and here at this moment I rejoice, while standing with 
his wife and daughter at his dying bed and over his early grave, that no per- 
sonal event occurred at any time to mar the harmony of our relations, or to lead 
me to doubt in any degree the sincerity of his motives. 



JAMES W. NYE. 

(Continued ft'om the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Nye, in the Fortj^-first Congress, retained bis place as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Territories, and was also a member of 
the Committee on Naval Affairs. 

One of Mr. Nye's earliest speeches in this Congress was in replj'^ to 
a speech of Mr. Sprague criticizing the government of the country 
as being " a government of lawyers and of judges," in which he 
said : 

He ■seems to be very much disturbed about the organization of this body 
because there are lawyers in it. Rhode Island sends no lawyers here. She 
sends manufacturers and printers. Perhaps she is wise in so doing. She sends 
whom she pleases, without regard to their profession, and with no regard to 
any thing else but their fitness for the place. But, sir, who has made my friend 
the judge over lawyei-s ? Why stands he here to swing his sledge-hammer 
blows at that profession which is as old as the organization of human society ? 
Why stands he here to arraign a class who have made the pathway of govern- 
ment and reform luminous through long lives, and "whose history stands as a 
burning monument to-day to their great character and services ? . . . 

The history of this country shows that the earliest and most efficient advo- 
cates for human liberty were lawyers. They had read it as a science. . . . Su-, 
who roused the energies of this doubting country in a time when liberty trem- 
bled in the l)alance for the adoption of the Declaration of Independence ? It 
was the lawyer and the unequaled orator, Patrick Henry. . . . When nullification 
reared its frightful head and presented its awful form, who but New England's 
noblest lawyer slew the monster ! Who stamped it with eternal infamy ! It 
was a lawyer. The great big-headed, big-hearted lawyer ; the lawyer who rev- 
eled in his knowledge of law, and whose glory and triumph is the proud title, 
" Expounder of the Constitution." 

A specimen from one of his speeches on the reconstruction of 
Georgia will serve to illustrate the sprightly feature often charac- 
terizing the eloquence of Mr. Nye : 

The gallant Senator from Delaware (Mr. Saulsbury) who opened this debate 
this morning seemed to have awakened from a deep dream, and to have slept 
sounder than Rip Van Winkle did for twenty years, for he woke up to what 
Georgia was in 1776. ... He woke up as from a dream upon the old doctrine 
of State Rights. Sir, that doctrine, as proposed and propounded and defended 
by the Democratic party, has cost this nation not only treasure, but blood ; and 
I ask my honorable friends on the other side if they want to again resurrect and 
bring up that hydra-headed monster. And yet not a speech is made on that 
side that does not sound as they used to do before the rebellion. I supposed 
that was a captured heresy, and yet they cling to it, and roll it under their 
tongues as a sweet morsel. 



THOMAS W. OSBORN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Osborii served on the Com- 
mittee on Naval Affairs and the Committee on Public Lands. 
While making no set speeches, he was attentive to the general busi- 
ness of the Senate and watchful of the interests of his State. This 
is indicated by the character of the bills and resolutions which he 
introduced, embracing such subjects as the removal of disabilities 
from citizens of Florida ; the establishment of steamship lines be- 
tween certain southern ports and one or more Eui'opean ports, con- 
cerning the remnant of tribes of Seminole Indians living in the 
Everglades of Florida ; the building of post-ofiices, railroads, and 
canals ; fixing the status of certain soldiers enlisting in the Union 
army from Florida; the improvement of the rivers and liarbors of 
Florida; perfecting an inland navigation from St. John's River to 
Key West ; the protection of the lives of officers in the Internal 
Revenue service. He also introduced a bill to secure the comple- 
tion of the Washington and Lincoln monuments, which was referred 
to the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. 

The disturbed state of aifairs in Florida demanded much atten- 
tion from Mr. Osborn during the period covered by the Forty-first 
Congress. While at Washington he devoted much time and effort 
to the attempt to retain his State in the interests of the Republican 
party. Returning to Florida in August, 1870, after the close of the 
third session, he found his political friends distracted and dispirited, 
ready to make almost any terms of surrender with their opponents. 
The Governor, who had been elected as a Republican, was using 
his influence to break up the organization and to demoralize its 
members. The best of them conceded that the State would go 
Democratic, and were ready to suspend their efibrts. ]^othing 
daunted. Mr. Osborn went to work to retrieve lost ground, and, if 
possible, gain a victory for his party. So efficiently did he labor, 
and so ably were his efibrts seconded, that after a hotly-contested 
campaign the State was carried for the Republicans by a consider- 
able majority. His friends regard it as an evidence of his shrewd 
management that Florida is more firm in its adherence to the 
Republican party than most of the Southern States. 



JAMES W. PATTERSON. 

(Continued from tlio Fortieth Congress.) 

During tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Patterson served as Chair- 
man of the Committee on the District of Cohimbia, and was a 
member of the Committee on Foreign Eelations and the Joint 
Select Committee on Eetrenchment. He took an active part in 
legishition and made many able speeches. We select as a matter of 
general interest the following extract from his eulogy on Senator 
Fessenden : 

He was born -witlnn a few miles of the birthplace of 'Mr. "Webster, the life- 
long friend of his father. Once I heard Mr. Fessenden speak modestly, but 
gratefully, of the kindly and fostering interest which the great statesman be- 
stowed upon himself as a child and in the opening years of his manhood. la 
the same conversation he referred with regret to the vote which he had felt 
compelled to give in the Presidential Convention of 1852. Mr. Webster, when 
told that Mr. Fessenden had opened the balloting by casting the vote of Maine 
for General Scott rather than himself, after a painful pause replied, referring to 
the sentiments of his father, "Well, William Pitt Fessenden has come to his 
inheritance earlier than I anticipated." It implied an act of ingratitude, and 
was carried in sorrow, not in anger, to the grave, as his vote had violated his 
personal feeling to express the will of his State. 

But his restless mental activity swept beyond the limits of professional study 
into the fields of history and general literature. With a fear bordering upon a 
morbid dread of pedantry, he ordinarily concealed his literary attainments ; but 
sometimes in the seclusion of his chamber he would rehearse a poem with such 
pathos and tender appreciation of its beauties as to surprise and entrance the 
privileged listener. Once upon such an occasion, when asked why he did not 
oftener draw illustration and ornament from the classic authors, he expressed a 
feeling approaching contempt for the practice of of interlarcttng forensic efforts 
at measured intervals with borrowed scraps of poetry. 

Bitter and widespread as was the disappointment which attended his vote 
upon the august trial of the President of the United States, no Senator doubted 
that William Pitt Fessenden acted from a sense of duty in view of the facts 
and the law as they presented themselves to his apprehension. By what mental 
process he could reach the conclusion he did was then, is now, a mystery to 
many who had battled by his side in the long agony of the great Rebellion, and 
who now cherish his memory with fraternal love. But when we consider with 
what infinite pain his sensitive and loving nature must have rolled the bitter- 
ness of that defeat upon his life-long supporters and party friends, when we 
recall the calm and quiet naturalness and self-poise with which he moved in and 
out before us while intense excitement rolled around this Hall and deep anath- 
emas hung in the air above him, we must acknowledge there was no self-seek- 
ing, no hollow ambition in that act, but only invincible courage and tlie manli- 
est political virtue. I do not approve his vote, but am compelled to commend 
the spirit of self-renunciation with which it was given. That was of the vei7 
essence of the loftiest public morality. 

10-2- 



SAMUEL C. POME ROY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Pomeroy, in tlie Forty-first Congiifess, served on the Commit- 
tee on Post-Offiees cand Post-Roads and as Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Public Lands. It miglit be expected that he would 
assume a radical position on the prominent questions of the time. 
He tavored the repeal of tlie Tenure-of-OfEce Law, and occupied 
strong ground for the Republican policy of reconstruction. 

Mr. Pomeroy is perhaps the most remarkable man in the Senate 
for the activity in that body which is associated with almost no ex- 
tended or set speeches. In the Index to the Senate proceedings his 
record is among the most prolix of any of the members. During 
the long session of this Congress— from December 6, 1869, to July 
19, 18 TO, seven and a half months— he rose to his feet and addressed 
the Chair about a thousand times, while the aggregate of his 
remarks during that same session would not exceed, in number of 
words, any one out of a hundred speeches made during the same 
months on the same floor. His mode of legislating is largely con- 
versational. Yon will hear a question, or an answer to a question ; 
or a pregnant statement, comprising a few words ; or a hint to pro- 
ceed with business; or an explanatory sentence; or a call for yeas 
and nays ; or a suggestion of an amendment. 

Among the most interesting and instructive of his recorded 
conversations m the Senate were those pending the considera- 
tion of the Indian Appropriation Bill. Here were some of his 
longest speeches, brief as they all were ; and in them he evinced 
a knowledge of the Indian character at once accurate and profound. 
Selecting a quotation or two we shall not fail to discern evidence 
of this knowledge, but may observe also the unpretending and bus- 
iness-like character of his style of address. 

I am for paying the Indian all we have, agreed to pay him in the best possible 
commodity. I do not believe in paying in whisky or powder or ball. I believe 
m paying him in books-in spelling-books and Bibles-and in educational 
facilities for Ins improvement and culture. ... I insist upon it that it is bad 
policy to pay money to an Indian tribe. I have watched the payments, and I 
have seen the eflfect of that policy. I have seen an Indian come in his wild- 
ness, in his blanket, and take his eight dollars in gold-his proportion of the 
payment-and go directly and buy a fancy parasol with it and run away; and 
that IS a specimen of the use of giving money to the Indiana. 



JOHN POOL. 

(Continaed from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Pool was retained on the Com- 
mittees on Indian Affairs, tlie Eevision of the Laws, and Eevolii- 
tionarj Claims, and served also on the Committee on Appropria- 
tions. In the first session of this Congress he made several inter- 
esting speeches on the Currency Bill. One of the most important 
speeches by Mr. Pool, however, in this Congress was in the discus- 
sion upon the Georgia bill, in which speech is presented the fol- 
lowing grave pictm-e of what is termed the Ku-Klux organization 
and intent : 

We were told by tlie Senator from Obio (Mr. Thnrman) that there were vio- 
lations of law in the State of New York, especially in the city of New York, 
where, perhaps, there was a murder every day ; that there were violations of 
law in Ohio and Massachusetts. Very true, sir ; and there are violations of law 
everj'where on this broad earth, . . . But if in the State of New York in any local- 
ity murders could be committed day after day, not by acknowledged villains 
against whom every man turns his face, but by a known organization in dis- 
guise, who go at night, and who proclaim in advance their purpose, but not 
the point where they mean to strike ; if in the State of New Ycn-k, in any local- 
ity, crime after crime of the most heinous nature could be committed, and no 
man, be he officer or otherwise, attempt or dare to ferret out the offender; or 
if perchance some offender should be ferreted out and arrested, his release be 
certain and speedy ; or if you could bring him up to court, the finding- of a bill of 
indictment be impossible ; or if by chance you fi)und a bill of indictment a 
conviction be utterly impossible, for the reason that his confederates would 
certainly be upon the jury ; that would be a state of things in New York, Mas- 
sachusetts, or Maine, or anywhere else, that would require the most seiious 
consideration of the government. It would be "domestic violence," "domes- 
tic violence" of the character contemplated by the Constitution, and against 
which the United States is obliged to protect every citizen. 

This Ku-Klux business means something. It is for a purpose. Sir, the 
meaning of it is that the reconstruction policy of Congress is not in accordance 
with the sentiment of the majority of the white people in that community. 
The meaning is that a majority of the white people in those States have hereto- 
fore controlled their governments and ruled them, and they intend that the 
same shall be the case hereafter. They mean that the provisions of the Fif- 
teenth Amendment, which were put upon those States by the reconstruction 
acts before the Fifteenth Amendment was adopted, shall be in effect nothing; 
that they will substitute a higher law than your reconstruction policy and the 
Fifteenth Amendment, to wit, violence in the localities. . . . 

The entire speech, of which the above is an extract, was, though 
to a considerable extent unpremeditated, scarcely excelled in in- 
terest by any effort of that session. 

/Or 




^'^''i/3B£aU^S<^j6Z£uJfr^- 





y^aJJP 



Tq-.-,l\J ILANIEL. L'. PP 



■^ -■ -o Tr"P ■" 



DAIsTIEL D. PEATT. 



^^■f ANIEL D. PRATT was born in Palermo, Maine, October 
'<9yi?fi; 2(3 1813. His father emio-rated to central liew York 



., ^^^^. ^..^^.^^ _, 



f^ when the subject of this sketch was but a year old. The 
son of a country physician, he was raised on a farm, and 
inured to the hardy pursuits of country life, fie gradnated at 
Ilamilton- College in 1831, and in the year following removed to 
Indiana. He first applied himself to school-teaching in Lawrence- 
burgh, and was subsequently for a few months Principal of a 
seminary in Rising Sun. Having engaged in the occupation of 
teacher to obtain the means of prosecuting the study of the law, at 
the end of a year he resigned his position, to the great regret of 
both patrons and pupils, and went to Indianapolis, where he 
entered the law- office of Calvin Fletcher. When his school earn- 
ings were expended he supported himself by odd jobs of writing 
during the legislative sessions, assisting in the office of the Secre- 
tary of State. He was subsequently appointed Quartermaster- 
General by Governor is^oble, with a salary of fifty dollars a year. 
In March, 1836, he removed to Logansport, where he has since 
resided. At that time this was a village of about eight hundred 
inhabitants, affording but little business for lawyers. Mr. Pratt's 
earnings for the first year amounted to but three or four hundred 
dollars ; but his business increased by degrees, and, journeying on 
horseback from one county to another during the sessions of Court, 
he practiced law through most of the northern half of the State, 
He devoted himself closely to his profession, and was soon 
regarded as one of the ablest lawyers in the State. 

Mr. Pratt was a Whig during the life-time of that party, and 
took a deep interest in its success. He was always ready to 

/or' 



2 DANIEL D. PRATT. 

advocate its cause or speak in its defense, but rather declined than 
sought its honors. Devoted to his profession, he had very little 
aspiration for political preferment ; but in lS-i7, having been 
nominated for Congress by his party, he canvassed a district 
embracing nearly all the State lying north of the Wabash Eiver, 
but was defeated by about four hundred majority. The next year, 
being a candidate for Presidential Elector, he canvassed the same 
district with Dr. Fitch, afterward United States Senator. In 1856 
he was again a candidate for Elector, and made a canvass in the 
interest of tbe Fremont ticket. 

Mr. Pratt was several times a member of the State Legislature, 
accepting the position not from any desire to occupy political 
place, but at the instance of personal friends of all parties who 
desired the enactment of good laws, and knew that he was well 
qualified for such a duty. The Whig, and afterward the Repub- 
lican, party would have given bim the nomination for Grovernor 
on more than one occasion, but he always discouraged any move- 
ment in that direction. 

He was elected a Pepresentative to the Forty-first Congress by 
a majority of 2,287, but before taking his seat was elected by the 
Legislature of Indiana to the United States Senate as a Kepub- 
lican, to succeed Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Democrat, for the 
term of six years ending March 3, 1875, 

Taking Ijis seat in the Senate at the opening of the Forty-first 
Congress, Mr. Pratt was appointed a member of the Committee on 
Pensions and tbe Committee on Claims. To his Committee work 
he applied himself with the same assiduity which had inarked his 
application to his profession. During the second and third sessions 
of the Forty-first Congress he made no less than seventy-two re- 
ports from his Committees, which were ordered by the Senate to be 
printed. He made able and ehaborate speeches on Admiralty 
Jurisdiction, on the Payment of War Losses, and on the Rights of 
the Settlers on the Public Lands. Tliis latter speech, though brief, 
was replete with legal and historical learning pertaining to the 
important subject. 



ALEXANDER RAMSEY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Eamsey, in the Forty fii-st Congress, retained the Chairman- 
ship of the Committee on Post Offices and Post-Eoads, and was 
continued a member of the Committee on the Pacific Eaih-oad, 
He is to be classed among those legislators who, without any lack 
of activity and efficiency, yet consume but a very small amount 
of time in speech-making. Ever vigilant, genial, and faithful, we 
have, howevei-, to search liis record long and carefully to find more 
than one or two protracted speeches in the Senate. 

He briefly addressed the Senate, however, several times when 
advocating, as Chairman of the Committee on Post-Offices and 
Post-Eoads, the abolition of the Franking Privilege. For this 
measure he was sincerely and sternly in earnest, and seized every 
suitable opportunity for calling up the bill and for exerting his best 
endeavors for its passage. 

In answer to the allegation that the movement for the abolition 
of the Franking Privilege was mainly the work of the present 
Postmaster-General, Mr. Eamsey insisted that this was a great mis- 
take, and proceeded to illustrate, by numerous and ample refer- 
ences, that for the past half-century Postmasters-General of the 
United States have continually pressed the matter upon Congress ; 
and as to the present Postmaster-General, Mr. Eamsey asserted 
that, receiving letters from all parts of the country asking the abo- 
lition of the privilege, and asking the Department to indicate how 
the matter could be most efiectually brought to the attention of 
Congress, he had given them a brief form, and this was all that 
had been done by the Department. 

In the progress of the discussion touching this subject, and 
responding to Mr. Sumner, who desired the reduction of postage 
to one cent per half ounce, Mr. Eamsey insisted that the United 
States rate of postage was extremely low— the least charge for 
postal service of any nation under the sun. English postage, he 
remarked, was nominally lower — about two cents of our coin ; but 
considering the limited extent of country, compared with ours, over 
which her mails were carried, her postage was really higher than 
ours. ^^^ 



HIRAM R. REYELS. 




IjyiRAM EIIOADES EEYELS was born in Fayetteville, 
Cumberland County, ]^ortli Carolina, September 1, 1822. 
T As far back as he can trace bis lineage his ancestors have 
been free. His father was a dark mulatto, and an educated 
minister of tlie Baptist Chnrch. His mother was a white Scotch 
woman, though a trace of African blood was known to exist in her 

family. 

Youno- Revels obtained the rudiments of an education at home; 
but, feeling the depressing effects of the slavery which degraded his 
race, he left his native State and went to Union County, Indiana, 
where he attended school. After awhile, in search of better 
facilities for education, he went to Darke County, Ohio, where he 
pui-sued his studies as best he could until he was twenty-seven 
years of ao-e. About this time he entered the ministry of the 
JVIethodint Church, and subsequently preached to congregations 
of colored people in Cincinnati, St. Louis, Pittsburg, and Balti- 
more. He was active and successful in building churches and 
school-houses. In various ways he extended s))iritual and temporal 
help to his down-trodden and oppressed people. 

At the commencement of the war he was stationed in Baltimore, 
where he had been living for five years. He there assisted to 
oro-anize the first colored regiment of volunteers that was raised in 
Maryland. In 1863 he went to St. Louis, and established a large 
and successful school for the benefit of the freedmen. He also 
assisted in recruiting the first Missouri regiment of colored troops. 
In 1801 ho went to Vicksburg, Mississippi, where he assisted in 
the practical working of the Freedman's Bureau, and aided the 
Provost Marshal in extending protection to the colored troops. 




"S''bjC-.£'Perm£,N"-''''''' 



/^ aC A-^^i^-t>c^ 



)N. HT"R A:,f R 



HIRAM R. REVELS. o 

lie next went to Jackson, Mississippi, and worked for the 
establishment of churches and schools. In the journey between 
Yicksburg and Jackson he came very near being captured by the 
"Ku-Klux;" but, owing to information opportunely given, he 
made good his escape. lie subsequently returned to the North, 
and labored as a minister in Louisville, Kentucky, and Leaven- 
worth, Kansas, alternating between the two places. After two 
years of such labor he returned to Natchez, Mississippi, where he 
officiated in the churches. At the same time he co-operated with 
the Kepublican party, and was elected a delegate to two conven- 
tions called to assemble at the capital of the State. The first was 
to form the Kepublican platform for Mississippi ; the other was to 
make the nominations for the State ticket. He was uro-ed to 
accept the nomination for State Senator for Adams County, but 
with characteristic and becoming modesty he declined the honor. 
The Kej^ublicans, however, would not yield to his scruples, and 
after much solicitation he accepted the situation. 

In the Republican caucus of the Legislature, composed of white 
and colored men, Mr. Revels was nominated for the United 
States Senate. Fearing lest the current of good feeling mio-lit be 
interrupted by such a thing as a member of the colored race taking 
a seat in the Senate of the United States, he at once firmlv declined 
the honor. Other names were then brought forward, but the mem- 
bers of the caucus could not agree, and no nominations were made. 
After the caucus was dissolved, both wdiite and colored delegates 
sought Mr. Revels and urged him to harmonize the discordant 
elements by allowing his name to be used. After much delibera- 
tion he acceded to their wishes, and at the next caucus he was 
chosen without a single dissenting voice. He was elected by a 
large majority, and took his seat in the Senate, February 23, 1870, 
for the term ending in March, 1871. 

As the successor in the Senate of Jefferson Davis, the leader oi 
the rebellion, and as the first representative of a long enslaved 
race in the highest legislative body in the nation, Mr. Revels 
attracted much attention. His first speech in the Senate was on 



3 HIRAM R. EEVELS. 

the Georgia question, delivered March 16, 1870, and was an occa- 
sion of great public interest. A correspondent of the Philadelphia 
"Press" thus graphically depicts tbe scene: 

"Again the Senate Chamber, as during the stormy days of Seces- 
sion, has overflowed its banks. At nine o'clock in the morning the 
front seats of the ladies' gallery were ' taken ' in ]3erson by the 
occupants, just as they used to be in those historical days when 
Toombs, "Wigfall, and Davis were making their eloquent adieus. 
Long before the hour at which it was expected that Senator Revels 
would speak, every available spot where a human being could find 
lodgment was appropriated, and hundreds who came afterward 
were obliged to go away. Xever, since the birth of the Eepublic, 
lias such an audience been assembled under one single roof. It 
embraced the greatest and the least of America's citizens. It num- 
bered the statesman whose name is known on the earth's surface 
wherever the English language is spoken, as well as the untaught 
freedman whose existence in the world is narrowed to the circum- 
ference of his own family. Who will attempt to portray this 
peculiar assembly ? Africa's sable representatives, with skins like 
polished satin, were to be seen not far removed from the colorless 
blondes of haughty French extraction, who trace their blue veins 
to a branch of the Bourbon family. 

" Modestly, in the true sense of the word, uprose the man who 
had called this vast congregation together. He seemed to have a 
realizing sense of the responsibility of the hour. He appeared to 
feel that he was not only a representative of a great State, but for 
the time being was the intellectual embodiment of a whole race. 
The writer of this letter listened to the farewell speech of Jefferson 
Davis in the American Senate. It is not necessary to repeat how 
closely allied the words of this man were to the destiny of the 
whole Southern people. It may be proper, in this connection, to 
contrast the haughty arrogance of one man, during his address to 
the Senate, with the simple, dignified demeanor of the other under 
the same crucial test. In no place, except in the cases recorded in 
the Bible, have the proud been so humbled, and the lowly lifted so 

//O 



HIRAM R REVELS. 4 

high, the actors all living witnesses of the startling events. In 
delivery, force, manner, in every thing which goes to make an ora- 
torical effort a success, Senator Eevels surpassed the most sanguine 
expectations of his friends. His brief, pointed appeal in behalf of 
the Union people of Georgia will soon fly on the wings of the press 
to every household in the land. Its merits will be discussed in the 
mansion and the cottage. 

" A silence ominous in its intensity wrapped the Senate Chamber 
during the brief time occupied in reading this speech. At its con- 
clusion strong men like Sumner, Morton, and others- grasped the 
speaker by the hand. Senator Revels did not grow pale under the 
ordeal, but his Scotch blood burned steadily, and the flame was 
visible throuc-h his bronzed cheek. With this difference he was 
the minister surrounded by his flock, so far as embarrassment was 
concerned." 

On the occasion thus graphically described Mr. Revels said : 

Mr. President : I rise with feelings wliicli, perhaps, never before entered into the 
experience of any member of this body. I rise, too, "oith misgivings as to the 
propriety of lifting my voice at this early period after my admission into the 
Senate. Perhaps it were Aviser for me, so inexperienced, in the details of sena- 
torial duties, to have remained a passive listener in the progress of this debate ; 
but when I remember that my term is short, and that the issues with which this 
bill is fraught are momentous in their present and future influence upon the 
well-being of ray race, I would seem indifferent to the importance of the hour 
and recreant to the high trust imposed upon me if I hesitated to lend my voice 
on behalf of the loyal people of the South. I therefore waive all thoughts as 
to the propriety of taking a part in this discussion. When questions arise 
which bear upi>n the safety and protection of the loyal white and colored popu- 
lation of those States lately in rebellion, I cannot allow any thought as to mere 
propriety to enter into my consideration of duty. The responsibility of being 
the exponent of such a constituency as I have the honor to represent are fully 
appreciated by me. I bear about me daily the keenest sense of their weight, 
and that feeling prompts me now to lift my voice for the first time in this 
Council Chamber of the nation ; and, sir, I stand to-day on this floor to appeal for 
protection from the strong arm of the Government for her loyal children, in-e- 
spective of color and race, who are citizens of the Southern States, and particu- 
larly of the State of Georgia. . . 

/// 



1 BENJAMIN F, RICE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill the Forty-first Congress Mr, Rice continued to serve on the 
Committees on the Judiciary and the Pacific Eaih-oad. 

Mr. Rice, as well as some other Senators, has the art of legislat- 
ino- with but few formal addresses or speeches before the body, 
yet is he capable of such addresses when he deems it expedient' or 
necessary. One of these occasions was his presentation, by way of 
an amendment to a civil appropriation bill, of a Choctaw claim of 
long standing, and which he was anxious to see adjusted. He had 
been active in previous efibrts for securing this object, but with 
indifferent success. In the conclusion of his speech in advocacy of 
the claim he remarked : 

The only question is wliether you will pay it or not. That is the only ques- 
tion that any lawyer or any committee that has examined this claim has ever 
deemed could be raised, except the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Sherman.) I 
noticed the other day that a bill came here from the House of Representatives 
to pay the Government of Great Britain $600^000 in gold, in compliance with a 
treaty stipulation. Did any body object to that? Did any body object to 
paying money upon a treaty stipulation with Great Britain ? If not, why object 
to paying money upon a treaty stipulation with these helpless Indians ? Is it 
because one is a strong power and can enforce its rights, and the other is a weak 
one and cannot ? I see no other reason, and I presume no other can be oflf(^red. 
I see nothing in this case why the Senate should not act, and act now. Eithei- 
vote this down and say you do not intend to pay the Indians one cent, or vote 
to fund the debt and allow them to have their interest. The lateness of the 
session has nothing to do with it. The question has been before the Senate for 
a long time. Let us by a square vote say whether we will comply with our 
treaties with the Indians or not. If the Senate are disposed not to do so let 
them say so. 

As one of the Judiciary Committee, Mr. Rice alone dissented 
from the majority report of that Committee against the admission 
of Mr. Ames, of Mississippi, to his seat in the Senate. The adverse 
report hinging upon the matter of residence, Mr. Rice remarked as 
follows touching that subject : 

The first question to be determined is, whether a man in the military service 
can gain a residence different from that which he held when he went into that 
service, or whether, being without any residence whatever, it is in his power 
while in the military service to gain one ? That question in this country, it 
seems to me, should be tried by a rule that is in harmony with the institutions 
of our country. I do not know, and I do not believe, that we have any insti- 
tutions or any rules in this country that prevent any citizen of the United States, 



BENJAMIN F. RICE. 2 

no matter in wliat calling be may be eftgaged, from gaining a residence wherever 
and whenever he desires to do so. Wliatever rule may have been adopted in 
other countries, I cannot see that it is necessarily applicable to this country. 
This is a government of the people. This is a government in which the 
soldiers are a part of the governors as well as any body else. They are citizens 
as well as soldiers. They do not lose any portion of their citizensliip by being 
soldiers. They do not lose their residence or any right they may have as resi- 
dents or citizens that they would have if they w^ere not soldiers, excejit sucli as 
are inconsistent with their duty as soldiers. 

By a large vote Mr. Ames was admitted over the majority 
report. 

From the remarks of Mr. Eice on the Senate Joint Ilesohition 
in rehition to the Northern Pacific Railway Company, we extract 
the following judicious sentiments : 

I have always understood that the proposition to grant public lands to rail- 
road companies was based on the idea of developing the country, of encourag- 
ing settlement throughout the country where the road was to run, I have 
understood also that the granting of laud to settlers under the homestead law 
was exactly for the same* purpose. I have always understood that the pre- 
emption law was based on the same idea. ... If that be true, the railroad 
company stands exactly in the same condition as a^ettler, and there is no more 
propriety in saying that the railroad company shall sell their land, after they 
have made it valuable, at $1 25 an acre, than there is in sayuig that the settler 
under the homestead law when he sells his land, after he has improved its value, 
shall sell it also at $1 35 an acre. Both were given their land for the same 
purpose. Both have received ' the grants in order that settlement might be 
extended into the wilderness, and in order to crowd back the savage and 
increase civilization. When the homestead settler does it, he gets his one 
hundred and sixty acres of land, or whatever amount the Government sees 
proper to allow. He has gone there under a contract ; he has gone there not 
as a subject of charity, but as a man who has been granted one hundred and 
sixty acres of land, provided he will go forth into that dangerous country and 
make settlement. So the railroad company goes out on the same mission. We 
contract with the company, " If you will go into the wilderness, build a road, 
and thereby open that country to settlement, we will give you so many acres of 
land to the mile." Why should not their title be as absolute as that of the 
homestead settler ? Why entangle them and complicate them by tying up their 
grant as to the manner of sale ? The value of the land consists in their power 
over it. The value of their land consists also in the improvements that they 
make upon it by reason of making their railroad. ... As this settlement and 
development of the country is desirable, whatever course is necessary to induce 
it I am willing to take. If it is necessary to give the number of acres of land 
per mile that is given in this bill I am willing to do it, because the land is with- 
out value until the railroad is made. 

8 



THOMAS J. ROBERTSON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Robertson continued to serve on 
the Committee on Manufactnres and as Chairman of the Select 
Committee on the Removal of Political 'Disabilities. In presenting 
one of his Reports from the last-named Conimittee, Mr. Robert on 
took occasion to remark that he for one had never held the people 
of the South responsible for their action in the late rebellion. 

Their leaders were responsible for that action. The people were not suifered 
to think and act for themselves. They were fooled by their leaders and drawn 
into the war, and therefore I do not hold tbem responsible. Sir, I have lived 
among the Southern people. I know their characteristic points, and the- traits 
of their character. 

Proifering snndrj names as candidates for relief from their 
political disabilities, Mr. Robertson continued : 

I have been careful not to put into this bill, large as it may seem to be, the 
name of any person against whom there were well-founded objections. If the 
Senate determine that these citizens of Kentucky have a preference over citizens 
of other States, I do not know that I shall make any objection ; but I tliink the 
citizens of South Carolina and other Southern States, who thought that they 
owed their allegiance to the State Government rather than the General Govern- 
ment, have more claims ujiton the Government now to be relieved from their 
political disabilities than the citizens of Kentucky, because their State did not 
secede, and hence, even upon their doctrine of primary allegiance to their State, 
they had no right to participate in the Rebellion. They went off to hunt up a 
fight. They did not fight in their own State. They went for into the South. 
If those men are to be relieved from political disabilities and others are not, it 
is for the Senate to determine. 

During the discussion in the Senate of the Southern Pacific 
Railroad bill, Mr. Robertson gave utterance to the following views 
respecting subsidies : 

If we are to go outside of the State in which railroads are to be built, and go 
into the Territories and give public lands there to build railroads in the States, 
I for one, as a Southern Senator on this floor, object to it. I am willing to give 
my vote to grant alternate sections of the public lands in the Territories, where 
the countiy is undeveloped, to aid in building railroads ; but not to go into the 
Territories and give lands there to build railroads in the States. All these 
propositions to appropriate lands to build railroads through the State of Cali- 
fornia or in the Territories should be made to stand on their own merits and 
not be ai,tached to this bill. I consider that this amendment, if adopted, will 
be a drawback to the bill, and will eventually defeat it. I hope it will not be 
adopted. 

1/^ 



EDMUND G. ROSS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Koss continued to serve on the 
Committee on Indian Afiairs and on the Committee on Mines and 
Mining. Mr. Eoss, in this Congress, favored the repeal of the Civil 
Tenure law absolutely and unconditionally, and was opposed to all 
propositions for its retention in any modified or amended form. 
His speeches in the Senate were always brief, terse, and to the 
point ; and of these a fair specimen presents itself in his remarks 
upon the question of reducing the army : 

Mr. President, this is not a question simply of saving a fevp- dollars here and 
there to the Government ; bvit it is a question whether we shall protect human 
life and property on the phiius and on the borders of our settlements. It is well 
known to every Senator here that there has been a constant demand for years 
for more troops than we have been able to get on the plains. Month after 
month, and day after day almost for years the Senators and members from the 
West have been imjiortuniug the President, the Secretary of War, and the 
General of the Army for more troops for that country. Their uniform answer 
has been that they had not troops to spare ; that we could not have them. The 
consequence is that we have had war on the plains for the last four years. We 
have war there now, and we have had that war and have it now simj^ly because 
we have not had troops enough in the army. It seems to me, sir, to be idle to 
say that we can increase the Army hereafter if circumstances shall necessitate 
it. Why diminish it at all ? It is well known that it is a great deal easier to 
keep the Army at its present statm than to increase it after it shall once have 
been reduced, and I should do so in view of the constantly threatening condi- 
tion of things there. I hope this amendment will not prevail. The troubles on 
the plains must continue from year to year until some much more satisfactory 
system of governing the Indians shall have been devised. The only way now of 
keeping peace there is by force, and that is likely to be the only way for years to 
come. Our settlements are extending too far into the West, the accumulation of 
property is too great and of too much importance to the Government, to risk the 
sacrilice of millions there for the sake of saving a few hundred thousands here. 

Subsequently speaking on the same subject, Mr. Eoss said : 

I represent a State four out of every five of whose citizens were members of 
that great Army which championed liberty on a thousand fields, and I feel that 
I should be derelict in my duty to them, derelict to the memory of that contest, 
and untrue to a soldier's recollection of their great patriotism and unseliish 
devotion, were I to consent to this proposition. I have listened attentively to 
the lucid and comprehensive exjalanation of the Senator of his amendment, but 
I fail yet to see the justice or propriety of it. I fail to see the justice of putting 
it in the power of the President or of any man to give to these gentfemen the 
polite invitation that we give in this bill, " Unless you choose to resign within 
the space of the next six months or four months you shall be mustered out."' 



WILLARD SAULSBURY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

A brief extract or two from Mr. Saulsbury's speech in the Forty- 
first Congress in relation to the re-instatement of Georo-ia suffi- 
ciently indicates liis bearing in respect to the whole matter of con- 
gressional reconstruction of the seceded States : 

" Sir, there is a conflict between the title of this bill and its pro- 
visions. The title treats Georgia as a State in the Union, for it speaks 
of the more perfect reconstruction of the State of Georgia, AVhat is 
Georgia? How do we know anything of Georgia? . , . We have 
known of Georgia as a State of this Union, represented on this floor 
by her Senators in Congress, and in the other House by her Repre- 
sentatives in Congress. We knew of her as a State in tliis Union 
until 1861 ; and now I ask. When and by what means did Georgia 
ever lose her position among the States in this Union ? When did 
she cease to be a State? . . . You speak in the debates upon this 
very question of ' the State of Georgia,' and yet you talk of the re- 
admission of Georgia into the Union of States ! . . . When, where, 
how did Georgia cease to be a member of the Federal Union ? Did 
she do it by passing an ordinance assuming to nullify her ratification 
of the Federal Constitution ? My answer is that when she passed 
that ordinance the President of the United States declared, the 
Congress of the United States declared, and the Judiciary of the 
United States have declared that it had no such operation or effect. 
Did she cease to be a State when she took up arms to make that 
ordinance good? W^ar, you said, could not destroy the Union. 
Keither did war do it. . . . Then they (the people of Georgia) were 
never carried out by force. Force could not do it. What has 
done it? Sir, this is what has done it, in my humble judgment 
— the necessity, in the estimation of gentlemen, that the Repub- 
lican party, as a ]mrty, should be permanently seated in the places 
of power ; — not that the Constitution of the country may be pre- 
served, not that the rights of the people may be respected, . . . but 
that the Republican party shall continue in power, not only for 
eight years longer but for all time." 

Mr. Saulsbury terminated his long career in the Senate at the 
close of the Fortv-first Congress. 

//4 



FREDERICK A. SAWYER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Sawyer, in the Forty-first Congress, was continued on the 
same Committees as in the preceding Congress, and served upon 
them with equal eifieiency ; and not in Committees only, but on 
the floor of the Senate he evinced no ordinary tact and ability in 
legislation. Upon all questions especially relating to the interests 
of the South he was intensely awake and active, and was deeply 
concerned to see all the seceded States fully restored to their normal 
relations to the Union ; while, for the furtherance of this end, he 
was disinclined to favor what he deemed the severity characteriz- 
ing 'the bearing and some of the measures in respect to the South 
which met the approval of a portion of the Republican Senators. 
Pending the question of the reconstruction of Yirginia, Mississippi, 
and Texas, he voted against their being required, as a condition- 
precedent, to adopt the Fifteenth Amendment, regarding it as 
beino; for them a new condition, and one w^hich had not been 
imposed upon the other States, "I desired as far as possible," 
said he, " to have the vote of those States upon their constitutions, 
and upon the general question of their readmission to their normal 
and practical relations with the Union, a free and voluntary vote ; 
that they should come in of their own choice." He insisted that if 
punishment for treason was to be inflicted upon those concerned in 
the Rebellion the time for such punishment was past. " Here," 
said he, " after five years of so-called peace, after all the States but 
one are represented in the halls of Congress, we are striving to 
administer punishment by keeping up a little petty irritation by 
continuing the sj^stem of political disabilities. It is the fable of the 
labor of the mountain — the parturition of the mouse," Referring 
to the notion that the continuance of political disabilities would 
insure the triumph of the Republican party in the South, Mr. 
Sawyer adds: "Why, sir, the continuance of political disabilities 
simply takes out of the field of candidates for office a certain num- 
ber of men ; and if the triumph of the Republican party in the 
South depends upon keeping out of the list of possible candidates 
for Federal oflices this or that man, then let me tell that jparty that 
they have but a broken reed to lean upon." 



GAEL SCHUEZ. 



^ '^^ARL SCHUEZ was born at Liblar, a village near Cologne, 



^ on the Rhine, where his father was teacher, on the 2cl of 




March, 1829. After having finished the preliminary 
course of studies prescribed by the laws of Prussia, he 
entered the University of Bonn. His studies were soon inter- 
rupted by the outbreak of the revolution of 1848. The political 
state of Germany at that time was unsatisfactory in a high degree. 
The public mind universally demanded constitutional liberty and 
the unity of the country. The contest for these priceless blessings 
was going on in Germany when the French Revolution made chaos 
of continental Western Europe, which promised to be followed by 
the day of liberty and unity. * 

Xo wonder that the German youth supported these movements 
with all the enthusiasm and ardor peculiar to that stage of life. 
Schurz soon joined the circle of devoted friends of liberty which 
collected around Professor Kinkel of Bonn, one of the best known 
poets of his day. " Unity and liberty " was the watchword of the 
great mass of the people ; the form under which both might be 
secured best was subject to controversy, and dependent in a large 
•measure on the course of events. This course proved little satis- 
factory in Germany. The Constitutional Assembly of Germany had 
at last finished a constitution for the country when the great pow- 
ers of Germany and some of the small ones turned against it. At 
this critical moment Southwestern Germany rose in arms for the 
new Constitution, which alone seemed to promise the achievement 
of liberty and unity. Supporters, from other parts of Germany 
joined the movement, among them Kinkel and Schurz. The latter 
entered the army, took part in some engagements, and was taken 

Hi' 




-^y 'WEBMoU &_ Sans cC2^aifr>7i •;■ '-'- 





HON_ CARL SCHUPZ 



SEKAJ OR FPX'M MI S y OLl hL 



CARL SCHURZ. 



prisoner at Rastadt, together with his teacher, KinkeL Ho, how- 
ever, found means to escape from the fortress, while his beloved 
teaclier was condemned to death, and afterward pardoned to im- 
prisonment for life. Schurz, an exile in Switzerland, determined 
to liberate his friend, who at that time was kept at a prison near 
Berlin. With great danger to himself he went to Berlin and ac- 
complished the difficult task. In November, 1850, he landed 
safely with Kinkel in England. At that time his name became 
first known in Germany. 

Schurz remained after that several years in England, a careful 
observer and diligent student of political life and science. Seeing 
no good prospects for the realization of his political ideas in Europe 
he determined to emigrate to America, where he arrived in 1853. 
That year saw the memorable campaign in which the Whigs, 
under General Scott, were so utterly routed that the party broke 
up entirely. The succeeding abolition of the Missouri Compromise 
put an end to the truce which for more than thirty years had kept 
at peace the discordant elements of the Union. The formation of 
the Republican party w^as the result, coming out of the seething 
chaldron at that time. To the enthusiastic heart and the keen 
observation of Schurz it was equally clear which party he had to 
join. Thus we find him an ardent Republican from the start. 
From Philadelphia, where he had lived the first years after his 
arrival in America, he had gone to Watertown, Wisconsin, and 
settled there with his family on a fai-m, all the tiuie, however, 
studying politics and the English language. 

The defeat of the Republican party in 1856 had nothing dis- 
couraging in it, and the organization went on with great zeal and 
vifor. Mr. Schurz at that time had mastered the English Ian- 
guage to such a degree that he could undertake to speak publicly 
in English. The power of his logical argumentation and the 
artistic finish of his speeches arrested public attention at once. 
He immediately counted among the most prominent speakers .of 
the Republican party. He ran as Lieutenant-Governor on the 
Republican ticket in 1859, and when defeated there he became 



3 CARL SCHURZ. 

clerk of the Legislature. In 1860 lie was a member of the dom- 
inating Convention at Chicago, exerting his influence for the nom- 
ination of Mr. Seward. The convention, in recognition of his tal- 
ents and services, made him a member of the National Kepublican 
Committee. Thus he was enabled to exert great influence in the 
election of Mr. Lincoln, and to be instrumental in shaping public 
opinion and preparing it for the great trial which was in store for the 
nation. When the Eebellion broke out Schurz oflered to enter the 
armj and to fight as a soldier for those principles of liberty and 
union of which he had shown himself such an able champion on the 
tribune. Mr, Lincoln chose to send him as Minister to Spain. The 
defeat of the national arms did not j)ermit him to stay quietly 
at Madrid and to enjoy there the leisure and emoluments of his 
position. In midwinter he crossed the ocean to offer again his 
services as a soldier for the LTnion. Mr, Lincoln acceded to his 
wishes, and made him a Brigadier-General of volunteers. He 
participated as such in the battles which the Army of the Potomac 
fought in 1862. Tlie next year he was made Major-General, and 
fought at Chancellorsville and Gettysburgh, In the succeeding 
year he served with his troops in the Southwest. 

After his return to America Mr, Schurz was on terms of inti- 
macy and friendship with Mr, Lincoln, whicli position he consci- 
entiously used for promoting the best interests of the country. 
The abolition of slavery as a war measure was a foregone conclu- 
sion with Mr, Schurz when he returned from Europe, and he im- 
proved every opportunity to convince Mr. Lincoln of this. In an 
address in the Cooper Institute in New York he forcibly spoke to 
the same purpose. In 186-1 he took an active part in the cam- 
paign for the re-election of Mr. Lincoln. 

When peace came in 1865 he was sent by President Johnson to 
investigate and report on the state of the South, When the able 
report was ready the mind of the President had undergone such a 
change that it was received by him in a very different mood from 
that in which it had been ordered. 

In the important winter of 1865-66 Mr. Schurz was the chief 



CARL sen URZ. 4. 

-correspondent of the "JSTew York Tribune" in Washington, and 
as such aided in fixing the public opinion of the North in respect 
to Johnson's administration. 

In the spring of 1866 he became chief editor of a new Repub- 
lican paper in Detroit, Michigan ; but after a short time exchanged 
this position for that of one of the proprietors and editors of the 
leading German Republican paper of Missouri, the " Westliche 
Post " of St. Louis. 

Missouri, by her geographical position and her history, is one 
of those States of the South which had to be reclaimed first for a 
new life. Mr.. Schurz in going there meant to assist in this work 
of national importance. 

In the fall of 1868 the Legislature of Missonri elected him a 
Senator in Congress. He entered the Senate on the -Ith of March, 
1869. Always earnest in his political convictions, he has stood up 
for them and worked for them in the new arena open for him with 
the greatest industry and with entire independence. His endeav- 
ors for civil service reform and for amnesty for the South ai'e well 
known to the country by the speeches he made on them. 

He was appointed a member of the Committee on Foreign 
Afi^iirs, and as such took a conspicuous part in opposing the .an- 
nexation of Dominica. The Senate having under consideration the 
joint resolution authorizing the apj^ointment of commissioners to 
make investigations in relation to that Republic, and Senators 
having quoted the report of Mr. Schurz upon the condition of the 
South as a precedent, stating that he had collected the material 
for his report in thirty days, he replied : 

I was out about three months, and then I had only one subject to investigate, 
and I had the whole machinery of the Freedmen's Bureau and all the otticers 
of the United States Army stationed in the South to contribute information 
ready-made to my report. Such facilities the commission which is to be sent 
to San Domingo will not have. In the first place, they will find a country 
entii-ely strange to them, whose language they do not understand ; in the 
second place, instead of finding an organization, so to say, of trustworthy in- 
formers, as I found in the ofiicers of the United States, they will probably have 
to break through a thick tissue of deception to get at the truth. 



JOH^ SCOTT. 




^,,y,, 'OHN SCOTT was born in Alexandria, Hiintinojclon Conn- 



6^^^!® ^J' Pennsylvania, July 14, 1824. Ilis ancestry on both 
^i^^ J sides was Scotch-Irish. Plis father was a Major of volun- 
teers in the War of 1812, and a member of the Twenty- 
first Congress from Pennsylvania. To his son he gave the com- 
mon-school education afforded by his native town, the advantages 
of private teachers of Greek and Latin, and an early introduction 
to practical business life. He soon evinced a talent for public 
si3eaking, acquiring before his eighteenth year quite a local repu- 
tation among the advocates of the Washingtonian temperance 
movement. Choosing the legal profession, he entered, in 1842, the 
office of Hon. Alexander Thomson, of Chambersburg, Pa., and in 
January, 1846, was admitted to the bar. He immediately com- 
menced practice in Huntingdon, Pa., his present residence, was 
appointed Deputy Attorney-General for that county, and held that 
position for several years. He rose rapidly ,in his profession, and 
soon ranked with the ablest lawyers in the district. In 1851 Mr. 
Scott was appointed a member of the Board of Revenue Commis- 
sioners, and, although the youngest member, took an active part in 
its proceedings, serving on its most important committees. As a 
member of the Democratic State Convention in 1852 he led the 
opposition to Mr. Buchanan's nomination for the Presidency, and 
was the author of a vigorous protest against the mode of electing 
delegates favorable to him. Threatened with failing health, he vis- 
ited Europe in 1853, and returned much benefited by his travels. 
In 1854 he was nominated by the Citizens' Convention for the State 
Legislature, and refusing adherence to the " Know Nothings," who 
organized after his nomination, was by them defeated. As soon as 
Mr. Buchanan announced his Kansas policy Mr. Scott took decided 
ground against him. In 1860 he was nominated as a Douglas 








SEKAIT OP^ PEOM PEJ^]^TSYlJ■.7AlqIA_^ 



;F.AVED FC- E.ABMEi HISTOPYCr COMCRESS 



JOHN SCOTT. 2 

Democrat for the State. Senate, the District being overwhehnino'ly 
Eepublican. In the following year both parties requested him to 
serve in the House of Eepresentatives, and consenting, he was 
elected without opposition, although liis party was largely in the 
minority in the county. He made an attempt to organize the House 
without distinction of party, pledging Pennsylvania to the cordial 
support of the General Government in the suppression of the rebel- 
lion. This the Democratic Caucus declined, and he and other War 
Democrats acted with the Republicans in the organization. He 
served as Chairman of the Judiciary Committee during the session, 
and declined a re-election. Although not a politician, in the usual 
sense of that term, he participated actively in political campaigns, 
advocating Governor Curtin's election in 1863, and supportino- Mr. 
Lincoln for President in 1804. He was elected a Delegate to the 
Republican JSTational Convention in 1868, but had his place tilled 
by his alternate, being detained in the Supreme Court to argue a 
case involving the constitutionality of a law of the State disfran- 
chising deserters— a question in which political parties took a deep 
interest. 

Taking an active part in the canvass of that year, public atten- 
tion was directed to him as a candidate for the United States Sen- 
ate. When the Legislature met he was elected to succeed Mr. 
Buckalew, and took his seat March 4, 1869. He was assigned to 
the Committees on Claims, Pacific Railroads, and Naval AfRiirs. 
His senatorial record shows him to be an attentive, industrious, 
and able member of that body. In the last session of this Con- 
gress he was appiointed Chairman of the Select Committee to 
investigate the alleged outrages in the Southern States. He first 
spoke in the Senate upon the bill to repeal the " Tenure-of-Office 
Act." He has since spoken in review of Commissioner Wells's 
Report ; upon the admission of Virginia to representation ; upon 
the eligibility of Mr. Revels and General Ames to seats in the Sen- 
ate ; upon the Funding Bill; in advocacy of the repeal of the 
Income Tax, and upon other subjects. His speeches are generally 
brief, sensible, and without attempt at ornament. 



3 JOHN SCOTT. 

Mr. Scott opposed the repeal of the Civil Tenure Act : " "We 
have," said he, " this principle given to us now, a most valu- 
able principle in the administration of this Government, which 
prevents the President from exerting a power which in the 
hands of a bad man, with the immense patronage at his command, 
would be the absolute control of all the ojffices. Shall we surrender 
it ? I saj no. Incorporate it in whatever legislation jou may 
have, and that principle is of more importance to us for the future 
of this country than any mere question of temporary convenience 
about men either getting into office or getting out of office." 

One of Mr, Scott's best speeches on the floor of the Senate was 
his Memorial Address on the life and character of his friend, 
Hon. John Covode, (Representative from tlie Twelfth Congres- 
sional District of Pennsylvania,) delivered February 10, 1S71. 
Referring to the traits of character, public and private, which dis- 
tinguished the deceased, he said : 

He was not a man of learning; he was a man of intellect. It was not tbat 
cultivated intellect which often leads men to be mere thinkers, whose thoughts 
end in dreams and are sometimes afterward caught up and made practical by 
the earnest workers of the world. His was that busy, practical brain which 
made him a man of action, a type of the untiring working men who are making 
their mark upon this active century, who study their fellow-men more tlian 
books, and who are indisi)ensable to the earnest thinkers of tlie age. Earnest 
thinkers and earnest workers need each other. Earnest thought is earnest 
wprk in one sense, but not in all senses. The earnest thought of the com- 
mander who plans a camjiaign or maps out a battle-field may be earnest work 
for him ; but it is not that kind of earnest work which carries forts and routs 
opposing armies. The men who do this kind of earnest work should live in 
history, as well as those who plan it and direct it to be done. 

I saw recently a large painting of the battle of Gettysburg, ordered by the 
State of Pennsylvania. It represents the pinch of the fight — the repulse of 
Pickett's charge. Its central figure is a private Union soldier — tall, muscular, 
with all the energy of determined action apparent in every feature and in 
every limb — with a musket clenched frantically in his hands, and drawn to 
strike an assailant. He seems to be the real leader of all who are behind him. 
The commanding generals are in the dim distance. I thought, as I looked 
upon it, that the men of action are, in our day, coming to the front. ... If a 
man's life has not impressed his fellow-men his funeral will not. But his 
funeral may tell how his life has impressed them; and, standing there, no man 
could doubt the sincerity of the sorrow which his death had occasioned among 
those who knew him best. A bad man could not be so mourned. 

Ay 



JOHN SHERMAN. j 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Sherman M\as still Chairman of 
the Finance Committee, and a member of the Committee on the 
Pacific Eaih-oad. He was a freciuent speaker, always evincing' 
clear convictions on the various subjects of discussion, and stating 
those convictions in a style nnafiected, transparent, and business- 
like. In this Congress he made numerous speeches on the Supple- 
mentary Currency bill, on the Joint Resolution to protect the 
interests of the United States in the Pacific Eailroad, the Income 
Tax, the Funding bill, on the Appropriation bills, on the Missis- 
sippi and the Georgia bills, on the bill for enforcing the Fifteenth 
Amendment, and many other topics. 

In the concluding remarks of his able speech on the Eeduction 
of Taxation, and especially of the Income Tax, Mr. Sherman in- 
sisted that 

When we are paying $30,000,000 to our i)ensioners, when we are paying 
$126,000,000 to capitalists as the interest upon the public debt, for them to 
complain of a tax of three per cent, upon their surplus income above $1,000, 
because it is inquisitorial, unjust, and unequal, does not speak well for the 
patriotism of those who do it. ... I say the most senseless and the most scan- 
dalous clamor that has been made in this country is this clamor against the in- 
come tax. While we are still levying a tax of five cents a pound on coffee, 
twenty-five cents a pound on tea, and three cents a pound on sugar of the poor, 
levying a tax upon every employment of life, upon the sales of every little 
retail dealer, and sending our deputies all over this broad land to gather the 
little cents and dimes from them— for the people whose incomes are over $1,000 
to object to an assessment of three per cent, on their surplus incomes I think is 
scandalous. ... 

It has been proposed to increase the exemption from $1,000 to $1,500. I do 
not think that is right. It may be popular. There are now 270,000 people 
who pay income tax. If the exemption is raised to $1,500 only about 170,000 
will pay income tax, and 100,000 people will probably be relieved from tlie tax. 
But should they be? Is it just? Is it right? There is no reason for any 
exemption except the fact that the incomes of those who receive less than $1,000 
per annum are necessary for their daily food and consumption. . . . When 'you 
go above $1,000 you reach a region where persons are " passing rich," as Gold- 
smith's vicar says, "on £40 a yeai-." They are independent when they have 
$1,000 net income after paying taxes and all the exemptions provided by the 
income law. I do not, therefore, see any justice in raising the exemption, 
although I can see that it would be very popular with the 100,000 well-to-do 
people who would thus be reUeved from the income tax, throwing the whole 
burden upon those who are of the wealthier class. 



2 JOHN SHERMAN. 

The most conspicuous labors of Mr. Sherman in this Congress 
were those hy which he was successful in securing the passage of 
the Currency Bill and the Funding Bill. The latter bill was under 
consideration in the Senate and House' at intervals from the 11th 
of January, 18T0, when it was introduced by Mr. Shcrm.an, until 
July 13, two days before the close of the session, when it passed as 
the result of the report of the second Conference Committee ap- 
pointed on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses. 

Mr. Sherman on that occasion fully explained the bill and the 
difficulties through which it had reached its final passage. He 
said that the controversy between tlie two Houses related prin- 
cipally to the description of the bonds, the mode of negotiation, 
and their operation upon national banks. As to the first, the bill, 
as proposed by the Committee, provided for two hundi-ed millions 
of five per cent, bonds, three hundred millions of four and a half 
per cent, bonds, and one thousand millions of five per cent, bonds. 
As to the mode of negotiation, it was decided to place one half of 
one per cent, at the disposal of the Secretary of the Treasury for 
the negotiation, of this loan. As to their operation upon national 
banks there had been a great deal of trouble. The bill as it had 
passed the Senate required all tlie national banks to take the new 
bonds in substitution for the old. The banks, however, raised " a 
very remarkable and unnecessary clamor against that provision," 
and the result was " leaving the national banks entirely at liberty 
to help or to mar the funding of the public debt." Finally 

Mr, Sherman said : 

I wish now to record my deliberate judgment that in this condnsion, to 
which we have been compelled to arrive by the action of the House, we are 
• doing the national banks a great injury, which will impair their influence and 
power among the people, and that the opposition of the national banks to this 
provision, which would have required them to aid in the funding of the public 
debt, will tend more to weaken and destroy them than any thing that has 
transpired since their organization. I do not see how we can go Ijefore tlie 
people of the United States and ask them to lend us gold at par for our bonds, 
when we refuse to require agencies of our own creation to take them ; when 
we even refuse to require new banks not yet organized to take these new 
bonds, and when we refuse to require old banks to aid us to this extent in 
funding the public debt. 

/:^6 



GEORGE E. SPENCER. 

[Continued from Fortieth Congress.] 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Spencer was a member of the 
Committees on Commerce and Pensions, and of the Select Com- 
mittee on the Levees of the Mississippi Eiver, 

The earnest attitude of Mr. Spencer in connection with the 
momentous issues of the time is clearly evinced in his speech on 
the enforcement of the Fifteenth Amendment. " The Eepublican 
party," said he, " appears to be afflicted with a masterly inactivity, 
and the results incident to the suppression of the Rebellion, instead 
of uniting more firmly the component parts of the party, are slip- 
ping from our grasp without even the endeavor to clutch them ere 
they pass away. "What is the cause of this apathy ? What do 
gentlemen who claim affiliation with the Republican party mean 
by tamely surrendering to the Copperheads of the j^orth and the 
Ku-Klux Democracy of the South, whose panderers and dema- 
gogues are seeking power and place only to upturn the Union and 
render nugatory all that has been so happily accomplished in the 
interests of freedom, nationality, and loyalty ? Are we to lose all 
that has been realized for the happiness of the country, first, under 
the auspices of Abraham Lincoln, afterward jeopardized and almost 
lost through the apostasy of Andrew Johnson, and since re-obtained 
by the wise administration of General Grant and a Republican 
Cono-ress ? . . . 

" The condition of the South, political and social, is truly de- 
plorable. To be a Republican, an advocate of liberty, and a 
supporter of the administration and its policy, is a heinous crime. 
It sets a mark upon the brow and a price upon the head. There 
is no such thing in the South to-day as freedom of speech, freedom 
of thought, and freedom of action, except it be in those rare locali- 
ties where the inhabitants chance to be all loyal. 

"I openly charge, and can submit the proof, that the people of 
the South who sympathized with secession and bore arms to war 
upon the Union are to-day more bitter in their hatred to the 
government than ever before. . . . This hatred increases daily; it 
grows with their growth, and gathers in its strength." . . . 



1 WILLIAM SPRAGUE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Sprague was a member of 
the Committees on Appropriations, Public Lands, and Claims. 
Previous to this Congress he liad seldom participated in the debates 
of the Senate, but in March and April, 1869, he produced a series 
of remarkable speeches on national affairs. The first was on "the 
Financial Condition," in which he said : " I am weighed down 
with anxiety when I contemplate the ruin in store for us unless we 
pause in the forced policy we have been pursuing since the close 
of the war," He proposed a plan " to disconnect from the Treas- 
urj' its jurisdiction over national banks," and to "obviate the 
scarcity of money and high rates of interest caused by the with- 
drawal of Treasui-y revenues from the market," lie admitted that 
the plan, though apparently trivial, was the only method by which 
the financial problem could be solved. He gave the following 
amono- other illustrations " to show that there are little thing's 
which o;overn the o-reatest of human affairs :" 

A few weeks since, in order to understand somethiag of the condition of tlie 
Soutb, I visited Georgia, and naturally' was invited to insjiect a cotton-mill. lu 
the city of Augusta, Georgia, is a cotton-mill that to-day will surpass, and does 
surpass, in the success of its operations, the best one in New England ; and the 
secret of that success lies in the turn of one roll where the cotton is delivered 
on the spindle, it turning one hundred and fifteen times to the minute, while 
others in New England, and even by the side of it, turn ninety or one 
hundred. 

Near the conclusion of this speech Mr. Sprague said : 

The sul)ject has worn upon me, and the thought of the condition to which 
this country is certainly drifting, and the fact that those around me would not 
listen, nor will they believe what is the true condition of the country at the 
present time, the fact that no impression can be made upon any body about me, 
makes me sick at heart and almost unable to move. I would not liave occu- 
pied the attention of the Senate for a moment if that condition of things did 
not exist. Sir, if there was any credit, or if there was any advantage to the 
country in the position taken by me in the beginning of this war, if the force 
of that example amounted to any thing, or if ever I have done any thing in the 
course of my life of advantage to the country, this of giving the exact condi- 
tion in which the country is placed transcends them all. 

Mr. Sprague soon after delivered two speeches on the Civil- 
Tenure Act, the first of which contained the following paragraph : 



WILLIAM S PRAGUE. 2 

Now, sir, -\veliave a government of lawyers and judges, educated in one line, 
practiced in one pursuit ; educated upon the quarrels nnd tlie exliibitions of tlie 
worst passions of human nature ; joracticed in the dissensions, influenced I)y the 
vices of the people. It is such a judgment that is bnnight to bear upon every 
thing connected with this Government, and it is that condition of mind whicli 
is brought to k'gislate upon the interest, upon the honor, and upon the advance- 
ment of a great people. I for one, in looking back upon the past history of 
this country — and tlie people, whatever philosophers may say, will come to t1ie 
same conclusion — have come to believe that your war has not been won for the 
libei-ties of any class of people ; your war, just partially concluded, has had no 
high virtuous principle at the bottom of it. It has had simple contentions for 
power, for place, and for occupation, commencing here iu this body and per- 
meating throughout the country. You have, by the contentions beginning here, 
through the ambition of one class of men, built up two great, two powerful 
bodies of people, and you have built them for one purpose — that they might 
unite with your own ambitious ends for office and place and power, and you 
have gone from here to your respective peoples, both North and South, in order 
to create great opportunities, that you might go on in that way prospering in 
employment and in the office. If the philosophers of this age do not give that 
exact pitch to the tests about us I am most sadly in error. 

In the second speecli on tlie Civil-Tenure Act occurred the follow- 
ing reference to Mr. Sprague's personal history : 

One word, sir, in reference to the " manuflicturer." He was at school and at 
work iu his thirteenth year under the guidance of a dear and excellent mother, 
and to her he attributes all that is good in his nature. His father died by the 
assassin's blow. For ten long years that dagger rested in his heart. In his 
daily avocations and in his nightly dreams he felt the blow that deprived him 
of his father. Sir, the blows that he sometimes felt here were not wholly dis- 
similar. The blow struck by the Senator from Nevada [Mr. Nye] the other day 
dropped deep into my heart, and reminded me of the incident I have related. 
At the death of his fether the estate, if settled up, would not have left a dollar 
to his father's family. That is the " rich manufacturer " who talks to you to- 
day. Thrust then into the counting-rocm, j)eiforming its lowest drudgeries, 
raising himself to all of its highest positions, at twenty-six he was left with the 
interest under his sole charge. In 18G0 or 1861 he had succeeded in giving to 
this country the largest, the best-arranged, the most successful and prosperous 
establishment of the kind in the world. He took ground politically, almost by 
instinct, in opposition to the course of public sentiment. He did not know 
that for forty years that i)ublic sentiment had been wrought up to the pitch 
of frenzy, blinded both to its own interests and to the danger that surrounded 
it. lie did not know of the condition of that other people who were similarly 
situated. When the war came, in defense of the whole country he made that 
appearance before the American public which fastened all eyes upon the 
movement. The people felt the exigencies and dangers for the first tkne when 
that movement attracted public attention. 

9 



ozoEA. P. steae:^s. 




i^ZORA p. STEARNS was born January 15, 1832, iu 
Dekalb, St. Lawrence County, 'New York. His sole 
patrimony was tlie blood of an active, vigorous, and long- 
lived ancestry. His early surroundings were unfavorable 
to intellectual growth, and his early advantages were such only as 
a resolute and ambitious boy could make for himself. 

In 1836, his father having removed to a wild part of what is 
now Lake County, Ohio, yonng Stearns began his struggle for an 
education in a log school-house of that section. At an early period 
he manifested an unusual desire to get an education. His first 
achievement in that direction was one term at an academy for 
which he paid by the sale of chestnuts gathered by himself. 

At the age of seventeen he surprised his district by accepting the 
care of the school as teacher. About this time, his father having 
" o-iven him his time," his first effort to make his own way in the 
world was at lead mining in Wisconsin ; but failing of success at 
this he returned to Ohio in the spring of 1850, and for two years 
labored on the farm during the summer, and taught school in the 

winter. 

In 1853 Mr. Stearns went to the gold mines in California. 
Here he made money rapidly ; but he abandoned mining as soon 
as he had accumulated enough to secure him an education. He 
returned to the States, and at once resumed his studies. He first 
went to the Grand River Institute at Austinburg, Ohio ; subse- 
quently attended Oberlin College, Ohio, and finally finished his 
education in the University of Michigan, where he graduated with 
honors in the Literary Department in 1858, and in the Law 
Department in 1860. As a scholar Mr. Stearns always stood high 

/3 




'^ %m.BMlS.Sc^e2S^'U^ ^'^ ' 




OZORA P. STEARNS. 2 

in his classes, and while an undergraduate he took a lively interest 
in political campaigns in Michigan, where he gained a fine reputa- 
tion as a public speaker. The admission of ladies to the advan- 
tages of the University, which is now an accomplished fact, was 
then a mooted question. Mr. Stearns engaged earnestly in behalf 
of the measure, and distinguished himself in its advocacy by his 
eloquence and ability in debate with some of the ablest men of tlie 
State. 

In 1860, soon after his graduation, Mr. Stearns removed to 
Minnesota, where he settled at Eochester for the practice of his 
profession. In the fall of 1861 he was elected Prosecuting 
Attorney. In 1862, the war making great demands upon the 
country for soldiers, Mr. Stearns closed his office, and enlisted 
as a private soldier in the Ninth Kegiment Minnesota Yolunteer 
Infantry. A commission was, however, soon given him, and his 
first two years of service were spent on the Indian frontier and in 
Missouri. 

In February, 1863, Mr. Stearns was married to Miss Sarah 
Burger, a young lady of fine culture, who had early applied for 
admission to the advantages of the University where Mr. Stearns 
was being educated. 

In April, 1864, receiving the commission of Colonel of the 
Thirty-ninth Regiment United States Colored Infantry, he joined 
that command at Manassas. lie was with the Army of the James 
under General Butler, aud at the battle of Petersburg, in the thick- 
est of the fight, so bore himself as to secure a complimentary notice 
from his superior officer, and the implicit confidence and warm 
attachment of his command. He was eno-ao-ed in the attack on 
Fort Fisher under General Butler, and subsequently served with 
General Terry in his expedition into North Carolina, and remained 
in that State until the close of the war. 

He returned to his home in 1865 to find that he had been 
elected again to the office of Prosecuting Attorney. This office he 
filled for two years. In the fall of 1868 he was a prominent can- 
didate before the Republican Convention of his district for the 

/3I 



3 OZORA P. STEARNS. 

nomination as Eepresentative in Congress, but his opponent, Hon, 
M, S. Wilkinson, was nominated after the fortieth ballot. 

On the passage of the Bankrupt Law of 1867 Mr. Stearns was 
appointed a register under that act, a position that he held until 
January, 1871, when he was elected United States Senator to fill 
the vacancy occasioned by the death of Hon. Daniel S. JS^orton. 

Mr. Stearns is an able lawyer, an eloquent and powerful public 
speaker.. He is possessed of sterling integrity, great popularity, 
and, being yet in the full vigor of life, has a promising future before 
him. His greatest success has as yet been in the professional field, 
perhaps, but his brief career as Senator was marked by ability and 
faithfulness in the discharge of important duty. He was successful 
in the management of important legislation for the relief of soldiers, 
and won the respect of his more experienced fellow-Senators. 



/J?r 



WILLIAM M. STEWART. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill tlie Forty-first Congress Mr, Stewart was continued on tlie 
Committee on the Judiciary, and was a member of tlie Committee 
on the Pacific Railroad, and Chairman of the Committee on Mines 
and Mining. He reported from the Judiciary Committee the bill 
to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, and took charge of it during 
its passage through the Senate. 

On the lltli of January, ISYl, Mr. Stewart addressed the Senate 
at length upon the question of appointing Commissioners to make 
investigations in relation to San Domingo. From his speech on 
this occasion the following extract is taken : 

If the inTestigation is made, and it turns out favorably, tliere is in store for 
the people of those islands a future more bright, more free, and grander than 
they ever conceived of J)efore. "Wlien the United States stretches its arms of 
power over them and protects them in all the liberties of American citizens, 
protects them from slavery, protects them from anarchy, protects them from 
oppression, those people may enjoy the richest part of this habitable globe as 
no other people ever have enjoyed that country. It is a future for them that 
they never had a right to expect. . . . We shall have to meet this question of 
annexation, not only south but north, in the next twenty years. Our popula- 
tion, our wealth, our railroad system, our manuftictures, and our agricultural 
resources are all so expanding that the commercial relations of this country to 
the surrounding provinces will be such that they must come and go with us. 
Canada cannot live long without us ; it is naturally a part of this country. 
There is a large portion of Mexico that never can be develoi^ed without us, 
that never can amount to any thing but with us. The i)eo25le will see this. 
Cuba never can be free and prosperous until it becomes a part of this country. 

Although we may vote that the question of annexation is not an open ques- 
tion to-day, it " will not down." It will always be coming up. In the language 
of a very beautiful address by the Swiss Assembly in regard to the question of 
the rights of the negroes, " Unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of 
mankind.'' You may say so of this question of annexation. As long as any 
part of this continent remains unannexed to this country the question will be 
oi^en, and will be considered not only by us, but by our children and om* chil- 
dren's children. 

During the discussion of the bill to strengthen the public credit, 
and relating to contracts for the payment of coin, he said : 

I have been very much in fiivor of a gold contract law, and have voted on 
every occasion when I have had an opportunity to do so for such a law ; and if 
such a law could be enacted now in simple form, so as not to embarrass the 
business of the country and open a field of litigation, I should be very glad to 
vote for it. ... I think the decision of the Supreme Com-t that contracts may 
be enforced as they are made will tend to reUeve business from the embarras*- 

/53 



2 WILLIAM M. STEWART. 

ment that was supposed to exist by the legal tender act. I never could under- 
stand why w^e should make it unlawful for a person to buy gold to pay duties 
with and at the same time require him to pay duties in gold. I never could 
understand how anybody iu the world was benefited by hampering contracts, 
as the law as it formerly stood was supposed to embarrass them. I never could 
see any virtue in that law, but the Supreme Court have given it such a con- 
struction that I do not tliink it will be as injurious as the present proposition. 
If the section is still open to amendment I should like to offer an amendment, 
and take the sense of the Senate upon the plain proposition of allowing people 
to make their own contracts without embarrassment. 

Pending; the bill to amend the judicial system of the United 
States, March 23, 1S69, Mr. Stewart made some remarks, from 
which are taken the following extracts : 

I am aware that this is a very difficult subject to legislate upon. It has been 
before the Committee on the Judiciary ever since I have had the honor of being 
a member of that Committee, and we have examined a great variety of plans 
and schemes, some of them quite meritorious. The plan proposed by the com- 
mittee is a simple one. It provides that the Supreme Court shall consist of 
nine judges, the same number of judges that we have circuits. It provides also 
for nine circuit judges, to give an additional force for the transaction of the cir- 
cuit court business throughout the United States. We have constant application 
for the division of the judicial districts, not because they are too large, but because 
the business is not done. Now, with nine additional circuit judges we shall 
have sufficient force to do all the work. There is a great accumulation of busi- 
ness at this time. The business has increased much more rapidly than the jjop- 
ulation and wealth of the country in consequence of the legislation growing out 
of the war giving additional jurisdiction to the United States Courts, and I ap- 
prehend that all familiar with the subject will agree with me that, particularly 
in the Southern States, we want additional judicial force. AVe want to send 
there strong, able men, such as the present Administration, we believe, will se- 
lect—men of high character, who will be respected by the people and the liar 
throughout the South. I believe that there is no measure more essential to re- 
construction than a bill of this kind, or some bill that will give United States 
Courts to that section of the country which shall not only be able to do all the 
business that is brought before them, but which shall have judges upon the 
bench of such a character as to command the respect of the people. 

There is no class of officers iu this Government who do so much to mold 
pulilic opinion, to correct public morals, and give us peace. in the country, as a 
strong judiciaiy. It is the arm of the Government by which we instruct the 
people in the principles of law and justice and fair deaUng, and make them fit 
to govern themselves. It is not only for the mere matter of dealing out private 
rights, but the courts of your country are institutions of learning, through the 
means of which the Goveniment teaches to the people the rights of man ; and 
where you have a high and honorable judiciary you have a bar that will strive 
to be honorable, and you will have a people that will be improved constantly. 



JOHW P. STOCKTOE", 




Vrli 



^,5^'^OHK P. STOCKTON was born in Princeton, New Jer- 
sey, August 2, 1826. His ancestors were distinguislied in 
^^ the history of the country. His great-grandfather was one 
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. His 
grandfather and his father preceded him in the Senate of the 
United States, the latter having previously won distinction as an 
officer in the navy. 

The subject of this sketch graduated at Princeton College in 
1843. He studied law, was licensed to practice in 1816, and came 
to the bar in 1849. He was appointed by the Legislature of New 
Jersey a commissioner to revise the laws of the State. He was 
subsequently for several years Reporter to the Court of Chancery, 
and published three volumes of equity reports which bear his 
name. He was appointed by President Buchanan Minister Resi- 
dent to Rome, and was recalled at his own request in 1861. He 
then devoted himself to his profession until 1865, when he was 
elected a United States Senator from New Jersey. After he had 
held this position for more than a year his election was declared by 
the Senate to have been informal, and he was unseated. He was 
subsequently again elected to the Senate as a Democrat to succeed 
Hon. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, and took his seat March 1, 
1869. He was assigned to the Committees on Appropriations, 
Naval Affairs, and Ventilation. 

Among the early speeches of Mr. Stockton was a brief address 
against the bill authorizing Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas to 
submit their Constitutions to a vote of the people, amended by the 
requirement to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment, and he insisted 



2 JOHN P. STOCKTON. 

that by such au enforced ratification that amendment could never 
become a part of the Constitution of the country. Of the same 
tenor was his speech pending the bill to promote the reconstruction 
of Georgia. 

In his remarks upon the bill for enforcing the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment lie discountenanced that measure as unnecessary, and argued 
that the amendment would enforce itself —that every good citizen 
would see to its enforcement. At the same time, while he thought 
it would be wise to pass no act, he would raise no opposition to a 
fair bill for the purpose specified. 

In connection with the consideration of the Legislative Appro- 
priation Bill came the following interesting remarks from Mr, 
Stockton touching the national capital : 

The Senator from California complains that tliore is not a public square in 
this city except one which is creditable to sUoav to any stranger, and in saying 
that he says but the truth ; but why is this so ? It is because gentlemen come 
here, as he does now, and resist appropriations which are necessaiy to improve 
these grounds and make available the large sums already invested. 

The city of Washington now contains many magiiiticent buildings which will 
compare with the Imiidiugs in many of the old capitals of Europe, and it wants 
nothing in the world but a little pr(>2)L'r investment of money at the present 
time to become an ornament to this country, a city of which we may beiJroud. 
"We want the streets properly paved. We want this investment not for mere 
pleasure grounds to recreate in, as has been said in this debate, but for the 
health of the people ; and in addition to that, in order that all the people of 
the country may feel that i5roi)er pride in the capital of the country that they 
ought to feel. 

Gentlemen make themselves prophets, and predict in a solemn way that 
this capital must be moved. I know there are men whose policy and whose 
politics and whose statesmanship consist in moving landmarks. I trust that 
the Senator from California will not join that party. There is no blessing pro- 
nounced on those who move landmarks. I believe in holding on to all the 
landmarks that our fathers have made, and one of the most sacred of those is 
the place where they located this capital. ... 

Mr. President, I wish that not only the members of the Legislatures who have 
passed resolutions in fxvor of moving the capital, but all the agitators of this 
movement, could stand on the heights of Arlington and watch the setting sun 
reflected from the dome of our Capitol. Let them turn their faces to Mecca 
when they worship ; let them not forget Jerusalem, although they wander in 
strange lands. Let not strength and manhood forget the parent that cherished 
its infancy, but rather let all unite in a pemiauent determination that at least 
this old landmark shall not be removed. 



CHARLES SUMNER. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr, Sumner, on entering the Forty -first Congress, commenced at 
the same time his fourth Senatorial term of six years. This con- 
sideration, joined ^Yith his strong and unyielding firmness in the 
cause of freedom, and his eminent services in the national councils 
during nearly a score of the most eventful years of the Republic, 
gave to him, as a matter of course, a position in the Senate of the 
United States second to no other statesman of that body. 

It was also a matter of course that Mr. Siimner would not fail to 
grapple with all the prominent subjects and measures occupying 
the attention of the Senate. He opposed the Bill for repealing the 
Civil-Tenure Act. In the discussions relatino; to streno-thenino- the 
public credit, the currency bill, the franking bill, the appropriation 
bills, the important questions of Reconstruction, and other subjects 
relating to the South, which during this Congress engaged so 
largely the attention of both Houses, he entered with charac- 
teristic industry and fidelity. To his various speeches touch- 
ing these and other topics our limits can afibrd but very slight 
allusions. Virginia being under discussion, and Mr. Carpenter 
insisting that because in the Rebellion the Government of V^innnia 
was destroyed, therefore she ceased to be a member of the Union, 
Mr. Sumner on the other hand insisted that the people, rather than 
the Government, constituted the State, and that she never was able 
to take one foot of her soil or one of her people from the jurisdic- 
tion of the nation. To his mind the greatest victory in the late 
terrible war was not at Appomattox, nor in Sherman's triumphal 
march; but it was rather that our institutions were henceforth 
dedicated for ever to human rights, and that " the Declaration of 
Independence was made a living letter instead of a promise." 

A treaty for the annexation of Dominica to the United States 
having been rejected by the Senate, a joint resolution passed the 
House and Senate authorizing the appointment of Commissioners 
by the President to visit the island for the purpose df ascertaining 
all prominent facts relating to the country and its people. Pend- 
ing this resolution in the Senate a fierce debate ensued, continuing 
through the entire night of December 21, and in which Mr. Sum- 



/^;? 



2 CHARLES SUMNER. 

ner, who sternjj opposed the annexation and the pending resolu- 
tion, was very severely attacked hy several members favorable to 
the measure. Whatever may be thought of the resolution under 
discussion, it must be conceded that Mr. Sumner throughout the 
protracted struggle bore himself with marvelous intrepidity and 
coolness, as well as with his accustomed force and ability. Mr. 
Thurman, as he rose to speak near the close of the contest, pointed 
with tremendous force the Republican assailants of Mr. Sumner to 
the time when, eighteen years before, the latter stood alone in the 
United States Senate in his uncompromising hostility to slavery, 
"lie had nobody but himself; and I have lived to see the day 
when sixty Senators of the Republican party were following in his 
footsteps with the most implicit obedience. . . . Where then were 
you who now talk of nothing but freedom ? . . . Where were you, 
Republican Senators, in the year 1852, when the Senator from 
Massachusetts stood, if not solitary, at least alone ? Where were 
you?" 

Mr. Sumner closed his speech on that occasion with the follow- 
in cy words : 

There is one other consideration, vast in importance and conclusive in char- 
acter, to which I allude only, and that is all. The island of San Doniingo, 
situated in tropical waters and occupied by another race, never can become a 
permanent possession of the United States. You may seize it by force of arms, 
or by diplomacy where a naval squadron docs more than the minister; but the 
enforced jm-isdiction cannot endure. Already by a higher statute is that island 
set apart to the colored race. It is theirs by right of possession ; by their sweat 
and blood mingling with the soil; by tropical position; by its burning sun, 
and by unalterable laws of climate. Such is the ordinance of nature, which I 
am not the first to recognize. San Domingo is the earliest of that independent 
group, destined to occupy the Caribbean Sea, toward which our duty is plain as 
the Ten Commandments. Kindness, beneficence, assistance, aid, help, protec- 
tion, all that is implied in good neighborhood, these we must give freely, boun- 
tifully ; but their independence is as precious to them as is ours to us, and it is 
placed under the safeguard of natural laws wliich we cannot violate with im- 
punity. ... 

I conclude as I began. I protest against this resolution as another stage in 
a drama of l.lood. I protest against it in the name of Justice, outraged by 
violence; in the name of Humanity, insulted; in the name of the weak, trod- 
den down ; in the name of Peace, imperiled ; and in the name of tlie African 
race, whose first effort at independence is rudely assailed. 



JOHN M. THAYER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Fortj^-first Congress Mr. Thayer served on the Committees 
on Military Affairs, Indian Affairs, and Enrolled Bills. He at 
once moved for the repeal of the Civil Tenure Act, sustainino; his 
motion by one of the most able speeches on that side of the ques- 
tion. He insisted that the law was enacted to meet a particular 
emergency, and that the country contemplated it as such only — 
that President Johnson, having abandoned those who elevated him 
to power, determined to sweep from power and place those who 
had sustained President Lincoln. Then, and not till then, it oc- 
curred to the Senate to originate the Tenure-of-Office Law, and this 
law having accomplished its purpose ought, as he urged, to be 
abolished. On the questions of the re-instatement of Virginia, 
Georgia, and Mississippi, Mr. Thayer, in extended speeches, 
assumed high ground, and deprecated their complete restoration to 
the Union without strong guarantees of loyalty and fidelity to the 
Government of the country. In one of these speeches Mr. Thayer 
remarked : 

We only ask, not indemnity for tlie past, but security for the future. If these 
guarantees are complied mtli, then these States are on a footing with every 
other State in the Union. But the State that has been guilty of this great 
crime must submit to some restrictions as to the condition of her restoration. 
This nation has suffered too mueh to receive these States back without the 
proi^er guarantees against future rebellion and future difficulty. . . . But I do 
protest against this doctrine that we are perpetrating a wrong or a dishonor 
upon those States because we require of them pledges that they shall not repeat 
their criminal deeds. Sir, we have not passed too far away from the rebellion 
to forget its character ; and we have not passed too far oif from the scenes 
through which we passed in the fiery trial to let the thing go by so easily ; but 
it becomes our duty, in dealing with these States, to require every guarantee 
for their present and future security. . . . 

Let reconstruction be radical, sure, complete, perpetual — then the war for 
the Union will indeed be triumphant. I harbor no bitterness toward the peo- 
l)le of Virginia or the people of the South who have been in rebellion. I am 
actuated by no vindictive feeling toward them. I only ask for equal laws and 
equal justice and equal jorotection. We have shown to the people of the South 
that we were ready to take them by the hand when they met us with a corre- 
sjionding spirit — when they evinced a disposition to carry out the reconstruc- 
tion acts and sustain them in good faith we would receive them with generous 
hearts and forget the past. But until I can see that spirit in the people of Vir- 
ginia I shall withhold my vote for her admission. 



/3^ 



ALLEI^ G. THUEMA]^. 




'LLEN G. TIIURMAK was born in LyncLburg, Yirginia, 
N^ovember 13, 1813. His paternal ancestors for two bun- 
'■^^^;P clred years were citizens of Virginia, lie being of the sixth 
generation of his family born in the " Old Dominion." 
His paternal grandfather was a soldier of the Revolution, serving 
during the war. His mother was daughter of Colonel Nathaniel 
Allen, of l!^orth Carolina, nephew and adopted son of Joseph 
Hewes, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, 
who, as Chairman of the Naval Committee during the first years 
of the Revolution, performed the duties which have since devolved 
on the Secretary of the Navy, 

In 1819 Mr. Thurman removed to Ohio, where he obtained an 
academic education. He studied law with Senator William Allen 
and Judge Swayne, now a Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. He was admitted to the bar in 1835, and entered 
at once into a large and successful practice. He immediately took 
high rank at the bar, where he was brought into competition with 
lawyers of such ability as Henry Stanbery, Thomas Ewing, and 
Judge Hunter. 

Mr. Thurman never sought, but rather avoided, office. His first 
ofiice, that of Representative in the Twenty-ninth Congress, was 
thrust upon him, much against his inclination. He had declined 
to be a candidate, but when absent from the State he was nomi- 
nated, and was elected by nearly four hundred majority in a district 
which had in the previous canvass elected the Whig candidate by 
a majority almost as large. In the Twenty-ninth Congress Mr. 
Thurman was a member of the Judiciary Committee, and took an 
active part in the proceedings, participating prominently in the 




^^^% '-^ - ■ 






^a^rVGeo EPeria-a-' ■ 




hg:t AL.] 



-JnJ 






Vv. h BARIlES AC^ 37 PARK RG.V M E vV vORK 



ALLEN G. THURMAN. 2 

debates of the House. He made effective speeches on the Mexi- 
can "War and the Oregon Question, the subjects of overshadowing 
importance in that day. 

Mr. Thurman declined a re-election, and, at the close of a single 
term in Congress, returned to the practice of his profession. In 
the first election under the new Constitution of Ohio in 1851 Mr. 
Thurman w\as elected Judge of the Supreme Court, running two 
thousand votes ahead of his party in the State, and nine hundred 
ahead in his own county. He was Judge of the Supreme Court 
four years — during the last two years, from ISSl to 1856, serving 
as Chief-Justice. In 1867 Mr. Thurman was the Democratic can- 
didate for Governor of Ohio, and lacked less than three thousand 
votes of being elected, although the Republican majority the year 
before was forty-three thousand in the State. 

Tlie Democratic party having carried the Legislature of Ohio, 
Mr. Thurman was elected a Senator of the United States to suc- 
ceed Hon. Benjamin F. Wade, and took his seat March 4, 1869, 
for the term ending in 18Y5. He was a member of the Committee 
on the Judiciary, the Committee on Post-Offices, and the Joint 
Select Committee on Retrenchment. 

Mr. Thurman was at once recognized as one of the strong men 
of the Senate, and the leader of his party in that body. He is 
extremely vigilant and faithful — watching with careful eye all the 
proceedings — a frequent speaker, ready, clear, persistent, and strong 
in debate ; courteous in his bearing, and generally evincing perfect 
candor and respect toward his opponents and their opinions, while, 
with a masterly ability, he asserts and advocates his own views. 

His first speech in the Senate was on the question of suspending 
the Civil-Tenure Act, a few days after the opening of the first 
session of this Congress. In this address his owm views of the ques- 
tion are thus set forth : 

Now, sir, it does seem to me that it will be regarded throughout the country, 
if this bill is passed, that the Senate of the United States interjirets the Consti- 
tution to mean one thing when one man is President, and interprets it to mean 
another thing when another man is President ; and I do most respectfully submit 
to this body that it is hardly consistent with its dignity, that it is hardly consistent 

Mi 



3 ALLEN G. THURMAN. 

witb tlie dignity of the Congress of the United States, to pass a law like the 
tenure-of-ofBce act after great and solemn consideration, and the moment that 
another President is elected and installed into office to siisi^end that law and 
make it a dead-letter. Let this precedent be set, and what will be the value of 
the claim of the Senate to a concurrence in the power of removal from office ? 
Does not every Senator see that whenever a new party gets into power— and can 
it be supposed that in a free Govemment one party will always have power — we 
are to have a suspension of this act ; in other words, that the act is to he enforced 
when it will have no practical effect, and is not to be enforced when it would 
have practical effect ? 

Entertaining these views, Mr. President, and believing that the original inter- 
pretation of the Constitution is the correct one, that the power of removal from 
office is an executive power ; that tbe duty of exercising that power is enjoined 
upon the President by the provision of the Constitution tliat he shall take care 
that the laws be faithfully executed ; believing that the assent of the Senate is 
not a necessary and logical result from the fact that the Senate consents to ap- 
pointments; believing that no such inference necessarily follows from the con- 
currence of tlie Senate in making appointments; and believing also that it is 
wiser that it should be as our fathers settled it ; that the offices will be better 
filled and the laws more faithfully executed if this power is vested in the Presi- 
dent alone— entertaining theee sentiments, I feel bound to vote for an unqualified 
repeal of the tenure-of-office act. 

Mr. Thurman subsequently addressed the Senate in a series of 
speeches, able and fair exponents of the Democratic views upon all 
important party questions as M^ell as such as were above any 
partisan coloring or character. He participated pre-eminently in 
the discussions relating to the Judiciary, the Currency, the Aboli- 
tion of the Franking Privilege, questions of Tariff and Taxation, 
Appropriations, Eailroads, the Army and Navy, Pensions, Com- 
merce, etc., while every question relating to Reconstruction attracted 
his closest attention, and elicited his full share in the numerous 
debates that were involved. In his speech against the amendment 
proposed by Mr. Morton, requiring the States of Virginia, Missis- 
sippi, and Texas, as a condition-precedent to representation in Con- 
gress, to ratify, by their Legislatures, the Fifteenth Amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States, ho said : 

When you coerce Virginia, Mississipiji, and Texas to put this article in the 
Constitution of the United States, to vote for it as a part of the Constitution of 
the United States, you do not coerce them alone. You coerce Ohio, you coerce 
Indiana, you coerce Illinois, you coerce every State whose people are unwilling 
to adopt the amendment. 



THOMAS W. TIPTON. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Tipton was a member of 
the Committees on Agricnlture, Pnbh'c Lands, and Pensions. Of 
measures pertaining to reconstruction he took a somewhat con- 
servative view. In his first speech delivered in this Congress, 
January 14, 1870, on the admission of Virginia, he declared him- 
self disinclined to impose conditions which he felt added no 
streno'th to the Constitution, and could cover no defects in that 
instrument, nor make up for the probabilities of the loss of the 
Fifteenth Amendment. In the same speech he thus clearly set 
forth the remedy against a State for violating the provisions of the 
Fifteenth Amendment : 

Predicating my argument upon tlie adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, I 
think I can see where Virginia would be dealt with under the Constitution for 
violating the principle of the Fifteenth Amendment. When she shall have 
gone back upon that proposition, when her members to the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall go there, a jjortion of the citizens of Virginia by law having 
been excluded from the privilege of voting, then the House of Representatives, 
being the judge of the qnalitication of its own members, would not allow one 
of those members thus elected to take the oath of office or to become a mem- 
ber, and not the State would be remanded back, but the constituency that had 
violated a provision of tlie Constitution in his election. There is where the 
House of Representatives would deal with the refractory State, and not under- 
take to remand the State back, but remand back to his constituents every 
member that had been elected in violation of the Constitution of the United 
States. And, sir, under the same state of things, when under like circumstances 
a Senator sliould present himself here, and it should be ascertained that the 
Legislature of Virginia that elected him had members in that body in violation 
of the j)rinciples of the amendments of the Constitution, he would be held at 
arm's length in this Chamber until a properly chosen Legislature of the State 
of Virginia should elect and send here a Senator in obedience to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

On tiie subject of the readmission of Mississippi, Mr. Tipton ad- 
dressed the Senate February 11, 18T0. After stating that Missis- 
sippi had not only shown her desire to gratify tlie extreme of 
radicalism on this question, but had sent here — what Massachusetts 
and Ohio could not do — a representative df the colored race as a 
Senator, Mr. Tipton added : 

It is a consummation of radicalism run mad to say that you will not trust a 
people who have thus done every thing, and a little more than some of you de- 

1^3 ■ 



2 THOMAS W. TIPTON. 

sired them to do. I welcome her liere on the basis of her radicalism ; I wel- 
come her here on the principles of her constitution ; I welcome here her repre- 
sentatives of both races. I claim that it is an insult to her to talk to her in 
regard to the probabilities of her going back upon herself, of these men there 
going back upon themselves. Therefore I would leave in her hands to-day the 
interests of the State and the destiny of her people, and take her as an ally in 
the future march for the consummation of all that we have politically desired 
in this matter, rather than doubt her for one moment when she has done every 
thing you required her to df), and wlun in your law you pledged yourselves to 
her that when she presented herself here, having done that, she should be 
admitted. 

On tlie 12t]i of April, 1870, Mr. Tipton made an elaborate speecli 
.in the Senate supporting tlie Georgia bill as modiiied by " the Bing- 
ham amendment," the occasion for which he briefly stated to be 
that 

The Legislature of Georgia have already legislated upon the assumption that 
they are a Legislature for two years beyond their present term, and conse- 
quently, the attention of the members of the House of Representatives being 
called to it, the Bingham amendment was offered and attached to this bill. 

Mr. Tipton then proceeded to set forth his personal relations to 
the pending question in explicit terms as follows : 

What I could do individually to secure a Reptiblican triumph in Georgia any 
man who knows me understands I would do as heartily as any citizen of the 
State of Georgia. I desire the triumph of the Republicans of the State of 
Georgia, and I have rejoiced in the fact that they did triumph at the polls in 
the election of their State officers and their Legislature ; but, sir, notwithstand- 
ing that, I am here the sworn representative of a State, and it is my business to 
look into the Constitution and to look into the laws; not to sit here in the atti- 
tude of a court of equity for the purpose of doing that which is most agreeable 
to my own desires in this behalf, but to enforce the law of Congress, and enforce 
the Constitution, as ftir as we legitimately may, of the State of Georgia. AVithiu 
those lines I can perform my duty. Outside of those lines I will perform no 
duty whatever under an influence either here or from abroad. 

But, Mr. President, it is a fact patent to all, no one can deny it, that in the 
whole course of the debate on this subject, from the time we commenced with 
the Constitution of Virginia down to the ])resent moment, there has been a dis- 
tinct attempt on the part of a portion of those who discuss these questions here 
to arrogate to themselves and to assume for themselves that they^jar excellence 
are the Reptiblican leaders of this nation ; that they and those Avho think with 
them are the Republican party of this country ; and that, therefore, it is abso- 
lutely audacious for any man to undertake to stand upon his own individuality 
and vote upon his convictions of the law and the Constitution. I have nothing 
to complain of for myself in this regard. 



LYMAN TRUMBULL. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress INEr. Trumbull still retained tlie 
Chairmanship of the Jndiciary Committee. 

Mr. Tnimbull, wliile true to the great interests of the nation, 
and one of its very ablest statesmen, possesses at the same time a 
conservative temperament, and, owing to a defect in vision, which 
often ]:)revents the recognition of acquaintances, has acquired a 
reputation for coldness and indifference that is no part of his true 
character. When able to recognize acquaintances, no one meets 
them with more freedom or cordiality ; and to learn subsequently 
that he has met and passed such without recognition often occa- 
sions him deep mortification. 

Taking a prominent part in all the great reconstruction meas- 
ures, Mr. Trumbull was, however, disinclined to what he deemed 
severe conditions for the restoration of the rebel States. More 
fully than some other eminent Senators, he was disposed to trust 
the fidelity of the Southern people on their restoration to the 
Union. Thus, on the question of recognizing Virginia as entitled 
to representation in the Congress of the United States without 
further conditions, he urged that she liad complied witli the recon- 
struction acts and had done all she could, and that 

By more tliau two hundred thousand votes she has adopted her Constitution, 
with only nine thousand against it. The loyal men of the State ask to be ad- 
mitted, and it is due to these jieople who have complied Avith all your rcqiusi- 
tious that you should now comply on your part, and at ouce admit the State to 
representation in Congress, and to a full participation in all the privileges of 
this great Government. Su', I make this a^^peul in behalf of justice, in behalf 
of the material interests of the country, in i>elialf of the loyal men of Virginia, 
and, as I believe, in behalf of nineteen twentieths of all her people. 

With the same general views Mr. Trumbull, a few weeks after- 
ward, pleaded for the reinstatement of Mississippi. Referring to its 
new Constitution, which had been submitted to the people and 
ratified by a vote almost unanimous, he insisted that it was in 
every particular acceptable ; that no Senator objected to it ; " and," 
said he, " she now comes here in pursuance of your law, and asks 
to be admitted to representation in Congress. And what do you 

propose ? Do you propose to admit her ? No, sir. You propose 

10 

Mr 



2 LYMAN TRUMBULL. 

to impose conditions upon her, and for what ? Will any Senator 
tell me what jou are to gain by it ? what good is to be accom- 
plished bj it ? " 

In the course of his main speech, pending the consideration of 
the bill for the reinstatement of Georgia, Mr, Trumbull pictured 
the march of freedom in this country during the last decade. 
After pointing to the act of 1861, declaring liberty to slaves em- 
ployed by their masters upon rebel works, and to the act ordering 
dismission from the service of every general returning to their 
rebel masters such slaves as came within our army lines, Mr. 
Truml)ull added : 

Then came tbe abolition of slavery in this district by the payment to the 
owner of the value of the slave ; then came the great contiscation act of July, 
18G2, which declared that the slave of every rebel that came within our lines, 
or who was found in a district of country occupied by our troops, should be 
free; then followed the emancipation proclamation declaring the slaves in cer- 
tain States and parts of States beyond our lines free ; then came the great Con- 
stitutional Amendment, declaring that henceforth and forever every person 
within the jurisdiction of the Republic should be free ; then followed the Civil 
Rights Act. protecting every citizen in the land in his equal rights of person 
and property ; then came the Fourteenth Amendment, securing the rights of 
freedom and citizenship to every inhabitant of the land ; and at last came the 
Fifteenth Amendment, securing the right of suflfrage, without regard to race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. 

Mr. Trumbull favored the abolition of the Frankint; Privilege, 
general amnesty, and civil service reform. A measure introduced 
by him, authorizing the President to prescribe regulations for ad- 
mission into the civil service, became a law March 3, 1871. 

No prominent question comes up in the Senate that escapes his 
careful attention, and few are the important discussions of that 
body in which he fails to participate. An editorial article in 
" Every Saturday " says : 

Since Senator Fessenden's death Mr. Trumbull is the ablest debater of the 
body. He is hardly to be spoken of as an agreeable speaker, except in that he 
knows what he wishes to say, and says it clearly. He is solid and intensely 
practical in all his speeches, wanting in imagination, though when roused there 
is a certain swing in his vehement periods that cax^tivates in spite of the fact 
that it is not oratory. 



GEORGE VICKERS. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Yickers also addressed the Senate in opposition to the bill 
to employ the military at elections, and afterward against the bill 
subsequently introduced to superintend registrations and elections 
by Federal ofRcers. He spoke against the bill relating to the pun- 
ishment of offenses in the South by Federal Courts, and the suspen- 
sion of the writ of Habeas Corpus by the President, contending 
that offenses not against the laws or Constitution of the United 
States were punishable by the States, an exclusive jurisdiction being 
reserved to them by the Constitution ; that the protection of life, 
liberty, and property was the especial and constitutional duty of 
the States ; that the Constitution of tlie Federal Government was 
intended for external objects and operations — such as war, peace, 
treaties, commerce, and imposts — while all the police and domestic 
affairs and interests of the States wei'e reserved to them by the 
Constitution. In February, 1871, Mr. Yickers delivered a speech 
on the bill to promote commerce among the States. He argued at 
considerable length, and with a liberal citation of authorities, that 
the General Government has not the constitutional power to con- 
struct railroads through the States, and concluded as follows : 

A power so vast, aggressive, and destructive of State riglits, sovereignty, and 
enterprise never would have been left to inference and conjecture by the framers 
of the Constitution. They were the guardians of State rights and independ- 
ence, and undertook to enumerate and specify the powers of the Federal Gov- 
ernment so that nothing might be left to implication and presumption. They 
solemnly rejected a proj^osed grant to make canals, which are instruments of 
commerce ; and if railroads had been known at the time and proposed they 
would, as similar instruments have been, as signally rejiudiated. The comnnm- 
tators of the Constitution, its framers, the courts — inferior and supreme — and 
the ablest jurists and statesmen, have united in declaring that no such power 
exists. The requisition of the Constitution that ground for forts, arsenals, dock- 
yards, and light-houses shall be purchased of the people of the States, and that 
their jurisdiction shall extend over all such purchased territory until voluntarily 
surrendered ; the right of eminent domain in the States, and its absence from the 
Federal Government ; the limited authority of the latter, and the reserved and 
unspecified powers of the former; the peculiar adaptation of such works to 
State authoiity and power, and its want of adaptation to the few objects of 
national jurisdiction, all serve to carry conviction to the unbiased mind and 
judgment of the thoughtful, the grave, the patriotic, and leave nothing upon 
which a statesman can hang a doubt of the exclusive power of the States over 
railroads, turnpikes, and canals. 



JH-p 



2 GEORGE VIC KERS. 

Pie generally made diligent and accurate research into authors 
and papers bearing on constitutional questions, quoting liberally 
from them. Wliile he was willing to give the Constitution of the 
United States a fair and liberal construction, according to the inten- 
tions of its framers and the objects of its formation, he contended 
strenuously for the reserved rights of the States, and looked upon 
their sovereignty and protection against encroachments by the Gen- 
eral Grovernment as the only security for constitutional liberty. 

Mr. Vickers, although in delicate health for a number of years, 
prosecuted his studies of the law with assiduity, and after his ad- 
mission to the bar soon acquired a considerable practice, which rose 
to be the first in his county. lie was incessant and devoted in his 
attention to business. His rule was never to leave a letter unan- 
swered, and he is said to have written on an average three thousand 
a year. He was free from the usual follies of youth, and he attrib- 
utes his success in life to an early and happy marriage, untiring 
perseverance, moral habits, a Christian faith, and a beneficent 
Providence. He was . elected to the Senate of the United States 
while at his residence, and without the slightest eftort or expecta- 
tion on his part. All the trusts committed to him were unsolicited, 
and his rule was that the office should seek the man, and not the 
man the ofiice. 

After several years of efi'ort on the part of the people of Kent 
County to procure sufficient means to construct a railroad, and after 
two or three years of suspended efforts by others, he was induced 
to lend his assistance to resuscitate the subject and effect an object 
of so much importance to his county. He persevered under much 
difficulty, was often told that his object was impracticable; but his 
answer uniformly was — the road was important, the public were 
able to build it, and what was right and feasible must be accom- 
plished. He, with other aid which he procured, finally succeeded 
so far that the road has been nearly completed to Chester Town, and 
is progressing. At the first meeting of the stockholders he was 
elected President, without solicitation or agency on his part, and he 
is still President of the Kent County Eailroad Company. 



WILLARD WARNER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Warner, in the Forty-first Congress, served on the Commit- 
tees on Finance and Public Lands. His coarse in the Senate 
evinced much activity and ability, together with a sincere devotion 
to the interests of the South. He plead earnestly for the full 
restoration of the unreconstructed States to their place in the 
Union, and strongly deprecated any further delay of this great 
measure. On the question of the admission of Virginia he said, 
" I am opposed to all motions to refer or postpone the bill. ... It 
is because I am thus earnest for the protection and well-being of 
all the people of Virginia that I am for her admission. It is be- 
cause I believe her interests will thereby be best protected and 
preserved." 

Pleading for the immediate reinstatement of Mississippi, he 
repelled the idea that its people were rebels. " Admitting," 
said he, " that all the people with white skins in the State of Mis- 
sissippi were rebels, I beg to remind the Senator of Missouri (Mr. 
Drake) and the Senate that there are a majority of twenty-four 
thousand voters in the State of Mississippi who are as loyal as he, 
and that these men, with a large proportion of the loyal white 
people of that State, have indorsed a constitution broader, more 
generous, more liberal in its provisions atfecting liberty and 
schools and all matters pertaining to the welfare and rights of the 
people than that of the State of Missouri." 

Again, in his speech for Georgia, alluding to the Southern coun- 
try generally, Mr. Warren remarked that "" wliile there are many 
things to deplore in the condition there, wdiile the success has not 
been as complete and ample, as every patriot and every Christian 
might wish, while there are many things to be corrected, while the 
temper of the people is different from what 3'ou and I would like 
to have it in many respects, yet I say that upon the whole there is 
cause for gratulation in the mind of every patriot and every friend 
of liberty and humanity." 

Mr. Warren favored the abolition of the Civil-Tenure Act, 
and the removal of whatever might impede the free action of the 
Executive. 



/^ 



WAITMAN T. WILLEY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. AVilley was on the Committee on 
Claims, and Chairman of the Committee on Patents and the Patent- 
Office. In tracing his legislative character, as indicated by his 
career in this Congress, there is apparent an entire consistency 
with wliat has previously been sketched of him. lie impresses us 
as a man of modesty, yet a man of independent mind and thonght, 
and sincerely bent upon pursuing measures the wisest as well as 
the most patriotic. He seems one of those sober, judicious, and 
able legislators, in whose hands the interests of the whole country 
would repose in safety. 

On the great questions associated with reconstruction, Mr. Wil- 
ley favored the restoration of the States yet unreconstructed with 
as few conditions as possible. He was inclined to look upon some 
of these conditions-precedent as " a vicious species of legislation," 
which he feared would, in the sequel, result unhappily. At the 
same time he was favorable to all appropriate safeguards against 
future rebellion and mischief. 

Pending the Georgia question, he, in one of his speeches on that 
suV)ject, remarked that '-Whatever may be the disorders in that 
State, the insecurity of life, the insecurity of property, the trara- 
])ling upon law, the rebellious spirit, and the disorganization that 
exist there, notwithstanding all these, it is the purpose of the 
Senate of the United States to pass some law admitting that State 
to representation. It strikes me, therefore, that if we admit her 
we ought to admit her, as we do other States, with a warning that 
imless she abides by the principles of our re])ublican and free institu- 
tions we will interfere by the strong arm of the government." 

Mr. "VVilley repelled the insinuation that Senators who favored 
the appointment of a committee to investigate the disorders of the 
South were actuated by " sinister motives," and thus closed his 
earnest and telling speech on the occasion : 

All I want is a fair examination into the facts of this case. If they exist, as 
is alleged, it is high time that the proper authorities of this government should 
adopt such measures as will prevent a continuation of these outrages and a re- 
currence of these disorders in the South, and adopt measures which shall secure 
to our fellow-citizens the perfect enjoyment of life and liberty. 



GEORGE H. WILLIAMS. 

(Continued from tlic Fortietli Congress.) 

In the Forty -first Congress Mr. "Williams retained the Chair- 
manship of the Committee on Priv^ate Land Claims, serving also 
on the Committees on Finance and Public Lands. He partici- 
pated actively and ably in the extended discussions relating to 
reconstruction, opposing most of the fundamental conditions so 
strenuouslj^ urged by some other Senators. Such a condition-prec- 
edent, however, as the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment 
he deemed justifiable as well as necessary. Responding to objec- 
tions to this condition of readmission in the case of Georgia, he 
remarked : 

It may be called coercion or not, as you please. Georgia saw proper, for 
reasons best known to herself, to engage in a conspiracy for the dissolution of 
the Union. She withdrew her rejiresentation from Congress, and undertook to 
destroy the government of the United States, and Congress undertakes to say 
that before she shall resume her representation in these halls she shall comply 
with certain terms and conditions which, in the judgment of Congress, are 
necessaiy for the peace and welfare of the country. Tbat Congress has the 
power to impose these terms and conditions upon the rebel States is a question 
that I regard settled forever in this country. 

Pending the qiTestion of the re-instatement of Yirginia, an amend- 
ment was submitted forbidding the nullification by that State of its 
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, and affirming that such 
action on the part of the State should operate to exclude it again 
from representation in Congress, To this amendment Mr. Will- 
iams strongly objected, as necessaril}^ implying that a State hav- 
ino; once ratified mio-ht withdraw its ratification. Lie affirmed 
that a State has power to ratify an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion, but none whatever to rescind such amendment ; and when it 
has once ratified it has no more power to act upon it afterward 
than a court would have to reverse its judgment after its jurisdic- 
tion over the subject had wholly expired. 

The close of this Congress brought also the close of Mr. Will- 
iams' service in the Senate, yet before he retired he was appointed 
a member, on the part of tlie United States, of the Joint High 
Commission for adjusting the grave questions pending between 
this country and Great Britain. 

/r/ 



1 HENRY AVIL SON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Wilson still retained the chair- 
manship of the Committee on Military xVfFairs, a position which he 
so ably sustained dnrino- and since the War of the Rebellion. He 
also served with the Committees on the Pacific Railroad and 
Appropriations. 

With characteristic enero-y and ffood sense he rjave in this Con- 
gross his efficient counsel and aid in completing the great work of 
the reconstruction of the rebellious States; and some specimens 
from his speeches to the Senate in connection with this legislation 
well represent his style of address and the man himself. Pending 
the question of the re-instatement of Virginia, and alluding to the 
reconstruction measures thus far adopted, he said : " I was in favor 
of doing precisely what we have done; and we have acted, I think, 
wisely. , . . We reserved all pledges ; made none, gave none ; 
never would; always refused to do so; keeping the whole power 
in our own hands, and legislating when we pleased and as we 
pleased, and for the good of all ; and the reconstruction policy of 
this Government, when time passes away, and people go back and 
read it and study it carefully, and understand all its parts, will be 
understood to be humane, to be just, to be eminently wise, and to 
have worked out grand results. There is nothing like it in the his- 
tory of the world. We are told that Virginia is knocking at the 
door. She went out without knocking, and then she knocked for 
four years with baj'onets to come in. Now, sir, suppose we let her 
knock two or three days. I do not see what particular harm will 
be done. Virginia will come in, and come in in cood time." 

In one of his addresses on the subject of Georgia and its re- 
instatement, some remarks of the opposition had led Mr. Wilson to 
glance at the extent of the Ku-Klux outrages that had been perpe- 
trated in the South, and it was inquired why, with all the military 
power which had been enlisted, these outrages had not been I'e- 
pressed, when he replied : " I will tell the Senator (Thurman) why 
these things have been. They have been because there is a large 
class of disorganizing, lawless, revolutionary, and violent men in 
that portion of the country-— men who were demoralized by slavery 



/r? 



HENRY WILSON. 2 

and ruined in tlie rebellion ; men of blood, men who have glutted 
their vengeance upon the men who were true to the country, and 
upon the poor despised race emancipated by the war, . . . Take the 
condition of affairs in Louisiana as proved by the Committee of the 
House of Representatives showing scenes of violence there. In one 
locality where the Ilepublicans had two thousand voters but one 
man dared to vote for Grant, and he was murdered within twenty- 
four hours." 

When Mr. Eevels, colored Senator elect from ]VIississii)pi, pre- 
sented himself to take the usual oath of office, objections were 
made by members of the opposition. Mr. "Wilson commenced his 
speech on this occasion as follows : 

Mr. President, neitlier the Senate nor tlie country will be surprised that nearly 
three days have been spent in the consideration of the simple question of ad- 
ministering the oath to the Senator elect from IMississippi. Senators upon the 
other side of the Chamber have avowed their opposition to the a(hninistration 
of that oath. Tlie country will note it ; the eight hundred thousand colored 
voters of the country will remember it; history will record it. We have heard 
much of dying in the last ditch. Here is that last ditch. This is the last bat- 
tle. These lamentations, these wailings we now hear, are the notes of the dying 
swans. Sir, during the last nine years, at all times, on every occasion, we have 
had the nnbroken opposition of the gentlemen who assumed to speak tor the 
Democratic party against every movement made to smite the fetters from the 
limbs of a race, or to elevate it up to tlie equal and full rights of citizenship. 
. . . Even now, when our work is nearly completed, when in a few moments a 
black member will walk up to your desk, Mr. President, and take the oath of 
office as a Senator of the United States; when a race has been elevated from 
chattelhood to all the rights of humanity, we are taunted here by Senators A^dth 
having acted during the last nine years' struggle as misdirected and frenzied 
fiuiatics ! Sir, we have been but the poor, hesitating, hairing, weak instruments 
in the hands of Almighty God to strike the fetters from a race, and elevate it, 
and save the republican institutions of the United States. Every act we have 
performed for the last ten years will stand the scrutiny of the living present and 
of the coming future. Here at any time we are ready to meet any body on 
every one of these acts of ours, some twenty-five or thirty of them, by which 
emaocipation has been secured, and the rights of these people established. We 
commit it to history, we commit it to the future ; and when we have passed 
away, when you, sir, and all of us shall sleep beneath the sods of our regen- 
erated laud, the record will live, and it will shine arid gleam immorial in the 
glorious pages of human history. It will never be blurred or blotted by the 
race, Ijut will be cherished as are cherished the glories of the Revolutionary 
fathers. 



RICHARD YATES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Yates, in the Forty-iirst Congress, served on the Committee 
on Manufactures and Mines and Mining, and was Chairman of the 
Committee on Eevolutionary Claims. He favored the abrogation 
of the Civil-Tenure Act, and in a speech a few days after the 
opening of the first session of this Congress remarked : 

No trial is needed in bis (Grant's) case. If we ever find tliat he turns traitor 
to liis partj', as Andrew Jolinson did ; if we find that he is unworthy of the 
trust and confidence of the American ])eople by bis acts ; if we find that he 
goes back upon his brilliant record of a thousand battle-fields of glory and 
grandeur for the Republic; if we find that he is not loyal to the Constitution 
and true to the Government ; if we find that he proves false to the millions who 
fought in defence of the country ; if we find that he is untrue to the princi- 
ples for wdiich tbis war was fought ; then, when General Grant has failed to 
stand by his country and the Constitution, it will be time enough for an Ameri- 
can Congress and an American Senate to attempt to hamper him in the dis- 
charge of the duties of his office. 

Mr. Yates entered actively into the discussions connected with 
reconstruction, delivering a number of speeches of much ability, 
and marked by his characteristic warmth, decision, and eloquence. 
In the progress of these discussions, and in reference to views ad- 
vanced by one or two Eepublican Senators, Mr. Yates was drawn 
to review somewhat at large the doctrine of State Eights, which he 
charged with having " filled our land with widows and orphans." 

With the end of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Yates's senatorial 
term expired. Near the close of his term an old college mate hav- 
ing written him a letter asking if he were really the " Dick Yates " 
who was in the first graduating class in Illinois College at Jack- 
sonville in the good old times of Beecher, Sturtevant, and Turner, 
the Senator replied : 

The sweetest recollections that come to me in the long waste of memory are 
those of my college days, to which you so beautifully and feelingly allude. 
The bright hopes and visions of boyhood come liack to us after long years, and 
mimde with every tie and memory of earth and every hope of heaven. Alas ! 
how different are the realities of life ! Alas ! my friend, happiness finds no 
home in high position, with all its drudgeries, cares, and responsibilities, how- 
ever well its possessor may be able, in the providence of God, to discharge the 
duties it devolves upon him. 



/^ 



1 JAMES G. BLAINE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

At the opening of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Blaine, bv a vote 
of 135 to 57, was elected Speaker of the House. He was con- 
ducted to the Chair by Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, and Mr. 
Kerr, of Indiana, and the constitutional oath was administered to 
him by Mr. E. B. AVashburne, the senior member of the bod_y. 
The Speaker addressed the House on the occasion as follows : 

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : I thank you profouudly 
for the great honor which yom* votes have just conferred upon me. The grati- 
fication which this signal marlv of your confidence l)rings to nie finds its only 
drawback in the diflidence with which I assume the weighty duties devolved 
upon nie. Succeeding to a Chair made illustrious by the services of such emi- 
nent statesmen and skilled parliamentarians as Clay, and Stevenson, and Polk, 
and Winthrop, and Banks, and Grow, and Colfax, I may well distrust my 
ability to meet the just expectations of those who have shown me such marked 
partiality. But relying, gentlemen, on my honest purpose to perform all my 
duties faithfully and fearlessly, and trusting in large measure to the indulgence 
which I am sure you will always extend to me, I shall hope to retain, as I have 
secured, your confidence, your kindly regard, and your generous su23port. 

The Forty-first Congress assembles at an auspicious period in the history of 
our Government. The sjDlendid and impressive ceremonial which we have just 
witnessed in another part of the Cnpitol approi)riately symbolizes the triumph 
of the past and the hopes of the future. Tiie great chieftain whose sword at 
the head of gallant and victorious annies saved the Republic from dismember- 
ment and ruin has been fitly called to the highest civic honor which a grateful 
people can bestow. Sustained by a Congress which so ably represents the loy- 
alty, and patriotism, and the personal worth of the nation, the President this 
day inaugurated will assure to the country an administration of purity, fidelity, 
and prosj^erity; an era of liberty regulated by law, and of law thoroughly in- 
spired with liberty. 

Congratulating you, gentlemen, en the happy auguries of the day, and invok- 
ing the gracious blessing of Almighty God on the arduous and responsible 
labors before you, I am now ready to take the oath of ofiice, and cuter uj)on the 
discharge of the duties to which you have called me. 

The ability and impartiality with which Mr. Blaine discharged 
the difficult duties of Speaker are indicated by the following reso- 
lution, wliich was offered by Mr. Cox, of New York, and passed by 
the House on the day preceding the final adjournment. 

Besolcef], In view of the difficulties involved in the performance of the duties 
of the Presiding Ofiicer of this House, and of the able, courteous, dignified, and 
imi:)artial discharge of those duties by Hon. J. G. Blaine during the present 
Congress, it is eminently becoming that oiu" thanks be and they are hereby 
tendered to the Speaker therefor. 



JAMES G. BLAINE. 2 

On the occasion of offering tlie foregoing resolution Mr. Cox 
spoke as follows : 

Before severing our relations as members of tliis Congress, it is due to the 
Speaker that this resolution shall receive no mere formal approval. Gentlemen of 
the Repulilican party last night testified their signal a2)preciation of Mr. Blaine 
by his unanimous renomination as the Presiding Officer of tlie next Congress. 
Their approval, therefore, of this parliamentaiy eulogy is already an earnest and 
a foregone conclusion. From the Opposition here, wlio are too apt to be harshly 
critical upon the Spetd;er of the adverse party, this tribute is but generous, just, 
and fair; for he has been just, fair, and generous amid our passionate conten- 
tions. Such expressions tend to beget and increase tliat good-will and agree- 
ment which is a part of true logic and rhetoric, and is indispensable to the 
discharge of our duty. . . . 

It is because Mr. Blaine has been kind, prompt, able, and honoral>le, that he 
has won our regard by contributing to the banishment of bitterness, and the 
diffusion of good-will, that I have been delegated by our fi-iends on this side 
to present this resolution. If we cannot have a general amnesty from our legis- 
lative action, Ave can at least, by our parliamentary conduct and liberality, have 
personal and social amnesties ; and it is in this spirit, I trust, the resolution will 
have unanimous concurrence. 

At the end of the Forty-first Cougress Speaker Blaine addressed 
the House as follows : 

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : Our labors are at an end ; 
but I delay the final adjournment long enough to return my most profound 
and respectful thanks for the commendation which you have been pleased to 
bestow upon my official course and conduct. 

In a deliberative body of this character the presiding officer is fortunate if 
he retains the confidence and steady support of his ijolitical associates. Beyond 
that you give me the assurance that I have earned the respect and good-will of 
those from whom I am separated by party lines. Your exiiressions are most 
grateful to me, and are most gratefully acknowledged. 

The Congress whose existence closes with this hour enjoys a memorable dis- 
tinction. It is the first in which all the States liave been represented on this 
floor since the baleful winter that preceded our late bloody war. Ten years 
have passed since then — years of trial and triumph; years of wild destruction, 
and years of careful relmilding ; and after all, and as the result of all, the National 
Government is here to-day united, strong, proud, defiant, and just, with a terri- 
torial area vastly expanded, and with three additional States represented on 
the folds of its flag. For these prosperous fruits of our great struggle let us 
humbly give thanks to the God of battles and to the Prince of peace. 

And now, gentlemen, with one more expression of the obligation which I feel 
for the considerate kindness with which you have always sustained me, I per- 
form the only remaining duty of my office in declaring, as I now do, that the 
House of Representatives of the Forty-first Congress is adjourned without day. 



GEORGE M. ADAMS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty -first Congress Mr. Adams served on the Committee 
on Indian Affairs and the Committee on Expenditures in the In- 
terior Department. He opposed the provision in the tax bill im- 
posing a tax of $100 upon manufacturers of distilled spirits on the 
first twenty-five dolhirs, making no discrimination between the 
class of large distillers and such as engage in a small way in the 
business of distilling. Mr. Adams maintained that such want of 
discrimination was unjust, and in the course of his remarks on tlie 
subject made the following remarkable statement : 

There are, sir, in the district from whicli I come, I am safe in saying, at least 
one thousand stills of small capacity, the owners of which would all readily, and 
even gladly, pay a tax of twenty dollars for the privilege of making a few bar- 
rels of brandy or whisky in the fall and winter months of each year, but who 
cannot afford to pay one hundred dollars for this purpose. This is not only 
the case in the district from which I come, but I have it from various other 
gentlemen on this floor that precisely the same state of case exists in the dis- 
tricts which they represent. 

Pending the consideration of the bill reported from the Com- 
mittee on Indian Affiiirs for the better protection of the fron- 
tiers of Texas, Mr. Adams proposed as an amendment to the bill 
that the troops of the organization thus provided for should not be 
employed for any other purpose than the protection of the people 
of Texas against Indian depredations, and making it an offense 
punishable with fine and imprisonment for any ofl&cer or soldier to 
interfere with any election, or with the administration of civil 
affairs in the State of Texas. In his speech advocating this amend- 
ment Mr. Adams said : 

Aside from the various defects in the details of the bill, one very grave ob- 
jection, as I conceive, to it is that it provides for the organization of an armed 
force in each county, and there is no provision of the bill which limits the 
object for which these troops shall be employed alone to the resistance of In- 
dian depredations. In a country like the State of Texas, where the people 
have become accustomed to military rule, and where the military authorities 
have learned to feel that they have a right to control absolutely all the civil 
and military aflfairs of the State, I think there is very great danger that an or- 
ganization such as this would, unless we adopt some such amendment as the 
one I have offered, prove to be a greater source of annoyance to the people of 
Texas than the Indian depredations which the bill is intended to prevent. 



WILLIAM B. ALLISON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

lie-elected to tlie Forty-first Congress by a majority of over six 
tliousand votes, Mr. Allison was continued on the Committee 
of Ways and Means, raerabersliip of whicli ranks about equal to 
the chairraansliip of any other Committee of the House. He was 
also Chairman of the Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury 
Department, and a member of the Select Committee on the Kintli 
Census. The most elaborate speech by Mr. Allison during tlie 
Forty-first Congress was delivered in tlie House of Representatives 
Marcli 24 and 25, 1870, on the bill to amend existing laws relating 
to the duty on imports. Although recognized as a leader among 
the revenue reformers, Mr. Allison in this speech took a position 
not in favor of free trade, for he said, " With the present require- 
ments of the government it cannot be pretended that we can now 
approach any thing like a system of free trade." He advocated, 
however, certain reforms in the tariff laws, which were substan- 
tially incorporated into the legislation of Congress. He main- 
tained that '' reduction should be made on all leading articles, or 
nearly all." Speaking of two articles, iron and steel, " essential 
and necessary elements in the progress and development of the 
country," he " would place both in the hands of the skilled artisan 
and mechanic as cheaply as possible, taking due care of the full 
development of our own raw material, so abundant in this coun- 
try," wdiich he maintained could be " easily done with a greatly 
reduced tariff." After a long and exhaustive argument he arrived 
at the conclusion that reduction " being necessary, we should en- 
deavor so to accomplish it as to cheapen commodities, relieve in- 
dustry from unnecessary burdens, and still raise sufiicient revenue 
to provide for the wants of the Government." 

In the autumn of 1870 an attempt was made in certain quarters 
to get up a " Third Party " movement on the basis of " Revenue 
Reform." While there were certain reforms in the tariff" which 
Mr. Allison would have been glad to see, he in no degree favored 
any attempt to organize a new party, remaining thoroughly in 
sympathy with the Republican party, whose mission he did not 
deem to have been yet accomplished. 



/5f 



JACOB A. AMBLER 




^%C()B A. AMBLER was born at Pittsburgh, Pennsyl- 
vania, February 18, 1829. He studied and practiced law 
%^'} i" Ohio, and in 1857 was elected to the Ohio State Legisla- 
ture, serving two terms. In 1859 he was appointed Judge 
of the 9th Judicial District, continuing upon the bench eight years, 
when he resumed practice. In 1SG8 he was elected, as a Repub- 
lican, a Representative from Ohio to the Forty-first Congress. 

On taking his seat Mr. Ambler was placed on the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs ; and one of his principal speeches was pending a 
joint resolution reported to the House by this Committee, on 
which the Chairman of the Committee (Mr. Banks, of Massachu- 
setts) luid previously addressed the House. Mr. Ambler, in com- 
mencing his remarks, deplored the unhappy condition of affairs in 
the Island of Cuba, expressed much sympathy for the Cubans, 
too-ether with a hope of seeing republican governments established 
and recoirnized over the whole American Continent and all adja- 
cent islands. He deprecated, however, any declaration of neutral- 
ity by our Government between the contending parties in Cuba, a 
measure favored by a portion of the Connnittee and by the joint 
resolution alluded to. From this position Mr. Ambler strongly 
dissented: 

They assume that the Government should take sides in the struggle, and will 
not patiently brook opposition to their views. And yet, sir, the action which is 
proposed by the majority of the Committee is entirely without precedent — nay, 
is opposed to all precedents from the very beginning of the Governraeut. From 
the day on which we first achieved our independence until now the liolicy of 
the Government has been uniform and consistent, and always the opposite of 
that now proposed. The idea of a formal declaration of neutrality when one 
of the parties is not a recognized nation is new to us. I have no knowledge of 
any such action in the history of this Government, nor indeed of any other Gov- 
ernments, if we except the action of the European Powers in connection with 
the recent Rebellion of the Southern States. 



STEVENSON ARCHER. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Fortj^-first Congress Mr. Archer served again on the Com- 
mittee on Naval x\ffairs, and was a member of the Committee on 
Expenditures in the State Department. 

Among the speeches of Mr. Archer in this Congress were those 
in connection with the JTaval Appropriation Bill. In one of these 
he remarked that " wise statesmanship) would tell us to avoid war, 
'Perpetual peace is the dream of the wise, war is the history of 
mankind.' England, since the year 1688, has been engaged in 
seventy-two years of war, at an average cost of about $120,000,000 
per year, or of $400 per minute through all that long period. The 
enormous cost of our own war need not be named to those so famil- 
iar with our various public debts. Sooner or later war recurs. 
Common sense and experience show that we should be prepared to 
meet it at all points. Had our navy been such as it should have 
been at the time of the secession of the Southern States the block- 
ade would have been made immediately effective ; and when once 
so made, how quick the deprivation of war material would have 
destroyed the effective action of the Southern forces. It was mis- 
taken economy that found us at that time with so small a naw. 
Had there been one that was commensurate with the dignity and 
wealth of the nation, it w^ould have saved us untold millions of 
treasure, tens of thousands of vacant firesides, and fatal assaults 
made upon our Constitution," 

In a speech delivered June 2, 1870, Mr. Archer tersely presented 
his objections to the income tax : 

I am in favor of its total abolition — 

First. Because it is unconstitutional ; but this objection I am satisfied is too 
trivial to be considered by the dominant party. Experience teaches me that it 
were useless to dwell upon this. 

Second. Because it is unequal. This tax is not levied alone upon those who 
have more than $1,000 per year income. I know those who have not $300 per year 
who i^ay an income tax, many of whom are widows and orphans. I mean those 
who have a small amount invested in bank and other stocks. This income is 
deducted from their dividends before the bank pays over. On the other hand, 
I know many having incomes over $10,000 per year who do not pay one cent. 
I do not refer to those who make fraudulent returns, but to a class of men whom 
the Government fears to tax, and exempts. 

11 



2 STEVENSON ARCHER. 

Third. Because incomes, permanent in their nature, are taxed at the same rate 
as temporary reyenues. A mortgagee's investments remain, but a workman's or 
professional man's income ceases with his life. 

Fourth. Because all commodities bought with revenue from income, houses 
built, improvements made, etc.. pay heavy taxes through the tariff and internal 
revenue, and then, by this income tax, are Ijurdened with an extra five per 
cent. 

Fifth. Because it is to be kept up for the benefit of manufacturers and high 
tarifl"men, who control large bodies of voters, maintaining this burden in order 
to remove more special taxes from their shoulders. 

Sixth. Because it is opposed to the principles of political economy. But, sir, 
it would be as useless to argue this point with the majority in this House as to 
argue on the unconstitutionality of the law. 

Seventh. Because it is prying and inquisitorial, and offensive in the highest 
degree in its administration ; faults which, notwithstanding all the promises of 
the gentleman from Ohio, cannot be reformed. A man must, under oath, dis- 
close all the sources of his revenue, even the names and amounts of the very 
securities from wdiich revenue conies, although that income may be less than 
$100 per year, in order that the assessor may be sure that the revenue is not 
$1,000 per year. No reduction in the amount of the percentage of impost can 
ciu-e the abominable evils, which are so great and so annoying that a people 
would be almost juh-tified in resorting to revolution to end them. These answers 
are ti'equently to be given to political or personal enemies, and we all know that 
the information derived from the responses to queries made under and by virtue 
of this act are used for the basest and most rascally purposes. 

Eighth. Because it maintains a political army, paid by all the people, to sus- 
tain and peqjetuate the political ascendency of one party and to keep that 
party's patronage intact. And because of the existence of this reason I confess 
I have but little hope of the blotting out of this odious tax whUe the Republican 
party remains in power. 

Ninth. Because it exposes the poverty of the poor, and hinders and prevents 
the credit of the honest indigent, and aids the means and designs of the 
dishonest. 

Tenth. Because it enables a political party in power, by its assessors and tax- 
gatherers, to excuse active partisans and favorites from levy or assessment. 

Eleventh. Because it violates the rules of taxation laid down by eminent polit- 
ical economists. I need only recite several short rules fi-om that erudite econo- 
mist, Adam Smith. He says : '' The tax which each individual is bound to jiay 
ought to be certain and not arbitrary." . . . 

Ttoelfth. Because it compels the industrious and thrifty, who save part of their 
income and invest it in remunerative property, to i>ay the tax twice, once on 
the tucome and then on the interest arising from the income when invested, 
while the spendthrift pays it but once. In fact, Mr. Speaker, I know of no tax 
so odious as this. Tlie reduction of the percentage will in no wise relieve us of 
the odiousness of the tax or the expense of its collection. The true way of tax- 
ing cajjital is to tax the United States bonds held by the rich corporations and 
wealthy bondholders. 








rz 



/*■ C: :"^ TI' ■"^, "N.~ -^ 



B£K~ATr.-'Z. "'ROiVT PE.<rT^"SYl''XI^rA 



WILLIAM H. AEMSTRO^G. 




leiLLIAM 11. ARMSTRONG was bom in Williamsport, 
Pennsylvania, September 7, 1824, He received a liberal 
'4^®^ education, graduating at Princeton College, New Jersey, 
in 1847. He studied law, and engaged in the practice of 
his profession in his native town. In 18G0 and 1861 he served in 
the Pennsylvania Legislature. In 1862 he was tendered a coin- 
mission as President Judge of the twenty-sixth judicial circuit of 
Pennsylvania, which he declined. 

In 1868 Mr. Armstrong was elected a Representative from 
Pennsylvania to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, receiv- 
ing 16,760 votes against 14,732 votes for Mackey, who claimed to 
be a Republican, but was nominated and supported by the Demo- 
crats. As a candidate for the succeedino- Confess he was beaten 
by twenty-seven votes. 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Armstrong was a member of the 
Committee on Indian Affairs, and the Select Committee on the 
Reorganization of the Civil Service of the Government. He took 
an active part in legislation, particularly on subjects relating to his 
committees. Yery early in the first session he introduced a reso- 
lution calling upon the Secretary of the Interior for a statement 
showing what treaties had been made by the Government of the 
United States with the Indians, with the date of each treaty, 
the time of its continuance, and other information important to 
intelligent and judicious legislation. In the second session Mr. 
Armstrong introduced a bill to provide for the redejnption of not 
exceeding $100,000,000 of the interest-bearing loan of the United 
States, and the issue in exchange therefor of an equivalent amount 
of notes of circulation without interest. 

/63 



SAMUEL M. ARNELL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Arnell manifested a deep 
interest in the canse of education in the South. In one of his brief 
speeches on this subject he said : 

The cause of education must be the cause of the Government; and the legis- 
lators of a great nation, in looking to the interests of the nation, should not 
forget that our legislation should have resjiect to the future as well as the pres- 
ent. Wliat I desire to press especially upon attention is the existing state of 
things at the Soutli making this appropriation necessary. Sir, it is almost 
AvhoUy without educational facilities or educational organizations. Now, for 
the first time in its history, free education for all is beginning to make its way, 
and slowly but surely it is making progress from the AUeghanies even to the 
waters of the Gulf I desire to show to the Committee, by a statement which I 
hold in my hand, the actual condition of things educationally at the South. 
According to tlie census of 18()0 the number of free persons over the age of 
twenty unable to read and write in the State of Alabama was 38,000 out of a 
population of 528,000, and to this is to be added the colored jjopulation, all 
ignorant, of 435,000. In the State of Arkansas the number of free persons over 
the age of twenty years unable to read and write was 23,000 out of a population 
of 324,000. In the State of Tennessee the number was 72,000 out of a popula- 
tion of 1,824,000; and in Virginia 86,000 out of a population of 1,000,000, to 
which is to be added a colored jDopulation of 190,000. ... I desire to state to 
the Committee that at the South there is a population of 9,000,000 to be cared 
for educationally. 

Pendino; the consideration of the River and Harbor bill, Mr. 
Arnell remarked as follows touching the Tennessee River : " This 
river is one of the most remarkable rivers on the Continent. It is 
navigable more than one thousand miles, and drains a surface of 
42,000 square miles. It binds seven States in its circuit, connect- 
ino- them all with the great central basin of the Continent. The 
sreat obstruction to this river is the Muscle Shoals. Remove this 
obstruction, and the immense quantities of iron, of copper, of lead, 
and of marble existing iit the countries upon the head waters of the 
Tennessee can easilj^ be brought to the head waters of the Ohio 
and Mississippi rivers." 

One of Mr. Arnell's last acts in Congress was the delivery of a 
speech in favor of the bill to establish a system of national educa- 
tion, which he pronounced '• the most important measure that has 
been introduced into this Congress," hailing it as " the omen of a 
new kind of legislation — legislation on ideas and on reform," 



JOEL F. ASPER. 



^OEL F. ASPER was born April 20, 1822, in Adams Coun- 
ty, Pennsylvania. His ancestors on the father's side were 
^^^ from Germany, and on the mother's side from Switzerland. 
In 1827 his father removed to the north-eastern part of Ohio, 
and settled in the woods. During his boyhood, and until his twen- 
tieth year, young Asper was devoted to the rough toil of clearing 
up and cultivating the farm in the wilderness. He was favored 
with no facilities for education save the common schools, which he 
attended during the winter months. By subsequent reading and 
private study, however, he obtained a good education. 

When a youth Mr. Asper's mind was turned toward the profes- 
sion of the law by the stories which he heard at home of the suc- 
cesses of Thaddeus Stevens. His father had lived in the same 
county with Mr. Stevens, and had sat on juries at Gettysburg, the 
scene of his early forensic triumphs. He was full of stories of 
what Mr. Stevens had done for poor people: how he had relieved 
them again and again from difficulties by his shrewdness as a law- 
yer. All this tended to inspire young Asper with an ambition to 
become himself such a great and good lawyer. 

In the fall of 1841 he walked to Warren, the county seat, and 
made arrangements to study in a lawyer's office, at the same time 
engaging to do menial services in the village tavern to pay his 
board. Entering upon his studies without a dollar in his pocket, 
he labored assiduously at work and in study, and soon made much 
proficiency in the acquisition of his chosen profession. In the office 
he did whatever duties were assigned him, and often performed 
important legal services. He sometimes made up cases in bank- 



2 JOEL F. ASPER. 

ruptcy under the act of 1 S-i2, from beginning to end, without assist- 
ance, for which his preceptors received large fees. He was ad- 
mitted to the bar in 184i by the Supreme Court of the State. 

In 1843 he joined a volunteer military company called the 
"Warren Guards." On the breaking out of the Mexican War 
Mr. Asper, who had attained the rank of sergeant, in a company 
meeting proposed a resolution to the effect that they offer their 
services to the Governor to assist in filling the quota of volun- 
teers called for by the President. The resolution was ado])ted, but 
the offer did not reach the Governor until the quota was filled. At 
the breaking up of the company Mr. Asper was its orderly-sergeant, 
and the drilling he received was afterward of value to him when he 
entered the service during the Kebellion. 

In October, 1846, Mr. Asper was elected a Justice of the Peace 
and served three years, giving entire satisfaction in the discharge 
of the duties of the position. In 1847 he was nominated by the 
Whig party as a candidate for Prosecuting Attorney for Trumbull 
County, and was elected by a large majority. Being an active 
temperance man, he determined to prosecute the sellers of spiritu- 
ous liquors, and a large number of witnesses were brought before 
the Grand Jury for that purpose. A great many indictments were 
found. The entire bar were stirred up to fight the prosecuting 
attorney. Benjamin F. Wade was Judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas. He had been for years before he went on the bench engaged 
in defending criminals, and his sympathies were on their side ; be- 
sides, he was a very technical lawyer. The young Prosecuting 
Attorney could get no help, and had no light beyond that of the 
ordinary precedents. He searched the records, and found old indict- 
ments which had been drawn by Judge Todd and Elisha Whittle- 
sey while they were prosecuting officers, and he followed them. 
When the cases came up for hearing, the indictments were all 
quashed by the Judge on the ground that they were not sufficiently 
certain and specific on the charge, in not setting out the kind and 
quantity of liquor sold, and the parties to whom it was sold. Mr. 
Asper went to work again, and after getting up an indictment 



JOEL F. ASPER. 3 

which he thought would do he submitted his form to Mr. Staubeiy, 
then Attorney-General of the State, who approved it. This form 
withstood the assaults of all the lawyers, and on it Mr. Asper con- 
victed many liquor sellers. 

On December 15, 1846, Mr. Asper was married to Elizabeth 
F. Brown, a native of Trumbull County, Ohio. He early began to 
be a contributor to the local political j^ress. He was for some time 
editor of the " Western Reserve Chronicle," and subsequently con- 
ducted the "Chardon Democrat." lie corresponded with the 
"Cleveland Herald" under the nom de jplume of "Junius. Jr." 
He was the Washington correspondent of that paper during the 
celebrated Banks contest for the Speakership. 

During his early political life Mr. Asper was an ardent Whio-- 
but being an avowed antislavery man, he wouM not support the 
men or measures of that party when they savored of surrender to 
the " peculiar institution." He was opposed to the nomination of 
General Taylor by the Whigs in 1848. He went as a delegate to 
the Buffalo Convention of 1848, which nominated Yan Buren for 
the Presidency, and was the means of carrying a majority of the 
Whigs in his county over to the "Free-Soil Party." He assisted 
materially in bringing about a union of the Whig and Free-soil 
parties, which resulted in the formation of the Republican ];)arty. 
He supported Mr. Lincoln warmly because of the strong antislavery 
platform on which he stood. 

On the 14th of April, 1861, the news of the surrender of Fort 
Sumter was received. Two days after, having conferred with the 
officers and men of the militia company of which he was first lieuten- 
ant, Mr. Asper wrote a letter to the Governor offering its services. 
This was probably the first company which was offered from North- 
em Ohio. In the organization of the company for the service Mr. 
Asper was elected captain. Orders were received to march on the 
25th of April. They were mustered into the service for three 
months as " Company II " of the 7th Ohio Volunteer Infantry. 
The company was mustered in for three years on the 20th of June, 
1861, and soon was on the march for West Yirginia. Their serv- 

/9 



4: JOEL F. ASPER. 

ice in that section was severe and arduous, being mostly independ- 
ent and scouting duty. 

While acting as Provost-Marshal of Charleston Captain Asper 
liberated a slave who came into the Union lines and was taken 
prisoner. He ordered him liberated under General Butler's idea 
of "contraband of war," and sent him to the Quartermaster, who 
paid him for his labor. This was one of the first instances of the 
application of the new and liberal policy toward the enslaved 
people. 

Captain Asper took an active and important part in the battle of 
Winchester. He bravely held his ground in the portion of the field 
occupied by his men after most of the force had retired before the ene- 
my. "While so doing he was sev^erely wounded by a minie-rifle ball in 
the thigh. For his gallant conduct in this action he was promoted 
to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. After being disabled by his 
w^ounds for several weeks, during which he came near dying, he 
partially recovered his strength and reported for duty to General 
Wool at Baltimore. He subsequently led his regiment through the 
Kappahannock campaign, participating in several engagements. 
Not being fully recovered from his wounds, he was at length com- 
pletely prostrated by exposure and hard service. On the 13th of 
March, 1SG3, he was honorably discharged "l)y reason of wounds 
received in action." 

Colonel Asper made application for the position of Provost-Mar- 
shal of his Congressional District, nnder the enrollment law which 
had recently passed, but Senator Wade desired the place for his 
nephew, a man who had never been in the service, and the claims 
of Colonel Asper were disregarded. He went home and opened a 
law office, giving special attention to the prosecution of pension 
claims. During the summer he organized a National Guard regi- 
ment, nnder the laws of Ohio, taking it to the State encamj^ment 
in the fall. On the 8th of May, 1864, it was mustered into the 
service for one hundred days as the 171st Ohio Regiment, Colonel 
Asper commanding, and was first assigned to the duty of guarding 
prisoners on Johnson's Island. On the 9th of June Colonel Asper 

/6S 



JOEL F. ASPER. 5 

was ordered to Covington, Keutneky, to report to General Ilobson, 
and subsequently with liis regiment bore the brunt of the battle of 
Kelhir's Bridge, l)y which the rebels under Morgan w^ere checked 
in their march npon Cincinnati. Colonel Asper had a horse shot 
under him. One of the rebel officers afterward stated that he 
ordered three volleys fired at the large officer on horseback — refer- 
ring to Colonel Asper — but he was not hit. Public meetings were 
held in Covington and elsewhere, in which General Ilobson and 
Colonel Asper wej'e thanked in person and by name for the figlit 
which all conceded saved Covington and Cincinnati. 

Returning home at the close of his service of one hundred days, 
Colonel Asper carried out a purpose which he had some time pre- 
viously formed, and made preparations for immediate removal to 
the State of Missouri. In. December, 18Gi, he took np his resi- 
dence in Chill icothe, Missouri, where he opened a law office and 
immediately entered npon a profitable business. His practice 
extended over two judicial circuits, embracing a large number of 
important cases, in which he was almost invariably successful. 

Soon after settling in Chillicothe Mr. Asper established a weekly 
Republican newspaper called the " Spectator,'" to which he gave 
editorial supervision without neglecting his professional business. 
The paper attained much influence and was very successful. Mr. 
Asper issued as an editorial in this paper the first political article 
published in Missouri taking ground in favor of negro suftrage. He 
was a deleo-ate to the Chicaii-o National Convention which nomi- 
nated General Grant, and, as a member of the State Convention, 
he secured the adoption of a suff'rage amendment in the platform. 

In August, 1868, he was nominated for Congress by the Repub- 
lican Convention of the Seventh Cono-ressional District, and was 
elected by over seven thousand majority. Taking his seat as a 
Representative in the Forty-first Congress, Mr. Asper was appointed 
to the Committee on Military Afiairs. He took an active part in 
the proceedings, making able speeches on the "Increase of Bank- 
ing Currency," the " Tariff," " Revenue Reform," and other impor- 
tant subjects of legislation. 

/6f 



DAYID ATWOOD 



.^,,^^AyiD ATWOOD was bom in Bedford, New Hampsliire, 



-^^W the sturdy Kew England boys wlio spent their sni 
in workino- on their fathers' farms, and their wini 



^;V December 15, 1815. His early history is like tliat of all 

summers 
iters in 

attending the district schools. This course of life until he was six- 
teen years of age developed and strengthened him, and firmly fixed 
those habits of industry and frugality which assured his subsequent 
success. In 1S32, in his sixteenth year, he accompanied an elder 
brother to Hamilton, Madison County, New York, where he com- 
menced work at a printer's case. He remained there five years, 
and became master of his craft before returning home. After this 
he traveled through Pennsylvania, the South, and the West for 
nearly three years. He visited every place of note in Kentucky, 
Ohio, Michigan, Hlinois, and every organized county in Indiana. 
He returned to Hamilton in 1839, when, with his brother, lie under- 
took the publication of the "Hamilton Palladium," a weekly news- 
paper. He worked hard for five years, through the Harrison cam- 
paign and the presidential contest of 1811:, in which he was a zeal- 
ous supporter of Henry Clay. While in Hamilton he received from 
Governor Seward a commission as Major in a militia regiment com- 
manded by Colonel James W. Nye, now United States Senator 
from Nevada. On the promotion of the latter Major Atwood was 
commissioned Colonel of the regiment. He commanded the regi- 
ment two years, and had those regular encampments, drills, and 
'•'general trainings " so well remembered by New Yorkers of that 
day as the great event of the yeai'. 

Overworked and broken in health by the hard-fought political 
campaign of 1811, Mr. Atwood again set his face to the westward. 

/90 




"-^-% 



^J'ff^iraXlSrC''?3Fvit"^ 



.0- 



<^<^y/2^V'-L^:/^ 




^r-iTYCP 



I: 



HON DAVID ATWOOD, 

HEPKESENTATrvOi: FROM ^VISCONSIF 



3AR''.;ES HISTORY or C0WCRE5S. 



DAVID ATWOOD. 2 

Having purchased a farm near Freeport, 111., he spent two years 
ill agricultural pursuits, when, having fully regained his health, he 
sold out, and determined again to engage iu editorial labors. lie 
established himself in the capital of Wisconsin, in connection with 
the " Madison Express," of which he was for some time, to use his 
own words in a History of the Dane County Press, " editor, fore- 
man, compositor, and all hands." He reported the proceedings of 
the last two sessions of the Territorial Legislature convened at 
Madison, and the entire proceedings of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion. He became proprietor of the " Express " in 1848, having pre- 
viously edited it for more than a year. At this time three of the 
twelve or fifteen newspapers in the State were published in Madi- 
son. Opposed to the " Express " were two Democratic newspapers, 
conducted by men of ability, who had, in addition to plenty of 
capital, the entire patronage of the State to aid them. 

In the fall of 1851 Hon. L. J. Farwell, a Whig, was elected Gov- 
ernor of the State. It did not, however, add anything to the busi- 
ness of the " Express " office, because the Legislature and all otlier 
departments of the government remained in the hands of the Dem- 
ocrats. As a compliment to the man who had labored so long and 
faithfully for the Whig cause, Governor Farwell appointed the 
editor of the " Exj^ress " Quartermaster-General of the State. Gen- 
eral Atwood, now that he saw his party gaining strength, found a 
new embarrassment in a rival Whig paper. Through the interpo- 
sition of friends, however, both sheets were consolidated ; but the 
new publication expired in eleven weeks. This would have disheart- 
ened most men ; but it only gave renewed strength to General 
Atwood. He immediately started for New York, bought a com- 
plete outfit for a new office, and returning to Madison, on the 28th 
of September, 1852, issued the first nnmber of the " Daily State 
Journal," which he has published ever since. 

About a year after the " Journal " was established Mr. Atwood 
associated with himself in the conduct of the paper the Hon. Hor- 
ace Rublee, now Minister-Resident of the United States in Switzer- 
land, a man of great intellectual power and fine culture. The 



3 DAVID ATWOOD. 

"Journal" took a leading position, became firmly established, and 
has been constantly increasing its area of usefulness. 

Mr. Atwood was one of the leading spirits in the organization 
of the Republican party in Wisconsin seventeen years ago, was a 
member of the committee that drafted the first Republican plat- 
form, and was appointed Clerk of the first Republican Assembly in 
the State. In 1858 he was commissioned Major-General of the 
Fifth Division of the State Militia. In 1860 he was chosen a mem- 
ber of the Legislature, and was elected Speaker jpro tern, of the 
Asssembly. When the office of U. S. Assessor was first created 
he was appointed to that position, and held the office until removed 
by President Johnson, He was chosen Mayor of Madison in 1SG8. 
Mr. Atwood has constantly manifested an active interest in the 
material prosperity of the West. At the first Convention which 
met to consider the question of the improvement of the Wisconsin 
and Fox Rivers, General Atwood had been so closely identi- 
fied with the project that he was chosen Chairman of the tempo- 
rary organization. On taking the chair, he made a speech on the 
importance of having a great canal, or an improved navigable river 
channel, connecting the Mississippi River at Prairie du Cliien with 
Lake Michigan at Green Bay. 

In 1869 his friends urged u])on the party the propriety of select- 
ing Mr. Atwood as candidate for Governor. At the Republican 
State Convention in September of that year, on the first ballot 
taken to nominate a candidate for Governor he received fifty-three 
votes, including a large majority of those from his own Congres- 
sional District. A very flattering compliment, when it is remem- 
bered that there were seven candidates for State officers in the Dis- 
trict whose chances would have been injured or destroyed by his 
nomination. 

On the death of lion. Benjamin F. Hopkins, January 1, 1870, 
the Governor ordered a special election for Representative in Con- 
gress, and Mr. Atwood was nominated to fill the vacancy. His 
political opponents paid him the unusual compliment of declining 
to nominate a candidate against him. He was elected on the 15th 



DAVID ATWOOD. 4 

.'f February, 1870, and took Lis seat on the 23d of tlie same month. 
During that long and Laborious session, which Listed nearly six 
months, he devoted himself assiduously to his duties, on the floor, 
in the committee-rooms, and at the various executive departments 
of the government, in behalf of those seeking assistance or informa- 
tion. Bills of great importance to the North- west and to Wiscon- 
sin, in which he was deeply interested, were passed after he entered 
the House. Among others were the Northern Pacific Eailway 
bill, to render the land grant available and thus insure the con- 
struction of the line; the act in relation to the improvement of the 
Fox and "Wisconsin Rivers, for completing the navigable water 
channel from the Mississippi to Lake Michigan ; and the act divid- 
ing Wisconsin into two Judicial Districts, providing for the appoint- 
ment of a Judge, and for holding terms of court in four places 
instead of two. 

Mr. Atwood has been called by an old editor " the Benjamin 
Franklin of the Wisconsin press." To those who know him thor- 
oughly he presents the same strong traits of character, the same 
practical cast of mind, and that mastery of himself and the subject 
in hand that Franklin did. Mr. Atwood's prosperity is the fruit of 
his own labor. He has toiled hard, without being warped by his 
work ; he has secured a competency, without relaxing the dilio-ence 
with which it was acquired ; he has been honored with position 
without forgetting less prosperous days. 

This sketch cannot be more appropriately closed than by quoting 
a few sentences from the pen of the late Thurlow Weed Brown the 
celebrated temperance orator and writer. In describing the men 
who passed in procession on some public occasion in Madison, 
about ten years ago, he said: "A medium-sized man, gray hair 
and beard, erect and martial bearing — another general and editor. 
His eye is mild ; countenance pleasant ; manners easy and refined ; 
is a fine specimen of the genus gentleman, and is most loved and 
respected by those who know him best. He is unassuming, yet 
twenty carats fine in all that is generous and noble. He is a man 
to trust — General Atwood, of the ' Journal.' " 



SAMUEL B. AXTELL. 

(CoDtinued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Axtell in the Forty-first Congress was assigned to the Com- 
mittees on the Pacific Railroad and Agriculture. Early in this 
Cono-ress he took a firm stand against all Indian treaties, deeming 
them but a fraud and a farce. He would treat the Indians as 
wards of the Government, protecting and caring for them, but 
would withhold all money for carrying out pretended treaties. He 
also disapproved the system of Indian Reservations, and denounced 
them, so far as his own State was concerned, an •' unmitio-ated 
nuisance." Mr. Axtell opposed the Utah Bill as too harsh and. 
severe, and tending to Avar; and while he denounced the practice 
of polygamy as existing there, he saw notwithstanding much that 
was good in the Mormon city and community. 

On the Tariff Mr. Axtell adopted views in harmony«with what 
he contended to be tlie platform of Democracy — favoring such 
"equal taxation as will afford incidental protection to domestic 
manufactures, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose 
the least burden upon the great industrial interests of the country." 

The several speeches of Mr. Axtell in connection with Recon- 
struction were also in harmony with the Democratic views expressed 
at length on the floor of the House and Senate. 

Pending the consideration of the Naturalization Bill, Mr. Axtell 
demurred at the three years of time required in the bill. " This," 
said he, "is all wrong; one year is abundant. Oar true policy is 
to introduce measures of encouragement. We desire that Europe- 
ans residing in onr country should become citizens — not more for 
their good than our own. We are all of the same tribes and fami- 
lies." But he opposed an open door for all nations of the earth, 
including Hindoos, Chinese, Mongols, Africans, and the Pacific 
Islanders. He deemed this a mistake in the bill — a " vagarv which 
would never have been thought of but for the accident of American 
slavery. The condition of the American ISTegro is anomalous. He 
is here by our own wrong, and must be endured as one of those 
punishments which descend from fathers to children. But because 
we are compelled to endure him, it does not follow that we must 
also incorporate into our family the cannibal of the South Seas. . . ." 




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H N. RI C HAP.Z) S. K^iY. 'r< 
HKpRiL?'^ ' ^i FROM '/IRGINiA 



EIOHAED S. ATER 




ICI-IAED S. AYER was born in Waldo County, Maine, 
October 9, 1829. lie received that common-school educa- 
tion which is so freely and so universally bestowed upon the 
children of New Enijjland, and which, with the excellent 
moral training they receive at home, makes them inestimably valu- 
able citizens of any State where they may afterward make their 
residence. With a versatility not uncommon in ]S^ew England, 
Mr. Ayer applied himself successfully to both agricultural and mer- 
cantile pursuits. The emergencies of the country, however, Called 
him away from his quiet pursuits, and, urged by the impulse which 
pervaded hundreds of thousands of manly hearts throughout the 
North, Mr. A^^er enlisted as a ]irivate in the ttth Maine Yolnnteers, 
and was promoted to a captaincy. His first experience of the stern 
realities of war was gained at the disastrous first battle of Bull Run. 
He subsequently participated in the battles of Seven Pines and 
Malvern Hill. 

At the close of his three years' term of service, Mr. Ayer seeing 
in Virginia some natural advantages over his native State, deter- 
mined to make it his home. Going into the Old Dominion with 
the purpose of remaining, he at once concerned himself actively 
in whatever related to the material, social, and political prosperity 
of his adopted State. He gave liis influence actively to promote 
the reconstruction of the State, and in 1867 he was elected a Dele- 
gate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention. He was elected a 
Representative from Virginia to the Forty-first Congress as a Repub- 
lican, and was admitted to his seat January 31, 1870, He served 
on the Committee on Claims. He found but little opportunity dur- 
ing the fragmentary term of his service for prominent participation 
in the proceedings. He made no speeches. 



ALEXANDER H. BAILEY. 

(Contmued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill the Forh'-first Congress Mr. Bailey served on the Committees 
on Indian Affsurs, Freedinen's Aiiairs, and Expenditnres in the 
State Department. lie is to be chissed among the silent members 
of the House, making bnt a single brief speech during this entire 
Congress. Pending the resolution to print extra copies of the 
report of David A. Wells, Commissioner of the Internal Revenue, 
there was a spirited discussion, in which the "revenue reformers" 
advocated the resolution, and the " tariii' men " opposed it. Dur- 
ing this debate Mr. Bailey made the following speech : 

" I have nothing to say about the tariff, either for protection or 
against protection, and yet I hope the House will not print these 
extra copies of this report. As has been said by gentlemen who 
have preceded me, it has already been published through the news- 
papers all over the land. I believe all the essential parts of it have 
been published and spread before tens of thousands of people, be- 
fore a much larger number of persons than the number which we 
should print now would furnish. Why, then, should we be asked 
to print these extra copies ? What earthly good shall we accom- 
plish by it ? The thing has been published. It has been pub- 
lished through the newspapers of the country and otherwise. 
What will these twelve thousand copies amount to except as a job 
in the printing office ? IIow far will that number go ? To how 
many persons in his district can each member give a copy ? Is 
this giving light to the community ? 

" Sir, 1 hope the House will stop tins whole business of the 
publication of documents, I mean of extra numbers for distribu- 
tion. I do not speak of this particular case because I am opposed 
to the report ; I do not say I am ; but I am utterly opposed to the 
further publication of these extra numbers of any paper whatever, 
and here is an excellent opportunity to stop it." 

Mr. Bailey was not a candidate for re-election, and at the close 
of his second term in Congress retired to private life, preferring 
the quiet routine of professional pursuits to the excitement and 
turmoil of public position in the capital. 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 

« 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Banks, in the Forty-first Conj^ress, besides retaining the 
Chairmansliip of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, served also on 
the Committee on the Rules and the Select Committee on tlie 
!Ninth Census. As Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
he presented from that Committee a voluminous report relating to 
the difficulties in Cuba, accompanied with a series of resolutions 
the object of which was declared to be, 

1. To secure the recognition of an existing armed contest for liberty in Cuba ; 
2. The neutrality of the United States in that contest; 3. To place the Cubans 
upon an equal footing with the Spaniards with regard to intercourse and trade 
with tlie United States ; 4. To interi^ose the protest of the United States against 
the barbarous manner in which the war has been conducted. 

In his speech on the depressed condition of American commerce, 
Mr. Banks, after alluding to its former prosperity, presented 
the following somber picture of some of the causes operating to 
produce so great a reverse of this important interest : 

But now the condition of public affairs is greatly changed. This is not to be 
charged as the special fault of anybody ; it is the result, natural, and almost 
inevitable, of the great events in which we have participated. Our debt is 
large, our taxes are heavy, the system of import duties is necessarily burden- 
some upon trade, business is depressed, confidence is impaired, and our rela- 
tions with other countries not as pleasant as we could wish. We have a differ- 
ence with Russia growing out of treaty stii:)ulations of which she complains, 
which leads her to contemplate what she calls retaliation. There is an un- 
pleasant consequential embarrassment between us and Austria growing out of 
the failure of her invasion of Mexico during our rebellion and its disastrous 
consequences to one of the members of the imperial fixmily. We have, for 
reasons of our own, discontinued diplomatic relations with Rome. We have a 
postal controversy with France. Denmark has an unsettled controversy with 
us which seriously affects her relations with us, if it does not touch her honor 
as a nation and lead to other embarrassments hereafter. Tlie Governor of the 
Sandwich Islands complains tliat a treaty entered into with him more than 
three years since is not only unsettled, but has never been respectfully consid- 
ered. There is pending with San Domingo a question of a similar character. 
With the South American Republics our relations are not those of permanent 
peace. Brazil complains of our policy, as we did of hers duiing her war with 
Paraguay. Our unhappy controversy with the latter Government is fresh in 
the recollection of every member of the House. . . . We have international 
controversies with Spain that cannot be lightly regarded nor easily settled. . . . 
Of our unhappy controversy with Great Britain it is unnecessary to speak. No 
one can refer to it without apprehension, or recall the occasion of it without 
indignation and sorrow. Such considerations, of themselves, siiow the impos- 
sibility of an extensive and prosperous commerce with foreign States. 

12 

m 



HE]:vrET W. BAEET. 




^y^^ENRY W. BARRY is a native of Schoharie County, 
New York. Not having enjoyed in early life the usual 
facilities for acquiring an education, he supplied the defi- 
ciency at a later period by close application in private 
study. His efforts resulted in literary attainments which enabled 
him to take high rank as a professional teacher. After several 
previous engagements in educational institutions he was appointed 
Principal of Locust Grove Academy in Kentucky. He had just 
closed his second academic year in this institution at the outbreak 
of the Rebellion. 

Mr. Barry at once enlisted as a private in a corps which was 
afterward consolidated with the Tenth Regiment of Kentucky In- 
fantry. Within thirty days of his enlistment he was made Second 
Lieutenant, and shortly after First Lieutenant, of Company H, 
which he commanded. The regiment having been assigned to the 
Army of the Cumberland under General Buell, Lieutenant Barry 
was sent with his company upon an important and dangerous de- 
tached service, in which the whole party was surrounded and captured 
on the 25th of July, 1862. In testimony of his gallantry in resist- 
ing capture tlie rebel commander restored his saber, and permitted 
him to send it to his brother in Louisville by the hands of his 
Second Sergeant, who, with the other non-commissioned ofiicers 
and privates, was paroled. The officers were retained as prisoners, 
and sent to Tupelo, Mississippi, then in command of the Confed- 
erate General Price. Shortly afterward Lieutenant Barry was 
sent to Columbus, where he now resides. After remaining here 
for some time he was sent to Richmond, to be exchanged under a 
cartel that had been effected ; but the order was countermanded, 

/79 




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Rk.^Fi-E.S-ESTATr/^ "PCIviMI^ 



3J3EIPPr 



^K^ K'Li'.V \tv.' y(jt-:y. 



HENRY W. BARRY. 2 

and lie was sent to Jackson, Mississippi, wliere lie remained until 
his exchange the ensuing autumn. During his imprisonment in 
Mississippi he carefully used his opportunities of observation in 
studying tlie local character and resources of the country, obtain- 
ing information of great value in his subsequent career in that 
State. 

After his exchange he remained for a short time on the staff of 
General Boyle, commanding at Louisville. On the 1st of April, 
1864, he appeared before the Board of Officers, of which General 
Casey was President, which had been convened at AVashington for 
the examination of officers for colored troops. His examination 
was so satisfactorv that he was on the Tth of Mav, 1864, commis- 
sioned a Colonel of Artillery, and ordered to Paducah, Kentucky, 
to superintend the organization of colored troops in that quarter. 
He was subsequently assigned to the command of that important 
post. In the higher administrative duties thus devolving upon 
him Colonel Barry developed a capacity and a promptness which 
attracted attention in high quarters. He was continued at this 
post until April Y, 1865, when with the troops under his command 
he was ordered to "Washington, and afterward sent by sea from 
City Point, on the James River, to Indianola, Texas. Landing at 
the latter point, he found himself in command of the First Brigade, 
Second Division, Twenty-fifth Army Corps. Thence he was sent 
to command the troops in and around Victoria, Texas, where he 
remained till February, 1866, when he, with his entire command, 
was sent to Louisville to be mustered out. During his later mili- 
tary career he was bre vetted first Brigadier-General and then 
Major-General for gallant and meritorious conduct. 

After leaving the army he established his residence at Colum- 
bus, Mississippi, the place of his former imprisonment, but spent a 
portion of his time at Washington, District of Columbia, where, in 
1867, he graduated with honor in the Columbia College Law 
School. He then commenced the practice of the law in Columbus, 
engaging actively in the political canvass in behalf of the recon- 
struction policy of Congress, In 1867 he was elected a member 

/7f 



3 HENRY W. BARRY. 

of the Constitutional Convention of Mississippi. At the meeting 
of this body in January, 1868, Mr. Barry's abilities and weight of 
character caused him to be recognized by both friend and foe as a 
leader in the great work of political and social reconstruction. As 
Chairman of the Committee on Legislation, the most important 
position in the Convention, he sustained himself to the entu*e satis- 
faction of the loyal people, and brought upon him the especial 
hatred of the rebels. The Ku-Klux not only exhausted their re- 
sources of billingsgate in traducing his character, but attempted to 
take his life. His right arm was broken by the pistol-shot of an 
assassin. 

In June, 1868, he was elected to the Senate of Mississippi, but 
before the assembling of the Legislature his election to Congress 
vacated his place in that body. Li November, 1868, he was desig- 
nated a member of the Committee of Sixteen dispatched by the 
Eepublican Convention of Mississippi to urge upon Congress the 
restoration of the State under its new Constitution to its lost priv- 
ileges in the Union. 

In 1869 Mr. Barry was elected to represent the Third Mississippi 
Congressional District for the unexpired term of the Forty-first and 
for the entire term of the Forty-second Congress, receiving a ma- 
jority of 8,193 over two competitors. Admitted to his seat in the 
Forty-first Congress April 8, 1870, Mr. Barry was appointed on 
the Committee on Elections. He warmly supported, both by votes 
and speeches, the reconstruction policy of Congress, believing it to 
be the only solution of the political and social problem of the South. 

Mr. Barry's first speech in the House, delivered December 15, 
1870, was on " the bill for full and general grace, amnesty, and 
oblivion of all wrongful acts, doings, or omissions of all persons 
engaged in the war of the late rebellion." Lie regarded the pro- 
visions of the bill excepting from its operation men who occupied 
government positions before the war as an invidious distinction, 
from the fact that Kepresentatives in Congress and other ofiicials 
from the South who went into the Eebellion simply obeyed the 
will of their constituents, the Southern people. 

/SO 



FERNANDO C. BEAMAN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Beaman was reappointed to the 
Committees on Appropriations and Reconstruction. As a member 
of the former Committee Mr. Beaman opposed the Fortification 
Appropriation Bill, believing that for the present there was no 
necessity for such a bill. Said he : " We have talked, sir, a great 
deal about economy. We have been trying to find some place 
where we could save appropriations. Within the whole range of 
objects I do not believe there is a more appropriate place to save a 
million of dollars than we have in connection with this bill. I 
would submit to the consideration of the Committee that there is 
no necessity whatever for one cent being appropriated for the pur- 
pose of preserving these forts. They wnll suffer no damage what- 
ever if there is no appropriation made this year. For the last two 
years we have made no appropriations for fortifications except a 
small contingent fund of $200,000 ; and if a similar appropriation 
this year be necessary or desirable we can put it in the Army 
Appropriation Bill." 

Mr. Beaman opposed an appropriation of $94,087 for the Colum- 
bia Institution for the Deaf and Dumb. "I tiiink the countrv will 
be surprised," he said, "when it comes to understand the nature 
and amount of the expenditures we have been making for this 
institution. Why, sir, the University of the State of Mix^higan 
is a large institution, accommodating one thousand one hundred 
and twelve students ; yet the entire cost of the buildings was 
$200,000 ; and until within a year the entire expense of running 
the institution has been but $70,000 annually, and at this time it 
is only $85,000. I might also refer to the Institution for the Deaf, 
Dumb, and Blind in the State of Michigan. That institution has 
one hundred and forty pupils, and the entire cost of running it is 
$37,500 a year, and the cost of the buildings was but $235,000. I 
am not prepared to state precisely wdiat this institution in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia has thus far cost us; but I think the expendi- 
tures must amount to over $400,000." 

From remarks of General Butler in response, it appeared the 
expenditures had been $1,100,000 instead of $400,000. 



I ■ JOHN BEATTT. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr, Beatty served on the Com- 
mittee on Education and Labor, and was Cliairman of the Commit- 
tee on Public Buildino;s and Grounds and the Joint Committee on 
Enrolled Bills. On the resolution-accepting the statue of Major- 
General Greene, Mr, Beatty made the following speech : 

Mr. Speaker, I rise to tbank the peoj^le of Rhode Island for the gift which 
they have so appropriately and generously presented to the country. The value 
of that gift, sir, cannot be estimated by figLires or represented by words. The 
cost of the marble, the incomparable skill of the artist in the execution of the 
work, are no slight indication even of its inestimable value. It is a monument 
to those sterling qualities of mind and heart which elevate men to a forgetful- 
ness of self, and render them only mindful of the well-being of their fellow-men. 
It is a monument to that devotion to jjiinciple and that faith in the ultimate 
triumph of the right which impel men to abandon the quiet of home, the de- 
lightful compauionsliip of wife and children, the pleasant paths of peace, and 
sustain them amid privations, dangers, and disasters. 

Tlie statue of General Nathaniel Greene, standing as it does to-day in the 
most conspicuous place on the American continent, will be to the youth of this 
Eepublic a perpetual reminder of what one resolved heart can do in the fur- 
therance of a righteous cause. The honest, manly soul, staggering under difH- 
culties, overwhelmed it may be with adversity, mil turn from the contempla- 
tion of this beautiful effigy with new inspiration and renewed courage. He will 
be reminded that the man to whose honor it has Ijeen raised was poor, was 
cruelly maligned, was suiTounded by difficulties, was encompassed by dangers, 
was overwhelmed time and again with defeat, and yet, thank God ! was never 
conquered. His fervent zeal, his iudomitable energy, his unswerving patriot- 
ism, his broad, comprehensive, common sense and magnificent heroism, sustained 
and carried him triumphantly through all, and thus won for him not only the 
gratitude of his own countrymen, but the admiration of the world. 

By raising statues we cannot hope to benefit the dead, but we may hope thus 
to elevate the living ; and that beautiful marble, which presents to us the face 
and form of a hero, by teaching the youth of our lanil the honor due to free- 
dom's champions, b/ inculcating resjject for the homely, manly virtues of self- 
denial, firmness, patriotism, perseverance, and fortitude, may through succeed- 
ing generations raise up many sturdy patriots to defend the Reijublic and save 
it from dishonor. When falsehood, selfishness, and every variety of meanness, 
bedecked with golden trappings, stalk abroad uurebuked, teaching the sorry 
lesson that honor is nothing and wealth is every thing, it is well for a State to 
hew out of solid marble the true standard of manliness and set it up as an en- 
during re))uke to this sordid spirit, and an encouragement to those who would, 
rise above it to a plane of truer manhood and nobler usefulness. 

As we look upon this statue our thoughts revert to the commencement of our 
history as a nation, when the fate of a great enterprise, involving the fortunes 
of untold millions, was still enveloped in darkness. God only foresaw the end. 

/«2^ 



JOHN BEATTY. 2 

Nathaniel Greene Lad faith, and. buoyed by that knightly sentiment -which 
affirms that in a just cause success or failure is alike glorious, he jjushed forward 
with a courage that grew on defeat, a laerseverance that increased with disaster, 
a determination that would succeed or " die in the attempt." What he hibored 
and suffered to attain we are so fortunate as to live to enjoy, and our hearts, I 
hope, and the hearts of all good men, I feel assured, go baclc to him and his 
compatriots, rcyoicing over that courage and wisdom and rugged self-denial 
which secured to a great people such manifold benefits, and to a nation so 
grand a destiny. 

"Praise to the valiant dead! For tliem doth art 

Exhaust her skill their triumplis bodj'ing forth ; 
* Theirs are enshrined names, and every heart 

Shall bear the blazojied impress of their worth. 
Bright on the dreams of youth their fame shall rise ; 

Their fields of fight shall epic song record : 
And when the voice of battle rends the skies, 

Their name shall be their country's rallying word." 

On the 6th of June, 1870, Mr. Beattj made a sjDeech on land 
grants to railroads, wherein he fully defines his position on this 
important subject in tlie outset : 

Mr. Speaker, we have many bills before us asking for grants of the public lands 
to aid in the construction of railroads, and others demanding similar grants for 
other projects, and I take this opportunity to express my hostility to them all, 
and to enter my protest against the further disposal of a single acre of the pub- 
lic lands except for pui-poses of actual settlement and cultivation. If there are 
enterprises which should be aided, or internal imi>rovements which should be 
encouraged and assisted by the Government, I would prefer to render that 
assistance in sometliiug the value of which we appreciate, and not in lands of 
whose value this Congress has in my opinion no just conception. 

To those who come here from the embellished flirms and elegant homes of 
New England, the cultivated fields of Ohio, or the verdant prairies of the west- 
ern States, now fi-agrant with blossoms, the long stretches of unbroken pi'airie 
and tangled wilderness of the far West may appear to be utterly worthless, and 
this idea is supported in some degree by the fact that the Government offers 
these lands for an insignificant sum per acre, and few men are now attracted 
thither; but I beg gentlemen to consider that it does not by any means follow 
that these lands are valueless because the nation at this period of her growth 
does not need them, or because her citizens are not eager to accept them at the 
paltry price asked by the Government. The life of man is said to be three- 
score years and ten ; the life of a nation is measured by centuries. 

The wise man does not, in imitation of Esau, sell his birthright for a mess of 
pottage, or throw it away because he cannot in a day realize, consume, or enjoy 
it all. On the contrary he economizes, and thus makes ample provision for an 
increasing family. A nation should do the same. 



JAMES B. BECK. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Fortj'-first Congress Mr. Beck was continued on the 
Select Committee on Reconstruction, serving also on the Select 
Committee on Postal Telegraph Lines. His several speeches on 
Reconstruction in this Congress were in harmony with those on the 
same subject in tlie preceding Congress, and displa_y marked ability. 
It is observable that in these addresses, while he, with his party 
generally, considered the Reconstruction measures unconstitutional, 
he was, however, disposed to recognize them, and to contest only 
certain issues connected witli and springing from them. 

Mr. Beck's speech on "Expenditure, Tariff, Bonds," etc., pre- 
sents the somber view which, from his political stand-point, he 
might be expected to entertain. He sees burdens crushing down 
all the great agricultural and producing interests of the country. 
Fraud, corruption, and general demoralization have taken posses- 
sion of the Government and its officials, and honesty, capacity, and 
frugality liave given place to party servility and selfish division of 
the spoils. Every department of the Government swarms with 
adherents and retainers of prominent politicians. Yarions and 
multitudinous jobs are concocted for enabling favorites to get rich, 
the taxpayers of the country having to foot the bills. The most 
adroit subterfuges are resorted to in order to transfer the money of 
the people into the pockets of the officials and their retainers, and 
time would fail to tell of a tithe of the corruptions that are prac- 
ticed. Such was the burden of his elaborate effort of January 22, 
1870, which he concluded by saying " that the corruptions of this 
Government have assumed sucli magnitude that this Congress will 
be guilty of criminal complicity if it fails to pass such laws as will 
end them." The speech of Mr. Beck on the Appropriation bill is 
harmonious with the above : 

I feel warranted by the facts in asserting that every pledge made and every 
assurance given by the dominant party of economy, honesty, and frugality have 
been utterly disregarded, and that not only has there been no diminution of 
the admitted wasteful and corrupt expenditure of former years, but tlie year 
which clos(>d on the 30th of June hist exeeds, in every element of wasteful ex- 
penditure, that which preceded it, while the demands for the current fiscal year, 
just Ijcgim, not only give no promise of improvement, but prove the reverse. 



JOHN F. BENJAMIN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Beiijauiin in the Forty -lirst Congress was assigned to the 
Oomnaittee on Expenditures in tlie Post-Office Department, and 
asain served as Chairman of the Committee on Invalid Pensions. 

In a discnssion on one of the early days of this Congress con- 
cerning vessels, etc., impressed into service in time of the war, Mr. 
Benjamin presented a case illustrating the difficulty of securing 
indemnity from the Government for losses and damages incurred 
in its service, as follows : 

I have in my desk here the claim, not a very large one, of a gentleman who 
was a soldier in tlie Federal Array, and while marching in the ranks, and 
defending the flag of his country, he had the satisfaction of seeing that portion 
of the army to which he was attached encamped upon his premises"; and while 
encamped there they took the last bushel of grain he had upon the face of the 
earth, the last pound of meat that he had, and the last stack of hay that he had, 
leaving him nothing for the subsistence of his family or of his stock. The 
quartermaster gave him a receipt for it, but, failing to report it upon his muster 
report, as it was his duty to do, he was told at the Department that there was 
no law that aitthorized payment in cases of that kind, and hence he got noth- 
ing. There are hundreds of such cases as that not only in Missouri, but all over 
the country where the Federal Army marched. 

In a brief speech on the Funding Bill Mr. Benjamin remarked as 
follows on a subject of considerable interest : 

Now, sir, what are the facts? We all know that for seven years or more the 
East has enjoyed a monopoly of banking. Since the war the South and West 
have been here besieging this capital for the redistribution of the currency, in 
order that they may enjoy some of the benetits of the national banking system. 
It has been refused session after session until within the last week, when an act 
passed this House and passed the Senate for the issue of $54,000,000 in addition 
to the present banking currency of the country, and for the redistribution, event- 
ually, of $25,000,000 more. That act was approved by the President but yes- 
terday. We of the West and the South flattered ourselves that at last tardy 
justice had been done to us, and we would be able from henceforth to enter 
upon that field on a par with our more fortunate friends in the East. But, sir, 
before the ink is dry with which the President placed his signature on that act, 
here comes in a proposition saying to us that we may have that banking circu- 
lation, but that we will be compelled to take a bond as a basis of that banking 
bearing an interest of one per cent, at least lower than that held by the banks 
in the East. To that extent it is a direct discrimination against our banks in 
the South and West of one per cent., and perhaps two per cent. 

Having served six years in the House of Representatives, at the 
close of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Benjamin retired to private life. 



DATID S. BET^]^ETT. 



'*^^^>Vi 



^^ 



-^^AYID S. BEA^IS'ETT was born in Camillus, Onondaga 
"1^ County, New York. He has for years been prominent as 
an extensive grain merchant, elevator and vessel proprie- 
tor in Buffalo, having removed from Onondaga County in 
1852. He became prominent before the public in the early part 
of the war, contributing largely both in time and money for the 
raising of troops and other patriotic purposes. He was elected to 
represent Erie County in the Senate of New York for the years 
1865 and 1866 by the Kepublican party, and was elected to repre- 
sent the 30th District of New York in the Forty-first Congress as 
a Republican, leading his opponent. Judge Yerplanck, Democrat, 
by a vote of 16,001 against 11,293, a greater change in favor of 
the Republican party having been made in that district than in 
any other in the United States, Erie County being generally con- 
ceded a Democratic district. 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Bennett served on the Com- 
mittees on Commerce and Expenditures in the Interior Depart- 
ment. He introduced a bill " to provide for the better protection 
of the northern and northwestern frontier, to facilitate com- 
merce, and to diminish the expenses of the exchanges between 
States," appropriating $15,000,000 to be applied to the pajmient 
of the canal debt of the State of New York and the enlargement 
of the Erie and Oswego Canals. 

In an elaborate speech supporting this measure Mr. Bennett set 
forth in glowing terms the relations of the Erie Canal to the country 
as a national highway, largely instrumental in the amazing growth 
of the great Northwest within the past fifty years. He argued 
that the Government should make the appropriation not only in 
the interests of commerce, but as a means of national defense. 




^""^'"^^-^u^s^n, izr^^'-^^'^' 




"rlOiC NE'\"'yCR;'^ 



JACOB BENTON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Benton was assigned to the 
Committees on Agriculture and Invalid Pensions, and was con- 
tinued on the Joint Committee on Retrench ment. Early in the 
first session of this Congress he spoke on the bill to amend the 
Judiciary System. He subsequently addressed the House on 
many of the most important measures considered by it. Among 
the speeches made by him may be mentioned those in opposition 
to the Civil Service Bill, which he styled the " schoolmaster sys- 
tem ;" against the abolition of the Franking Privilege ; against 
the repeal of the income tax ; on the contested election case of G. 
"W. Booker of Virginia ; upon tlie method of counting the electoral 
votes for President and Yice-President, and the power of the Presi- 
dent of the Senate in snch cases ; and upon the currency question. 
In this last speech Mr. Benton took strong ground in favor of sus- 
taining the credit of the Government by a speedy return to specie 
payment and the establishment of a convertible currency. lie also 
spoke on the River and Harbor Appropriation Bill, and in favor of an 
appropriation for the improvement of the upper Connecticut River. 
In a speech on the Legislative Appropriation Bill he favored the 
employment of females in the departments. 

Toward the latter part of the session he acted as Chairman of 
the Committee on Pensions. Mr. Benton was always earnest and 
able in his advocac}^ of Republican principles, and in his speech on 
the " Problems of the War," after alludino; to the necessities which 
called into existence the Republican party, he presented the fol- 
lowing arraignment of the Democracy : 

And wliile I gladly acknowledge the loyalty of the men who placed patriot- 
ism above party, and of the rank and file who, as the masses of the peojjle 
always are, were honest and loyal, I confidently challenge any one to point to a 
sinaie act of the Democratic party as a party, as a political oi-ganization, which 
was in earnest support of, and in hearty sympathy with, the Government during 
the war. The votes of its Representatives in Congress, tlie declarations of its 
conventions and of its party organs, all gave aid, comfort, and encouragement 
to the Rebellion, prolonged the struggle for years, caused the shedding of rivers 
of loyal blood, and have created a national de!)t which this generation with all 
its vast resources may not be able to pay. Thus has tlie Democratic party been 
false to the people, false to the Government, and false to the cause of liberty. 



/^7 



BEI^JAMK^ T. BIGGS. 



"^^^ENJAMIN T. BIGGS was born at Summit Bridge, Del- 
'^^" aware, October 1, 1821. His youth was mainly occupied 
'''^0 upon a farm, but lie spent two years at Pennington Sem- 
inary, after which he for a time engaged in school-teaching. 
He was subsequently a student in the AYesleyan University, Con- 
necticut, but left without graduating b}^ reason of ill-health, and 
in 1817 gave his w'hole attention to farming. In 1853 he was a 
member of the State Constitutional Convention, and subsequently 
became interested in railroad operations. In 1860 he was a candi- 
date for Cono-ress, but failed of an election. In 1808 he was more 
successful, being elected, by a large majority as a Democrat, the 
Representative from Delaware to the Forty-first Congress. 

On assuming his seat Mr. Biggs was assigned to the Committees 
on Mines and Mining and Expenditures in the Treasury Depart- 
ment. His first speech w^as on the Georgia Reconstruction bill, 
wdiich he denounced as legislation of a character the most out- 
rageous that was ever introduced into an American Congress. 

In his speech on "National Politics" Mr, Biggs charged the 
dominant party with sorely tarnishing the honor and fame of the 
country by " harsh and unnecessary acts of tyranny." In his 
speech on the Tax bill Mr. Biggs argued against the tax on incomes 
as uncalled for, as in direct conflict with the spirit of our free 
institutions, as unfair, unjust, and oppressive. 

In his remarks on the Washington and New York Railroad bill 
Mr. Biggs strenuously opposed that measure mainly^ upon the 
ground that the United States has no power to enter and make 
use of the territory of a State, whether it be to erect forts or con- 
struct railroads, without first obtaining the consent of the State 
Legislature. 



JOHN A. BINGHAM. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress we find Mr. Bingham on the Judi- 
ciary Committee as Chairman, and a member also of the Commit- 
tee on Expenditures in the Post-Office Department. Among his 
earher speeches in this Congress was that favoring the repeal of 
the Civil-Tenure law, and his position in reference to this law from 
the first he expressed as follows : 

I desire to say to the House that I have not changed the opinion which I en- 
tertained in the Thirty-ninth Congress -when what is known as the Tenure-of- 
Office bill l^ecame a law. I believed then, and I believe now, that that act was 
constitutional. I believed then, and I believe now, that the public interests 
demanded the enactment of a law to restrain an Executive who seemed to be 
careless or indifferent to all the obligations of his great office. That necessity 
for the law, however, has now ceased. The peoj)le of the United States have 
now an Executive in whom they have the fullest confidence. I may be allowed 
to say that I see indications about me everywhere that the confidence of the 
peoj)le of this countiy in the distinguished citizen who is now the President of 
the United States is not confined to the party which elected him. I hear 
utterances from the most distinguished men of the ojjposition that they intend 
to give to the President a fair chance, and to see that he shall have fair play in 
discharging the duties imi^osed upon him by the Constitution and the will of 
the American people. The law upon your statute-book fetters him, and I ask 
the attention of the House to the fact that it fetters him to such an extent that 
he is at the mercy even of his own aiDpointees. 

Mr. Bingham during the first session addressed the House also 
on the bill to amend the judicial system, the Indian Appropriation 
bill, and the bill for the re-construction of Georgia. On this latter 
question he again addressed the House in the following December, 
and several times subsequently. He denounced the idea that the 
government of Georgia since 1868 was a provisional government, 
and moved an amendment providing that, in accordance with its 
constitution, there should be during the year 1870 an election of 
State Senators and representatives. This was known throughout 
the protracted discussion of the Georgia question as the " Bingham 
Amendment," and, upon proposing it, Mr. Bingham insisted that 
the reported bill, if adopted by the House, would have the efiect 
of continuing the existing Legislature for the term of two years, 
and would in effect declare that the Constitution of Georgia had 
never been operative. 



2 JOHN A BINGHAM. 

Mr. Bingham opposed the Civil Service bill, and gave it as his 
judgment that it ought not to receive the approval of the repre- 
sentatives of the people. He viewed it not so much a question 
about qualifications as one that related to the appointing power. 
It involved the doctrine that the appointing power, except in such 
appointments as must be by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, shall be limited to the will of fonr commissioners. 
Without the consent of such a commission " neither the President, 
nor the heads of departments, nor the courts to whom this power 
is confided bj the Constitution, can appoint any civil officer except 
as already stated." He further opposed the bill as creating an 
aristocracy, a privileged class in the country, a species of nobility. 

You propose to create here a Board of Commissioners who are to sit iu judg- 
ment upon every man in the land who applies for an appointment to an infeiior 
otEce, and to say to one of our maimed heroes, because he cannot answer, as 
one of these Boards did require a young soldier to answer the other day, ques- 
tions in astronomy, therefore he is not permitted to keep ordinary* accounts in 
the Treasury Department. It is an absurdity. Tlie world found out long ago 
that even the author of '' The Mechanism of the Heavens " did not prove him- 
self a very skillful man iu civil affairs when called to a civil trust by the first 
Napoleon. And so I think it will be under the rules which may be prescribed 
by this Board of Commissioners. 

In defending the bill to enforce the rights of citizens to vote, 
Mr. Bingham responded as follows to the opposition cry of " Con- 
solidation :" 

Mr. Speaker, were these gentlemen ignorant of the fact that the very word 
which they employ this day in condemnation of this bill is the very word em- 
ployed by those mighty men whom God taught to build for glory and for 
beauty, and who framed the majestic fabric of American empire ? When they 
had completed their work and submitted it to the Congress of the United 
States, under the Confederation, to be referred to the people of the several 
States for approval or rejection, in their address the fathers of the Republic 
declared that in framing the Constitution of government they had kept stetidily 
in view the " consolidation " of the Union. . . . 

"What is our Union, sir, but that unity of government which makes the great 
people who cover this continent one people, who have but one country, one 
Constitution, and one destiny ? What is our Union but that political combina- 
tion of which it may be said the Constitution is tlie l)reath of its life ? What is 
our Union but that more perfect consolidated Union to form which, under the 
guidance of Washington and his illustrious associates, the people ordained the 
Constitution ? /<^/) 



JOHW T. BIED, 



OIIN T. BIRD was born in Hunterdon County, Kew Jer- 




sey, August 16, 1829. Having, received an academic edu- 
cation lie engaged in the study of law, and was admitted to 
tlie Bar in 1855. He practiced his profession in his native 
county, and in 18G3 was appointed Prosecutor of the Pleas, hold- 
ing the office fur the full term of five years. In 1868 he v/as 
elected as a Democrat to the Forty-first Congress, took his seat 
March 4, 1869, and was assigned to the Committees on Invalid 
Pensions and the Militia. 

Among the earliest of Mr. Bird's speeches before the House was 
that on the reconstruction of Georgia. Quoting from the bill that 
" the Legislature shall ratify the Fifteenth Amendment " before 
admission, Mr. Bird remarked : " Shall ratify ! This is the lan- 
guage of compulsion. It sounds as though it were dictated from 
the throne of a tyrant. No free will, no exercise of choice or judg- 
ment in all this ! It is simply saying to the people of Georgia, 
' Become slaves and cowards if you would enjoy any political priv- 
ileges under the Government we have established.' " 

In his remarks on the national debt Mr. Bird discountenanced 
all ideas of repudiation, and insisted that for the honor of the 
country the debt of the nation should be paid according to the con- 
tract and the law of the land. 

In his speech on the Tariff Mr. Bird viewed the subject as con- 
nected more especially with the interests of the farming commu- 
nity, and he insisted that the demands and interests of the farmers 
deserved the most careful attention. " We are," said he, " under 
very great obligations to the farmers and laborers dependent on 
them for employment. Without their steady and unflinching devo- 
tion to the Union it would have been dissolved long ago. The first 
Bull Run would have been the last encounter. 



1 AUSTIN BLAIR. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Blair served on the Com- 
mittee of Ways and Means and on the Committee on Revision of 
the Laws of the United States. On the 16th of March, 1870, Mr. 
Blair delivered an able speech on the Tariff, of which the following 
are extracts : 

The first and principal object of every tariff is revenue. Until quite recently 
the customs duties were almost the only source of revenue to the General Gov- 
ernment. It is still our main dependence "for the supjjort of Government and 
for tbe discharge of the debts of the United States." Under the present tariif 
$180,000,000 a year have been collected in gold. It is our only resource for 
the payment of interest upon the jjublic debt. It is the foundation rock upon 
which the jDublic credit stands. Remove it and bonds and greenbacks will 
fall into one common ruin together, and the monthly rej^orts from the Treasury 
Departments will bring panic and dismay instead of security and confidence. . . . 
As revenue is the principal object of every tariff, so also is protection the inci- 
dent. In laying a tarifl" of duties ujxm imjjorts for revenue it has become the 
settled practice for Congress to discriminate in'favor of the pioductions of our 
own peojile. As, for example, the duties laid upon tea and coffee are for reve- 
nue only for the reason that as we do not i)roduce those articles there is noth- 
ing to protect, and of course no protection ; while the duties levied upon iron 
and steel and their manufactures, which we do produce, are protective of 
those productions. They produce a revenue, however, none the less for that 
reason, and the protection is incidental to the revenue and according to its, 
amount. ... To the old catchword,' Why not buy always where you can buy 
cheapest ? I rejjly that he cannot buy at all who does not sell. Ue is a very 
stupid economist who clamors for a cheap market to purchase in while he 
makes no preparation for acquiring the means to ijurchase in any market what- 
ever. . . . The teachings of an experience of eighty years are not to be idly 
thrown away at the beck of visionary speculators, whose false facts and false 
logic tend only to bewilder the public judgment. The people are neither op- 
pressed nor imjioverished, however imaginative orators may declaim uj)on it. 

On the 24th of May, when the Honse had under consideration 
the IdIU making appropriations for the service of the Post-Otfice 
Department for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1871, Mr. Blair 
made an eminently practical as well as forcible speech. In his 
opening remarks he said : 

Mr. Chairman, that the Post-Office Department does not realize the just 
expectations of the country is too clear to admit of dispute. It has become not 
only a serious burden to the treasury, but it has entirely failed to meet the 
requirements of the public service. Large annual appropriations are required 
to meet its deficiencies, and the prospects of future relief are not encoui-aging. 

^92^ 



AUSTIN BLAIR. 2 

There appears no reasonable ground for hope of clieaper postage, at least for 
years to come. Our revenues from other sources increase in a greater ratio than 
the most sanguine calculations have ventured to predict, but the postal reve- 
nues are notably an exception. Here the increase of expenses outruns the 
increase of the revenues. 

After briefly discussing the last annual Keport of the Postmaster- 
General, Mr. Blair proceeded to examine the suggestions presented 
by that oflicial looking toward an increase of the revenues of his 
Department. He asserted that the " Postmaster-General had tailed 
to apprehend the real causes of the failure of the Department to be 
self-sustaining." After stating what, in his opinion, were the 
causes of such failure, Mr. Blair concluded as follows: 

Mr. Chairman, I will not pursue this subject further. It is not difficult to 
understand what the Post-Office Department needs. It needs vigorous admin- 
istration. Of i)olitical nursing it has had inore than enough, but of business 
capacity and energetic administration there is no sign. There needs a master 
who thinks more of the prompt delivery of a letter than of the ai^pointment of 
a clerk from Maryland who is charged to Texas. 

* 

On the 1st of June, 1870, the Tax Bill being under considera- 
tion, Mr. Blair made a statement of the reasons which operated 
upon the minds of the members of the Committee of "Ways and 
Means to induce them to retain in an amended form what is known 
as the "Income Tax." He said: 

It is true, as the gentleman from New York (]Mr. McCarthy) has stated, that 
there has been a great deal of opposition to this tax developed in the country. 
I attribute that mainly to the fiict that those who pay it are a very influential 
class of people, not that there is any very general opposition to the tax among 
the people as a whole. Tliat could hardly be so fiom the fact that the great 
body of the people are not reached in any way by this tax. ... As has been 
before stated, there are only about two hundred and seventy-five thousand per- 
sons in the country who pay this tax at all. ... I can see no good reason for 
abandoning the whole of this tax, for we cannot spare the revenue which can 
be derived from it. Gentlemen must bear in mind that every dollar which we 
take off this Income Tax, which applies to the rich men of the country, must 
be laid upon the poorer men of the country. Let them remember, when they 
propose to take this tax oft" the rich and influential men of their districts they 
must put it upon the poor men of their districts. I protest against any such 
action on the part of Congress. I stand here in behalf of the great body of the 
people. I believe this is the most just and righteous tax of all the diflerent 
taxes which are levied under our laws. 

13 



THOMAS BOLES. 

f (Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

On taking his seat in the Forty-first Congress, Mr. Boles was 
assigned to the Committee on the District of Cokimbia. He 
indulged in but few extended speeches, and his remarks to the 
House were mostly confined to a few words of information or expla- 
nation touching matters not so familiar to the House generally as 
to himself; such, for example, as were made in connection with the 
deliberations upon the bill for the protection of life on steamboats, 
and on the River and Harbor Bill, His longest and most elaborate 
address was on the bill for admitting Virginia to representation in 
Congress : 

" Mr. Speaker, I will vote for this bill, but not because I believe 
the government of the State of Virginia is in the hands of loyal 
men ; for I am satisfied it is virtually in the hands of the same class 
of men who controlled the State at the time she attempted to dis- 
rupt this Union, and who are now more disloyal than they were at 
the time she made that fruitless attempt, ^or do I vote for it 
because I believe the loyal people of that State will have protection 
given their lives and property by that government, for I am well 
satisfied we seal the fate of the loyal people of the State of Vir- 
ginia, at least for awhile, by the admission of that State at the 
present time ; nor because Virginia has in good faith accepted the 
situation and is thoroughly reconstructed in accordance with the 
design of congressional reconstruction, for if I understand the 
reconstruction acts of Congress they were intended to assist in the 
formation of republican governments in the Southern States that 
would insure the equal protection of all persons in life, liberty, and 
property, while I know in man parts of that State at this very 
moment many, yea, very many who are Bepublicans dare not say 
so openly for fear of the injuries they know they would receiv^e did 
they do so." 

Mr. Boles was of the opinion that a sad mistake had been made 
in the reorganization of Virginia, but which it was too late wholly 
to remedy ; but considering that the State had technically complied 
with the Reconstruction acts, there was nothing to be done now 
but to admit her with the fundamental conditions attached. 



GEOEGE AVILLIAM BOOKEE. 



^#EOEGE WILLIAM BOOKER was born in Patrick Coun- 
i 
iM tv, Viro-inia, on the 5th of December, 1821. He received 

ISi> only a common-school education, and was for a short time 
at an academy in Henry Connty, known as the Patrick 
Henry Academy. Here he studied the elements of Latin. After 
leaving school he taught what is called an " old field school." 
While thus engaged he read law without a preceptor, and obtained 
license to practice. Yery early in life lie evinced a fondness for 
reading, and read all the books and newspapers which came in his 
way. It w^as his fortune, whether good or bad, to have spent his 
earlier years at a time when political excitement ran very high, 
and he soon became fond of political discussion. He embraced the 
principles of the Democratic party, and remained connected with 
it till 18G0, when the party split in the JSTational Convention at 
Charleston. He never believed in the right of secession, and sup- 
ported the Douglas ticket in that memorable contest. He was one 
of five who voted for Douglas at the court-house of his county. 

Soon after arriving at manhood he took up his residence in the 
County of Henry. He was in 1856 elected a Justice of the Peace, 
and was soon afterward made Presiding Justice of tlie County 
Court, a position of great responsibility with little or no emolu- 
' ment. He held this ofiice for ten years, when he resigned. Dur- 
ing the memorable contest in Virginia in 1861 he was an ardent 
advocate of the perpetuity of the Union, and canvassed his county 
in favor of the Union candidates for the Convention which met in 
Richmond to consider the subject of secession. He remained true 
to his principles during that gloomy period, and voluntarily gave 
"no aid or comfort" to the Confederate Government. 



/fr 



2 . GEORGE WILLIAM BOOKER. 

Under the military administration which immediately succeeded 
the close of the war Mr. Booker was unanimously recommended to 
General Scofield by the County Court to be Prosecuting Attorney 
for the County of Henry, the office having become vacant by the 
resio-nation of tlie former incumbent. He was soon afterward ap- 
pointed to the same office for the Counties of Franklin and Patrick 
without any solicitation on his part. 

In 1SG5 Mr. Booker was elected to the Legislature of Yirginia 
from Henry County. As a member of the Legislature he was in 
favor of accepting the terms of Reconstruction proposed in the 
Sherman-Shellabarger bill as the best and most direct means of 
restoring the State to her practical relations with the Government. 
He was in favor of calling a Convention, under the authority of 
the State, to adopt a Constitution to carry out the requirements of 
that bill. Other counsels, however, prevailed, and the result is 
known to the country. In the canvass of 1869 he supported the 
Walker ticket for Governor, and, in obedience to solicitations from 
many prominent citizens, he announced himself a candidate for 
Congress, and was elected by a large plurality vote over George 
Tucker and W. H. H. Stowell. His seat was contested by' Mr. 
Tucker upon the pretext of ineligibility, and that he could not 
take the oath of office. The contestant was a political adventurer 
Avho had been in the district but a few months preceding the elec- 
tion, and who left soon after. The Committee on Elections re- 
ported unanimously in favor of Mr. Booker's right to the seat, and 
the House, without a division, sustained the Report of the Committee. 
He was admitted to his seat February 1, 1870, and was appointed 
to the Committee on Freedmen's Affairs. He delivered a speech 
in opposition to the bill to establish a system of National Educa- 
tion. He also addressed the House on the subject of Amnesty, 
announcing himself as " in favor of the removal of all political 
disabilities from all persons," and maintaining that " the question 
of secession, as a right existing under the Constitution of the United 
States, has been settled forever, not only in Yirginia, but in the 
whole South. 



CHRISTOPHER C. BO WEN. 

(Continued from the Fortiatb Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Bowen, besides the Commit- 
tee on Freedmen's Affairs, served on the Committee on Invalid 
Pensions. 

One of Mr. Bt)\veirs principal speeches in this Congress was that 
on the contested election case of Wallace vs. Simpson, from the 
Fourth Congressional District of South Carolina. In this speech 
he supported the claim of Wallace : showing, first, that Simpson 
was, by law, ineligil)le, he having repeatedly taken oath to support 
the Constitution of the United States and afterward participated in 
the Eebellion. Hence, though having a majority of votes, all those 
votes, being given to him with a knowledge of his ineligibility, 
M-ere thrown away. This position Mr. Bowen proceeded to estab- 
lish by reference to a multitude of authorities coverinij a louff 
series of years. The ease was decided in favor of Wallace. 

Another effective speech of Mr. Bowen was that of March 21, 
1870, fixvoring and advocating an appropriation of $20,000 for 
rebuilding the Orphan Asylum at Charleston, South Carolina. 
This asylum was destroyed by the bombard\nent of the city, and 
the bill providing means to rebuild it was " in consideration of the 
services rendered by the Sisters of our Lady of Mercy to sick and 
womided Union officers and soldiers during the war." 

Said Mr. Bowen in this speech : 

Sir, many years ago, without reference to the war and without regard to anv 
particular interest, with nothing to subserve but God and humanity, in its 
broadest and most catholic sense, a band of noble women separated themselves 
from tlie world and all its pleasures and nmbitious, and, under the celestial 
name of " The Sisters of oiu- Lady of Mercy," devoted themselves and their 
lives to the cause of relieving the miseries and sufferings of mankind. They 
established themselves at the city of Charleston, South Carolina, and dispensed 
their charities to all alike, without regard to creed, nationality, or caste : to be 
in need was the only passport required to share their affections and their chari- 
ties. By thrift, economy, industry, and the gifts of well-disposed and gi-atelul 
people of the city and neighborhood of Charleston, these angelic women erected 
a large and valuable edifice in furtherance of their mission. 

This was the edifice destroyed by the bombardment, and for the 
rebuilding of which the appropriation was solicited. The bill was 
passed. 

/97 



SEMPEOIsriUS H. BOYD. 



"^I^^EMPRONIUS H. BOYD was bom in Williamson County, 
Tennessee, May 28, 1828. Removing to Missouri in 
1840, he settled in Springfield, Green County. He re- 
ceived an academic education, studied law, and began the 
practice in 1856. He held the ofiice of Clerk of the Probate and 
Common Pleas Court, and subsequently was elected Mayor of 
Springfield. Being a Democrat, but unwilling to go with the 
Southern extremists, he canvassed actively for Douglas as candi- 
date for President in 1860. Upon the breaking out of the rebellion 
he ardently espoused the Union cause, and raised a regiment 
known as the Lyon Legion, of which he was commissioned Colonel. 
He served three years under Generals Curtis, Scofield, Steel, Carr, 
and Davidson. He commanded the Union forces at the battle of 
Bloomfield, Avhere he routed the rebels and gained a victory for 
the Union. He took the part of the negroes, giving them protec- 
tion and freedom wherever found, and refusing to give them up 
to Governor Gamble's militia generals. Colonel Boyd, in 1862, 
arrested and imprisoned James Burch, a Conservative candidate 
for Governor, because he spoke for slavery. 

In 1862 Mr. Boyd was elected a Representative to Congress 
from Missouri as an Unconditional Emancipationist. He voted 
for all the radical measures of the Thirty-eighth Congress, and was 
always ready to do any thing, constitutional or unconstitutional, to 
crush the Rebellion. At the close of the Thirty-eighth Congress 
he returned to his profession, but was soon after elected Judge of 
the Fourteenth Judicial Circuit of Missouri, and as such by his rul- 
ings enforced the " Drakonian Constitution " of that State. Li 1868 
Mr. Boyd was elected a Representative to the Forty-first Congress. 




^o.g'^JjjrGec'-E-P'iC'^-^' 



^ ^ /Jc^K:^ 



HON. SEMy^^R:;^^:U" P R! 



PEPP;::: 



GEOEGE M. BROOKS. 




^° EOEGE M. BROOKS was born in Concord, Massachu- 
setts, July 20, 1824:. After a due course of academic 
^^ preparation in liis native place he entered Harvard Col- 
leo-e, irraduatino; in lS4-i. He studied law, and success- 
fully practiced his profession in Concord. In 1858 he was a member 
of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and the following 
year was a State Senator. At the close of his service of one year 
in each branch of the General Court, he served on the Joint Com- 
mittee appointed by that body to revise the statutes of Massachu- 
setts. In 1869 he was nominated by the Republicans to fill the 
vacancy in the House of Representatives occasioned by the appoint- 
ment of Hon. George S. Boutwell as Secretary of the Treasury, and 
was elected, receiving 8,809 votes against 4,284 votes for liis Dem- 
ocratic competitor, 

Mr. Brooks took his seat as a Representative in the Forty-first 
Conojress at the becriunino; of the second session, December 6, 1869, 
and -sras appointed a member of the Committee on Elections. He 
occasionally addressed the House briefly on Appropriation Bills, 
but his chief speeches were on election cases reported from his 
Committee. He made the reports in the two cases of Booker vs. 
Tucker and Sheafe vs. Tillman. His reports in these cases, and 
his speeches in support of them, were characterized by judicial care- 
fulness and candor, and were fully sustained by the votes of the 
House. In the former case, and in the case of Barnes vs. Adams, 
wdiich he supported by a speech, the reports of the Committee were 
against the contestants of his own party. It is honorable to all 
concerned that the election cases, of wdncli there was an unprece- 
dented number in the Forty-first Congress, were decided without 
reference to their partisan bearings. 



1 JAMES BROOKS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Brooks was continued on the 
important Committee of Ways and Means, serving also on the 
Committee on the Rules. Yery early in the first session, pending 
a re])ort from the Reconstruction Conjmittee, he urged upon this 
Committee to bring in a bill of General Amnesty, and he deemed 
it quite time that the House should have' reached such a measure, 
and was confident that the country was expecting it. lie further 
announced his determination to vote for no more special cases of 
pardon unless a general amnesty should be decreed. 

In the brief remarks of Mr. Brooks on the bill authorizing the 
submission, by the President, of the Constitutions of Virginia, 
Mississippi, and Texas to a vote of the people of those States respect- 
ively, he in voting for the measure expressed his great reluctance 
to do so. He would support the measure, not because he liked or 
api^roved of it, but as an escape from what would be worse — as a 
plank thrown out upon which he could temporarily swim, and he 
would vote for the bill as a choice of evils. Early in the second 
session Mr. Brooks, on the question of repudiating the National 
Debt, took occasion to disclaim all idea of repudiation ; " and 
I think," he added, " that I may speak for the Democratic mem- 
bers of New York city as well as for myself, that we never have 
been, never can be, never will be, repudiators." 

Toward the close of his great Tariif speech, March 3, 1S70, after 
alluding to the destruction of our foreign commerce, the fact of the 
carrying-trade being almost entirely in the hands of foreigners, the 
thousands of skilled ship-builders out of employ, and the destruction 
of our engine-shops, Mr. Brooks proceeded as follows : 

When I recapitulate these melancholy facts, Mr. Chairman, with difficulty do 
I repress the pulsations of my heart, and the passion such a record of national 
folly and crime inspires. Our great Repuljlic opens upon two oceans, upon the 
Gulf of Mexico south, and the great lakes north ; our continent overflows with 
all the material necessary for ship-building. We have harbors unrivaled ; we 
have seamen who, from the days of Paul Jones to the days of Farragut, have 
known no fear nor shrunk from any adventure, who have stormed the tires of 
Tripoli and New Orleans, and yet now our commerce scarcely ventures beyond 
our capes and headlands, or if so it is swept from the ojien seas by the superior 
and better maritime administration of England, France, Germany, and even 



JAMES BROOKS. 2 

Sweden and Norway. We, who in the Old World have seen, in Asia and in 
Africa as well as in Enrope, the star-spangled banner everywhere, and who 
have seen it with pride and pleasm-e — we, wiio have traced it from the Arctic to 
the Antarctic, from the Pacific and the Atlantic to the Indian sea, and from 
the Indian sea to the Behring Straits — we, who have seen that ting carried in 
grandenr and gloi-j- all over tlie earth, now see it scarcely anywhere on any of 
the broad seas of that earth. It has been banished, swept away, killed, damned, 
by our accursed tariff. It is gone — almost all gone ; the wrecks of it only saved 
by our exclusive coastwise navigation, or upon the distant shores of the Pacific, 
too tar from England, too far for the mariners of the Baltic to crush it, as it is 
otherwise crushed and crumbled everywhere upon the open seas. 

The most melancholj' picture now on the earth, the most deploiable for the 
American who loves his country, is to sec in the harbor of New York, flying 
from the fleets of shipping there assrmliled, the British cross of St. George, the 
tri-colors of France, of Belgium, and of Italy ; the red, black, and gold of Ger- 
many, and the yellow of Spain — foreign flags everywhere, and the star-spangled 
banner nowhere but upon some coastwise craft. How is this? AVhy is this? 
Are the days of Prel)le and Decatur rubbed out of the American calen( lar ? Are 
the Constitution and the Guerriere forgotten ? Are the memories of Tri])oli and 
the Algerines no more ? Have the industry and enterjjrise of our country gone 
— all gone? Do we, the sous of glorious ancestral fame, mean to give up the 
dominion of the seas ? Never, never, sir. Even now, Avhile the accursed tarift" is 
pouring into our ships its fatal grape and canister, and the star-spangled ban- 
ner is going down, every true-hearted American re-echoes the dying words of 

Lawrence : 

" Dou't give lip the ship ! " 

Pending tlie discussion of the Consular and Diplomatic Appro- 
priation Bill, Mr. Brooks moved what he termed his Annual 
Amendment to the bill, namely, a provision for a Mission to Rome^ 
which occasioned an animated debate, resultino; in settinij; aside the 
proposed amendment. Passing by numerous other speeches of this 
active and able Representative, our limits will allow us only a 
brief extract additional — an extract from his memorial speech on 
occasion of the death of Senator Fessenden : 

My honorable friend from Portland, Maine, in the course of his beautiful 
eulogy, took occasion to say that Mr. Fessenden was not eloquent. In that 
I difter from him entiixdy. Eloquence, sir, is not words. Eloquence is not the 
pompous parade of speech. Eloquence is not empliasis, ejaculation, gesticu- 
lation, or intonation. The orator is not he who can roll oft' periods on 
sesquipedalian words, or emblazon feeltle thought in brilliant rhetoric; but it 
is he whose mind most powerfully grasps ideas, and with unerring logic sets 
them forth in fitting words to the public ear. He who can do that is really 
an eloquent man ; and in that respect, sir, no man was more eloquent than Mr. 
Fessenden. 



ALFEED E. BUCK. 




^^^LFKED E. BUCK was born in Foxcroft, Maine, Febru- 
A^l<^ ary 7, 1832. He received a common- school education 
in his native town. When eighteen years of age, while 
at work in his fathers small lumber-mill, he determined 
to prepare for college. By his own almost unaided eiforts, teach- 
ing school while pursuing his studies, he obtained a collegiate 
education and graduated with high honor at Waterville College. 
Maine, in 1859. He spent one year in teaching in the High School 
of Hallowell, Maine, and the following year was called to take 
charge of the High School of Lewiston, Maine, where he met with 
great success as a teacher. 

On the breaking out of the liebellion he immediately offered his 
services as a private soldier, but at that time, few troops being 
called for, he was induced to remain with his school. After the 
disaster at Ball's Blufi", and other reverses in the early fall of 18G1, 
more troops being called for, Mr. Buck at once opened recruiting 
offices in several places in the State when no bounties were offered, 
and raised a company of soldiers for the Thirteenth Maine Eegi- 
ment. He was appointed Captain in that Regiment, which, as a 
part of General Butler's command, was sent to Ship Island in 
February, 1862. In July he was assigned to the command of Fort 
Pike, La., with his company as garrison. 

In the summer of 1863 he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of 
the Ninety-first Regiment of colored Infantry, but was soon after 
transferred to the command of the Fifty-first Regiment of colored 
troops. He was soon appointed as a member of a Board for the 
examination of officers of colored troops for promotion. In the 
campaign against Mobile he was brevetted for gallant conduct at 



^ 



-02^- 








H'JI-T. ALFRED E BE 



PE?Fi 



;A^N£5 H;S1 



ALFRED E. BUCK. 2 

the siege of Fort Blakelj, Alabama, April, 1865. On the capture 
of Mobile he was appointed Inspector-General of Division, and 
served as such, and as Inspector-General of Western Louisiana till 
November, when he was assigned to duty on a Military Commis- 
sion at New Orleans. He was mustered out of service June 16, 
1866, and immediately took up his residence in the vicinity of 
Mobile, where he had purchased property. 

He was elected, under the Reconstruction Acts of Congress in 
October, 1867, a member of the State Convention which framed 
the present Constitution of Alabama. In this Convention he was 
Chairman of the Committee on Pream.ble and Bill of Rights, and, 
as such, engrafted his just ideas of human rights into that instru- 
ment, in the declaration that all persons shall possess "equal civil 
and political rights and public privileges." In December, 1867, 
he was appointed Clerk of the Circuit Court of Mobile County, 
and was elected to that office in February following. He was 
elected a Presidential Elector on the Republican ticket in 1868. 

In the summer of 1869 Mr. Buck was elected, as a Republican, 
a Representative from Alabama to the Forty-first Congress, and 
was admitted to his seat at the opening of the second session, 
December 6. As a member of the Committee on the Pacific 
Railroad he did much to aid in preparing and passing the Pacific 
Railroad Bill. He displayed ability and efficiency in obtaining 
appropriations for the rivers and harbors .of Alabama and the 
South generally. 



Jlos 



1 CHARLES W. BUCKLEY. 

(Continued from tlie Fortietli Consress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Buckley was a member of the 
Committee on Territories. During the discussion of a proposed 
appropriation for the Bureau of Education, February 22, 1870, in 
reply to Mr. Wood, who had declared himself opposed to " select- 
ing a particular class ( f people, and bestowing upon them all our 
benevolent and charitable contribntious," Mr. Buckley said : 

The apiiropriation is not designed simply for the freedmen of the South. It 
is asked by the people of Massachusetts as much as by the joeople of Alabama. 
In reply to the insinuation which is thrown out here, I wish to say that the 
colored people of the South have never asked at the hands of tliis Congress any 
thing but what the people of other parts of tlie country have received, and 
they never will. They do not care about a simple apjiropriation for the educa- 
tion of their children : all they want is the opportunity to provide schools for 
their children, and as good schools as are provided anywhere in the country. 
I have understood that the operation of this appropriation is simply to furnish 
to the couiitry the best organized systems of schools. In 1867 a convention met 
in the Slate of Alabama to form for that State a free constitution, tiie only 
free constitution the State ever had. In order that it might provide for a scliool 
system to educate not only its colored people, but thirty-seven thousand adult 
whites who could not read or write, the Committee on Education of that conven- 
tion sent, as its first step, to the Commissioner of Education in this city for 
advice as to the l)est system possible for doing this enormous work. I now ask 
that memliers of this House who are in tavor of giving to those colored persons 
the same educational opiDortunities enjoyed by the most favored citizens of the 
Republic shall support this measure. We ask for them not merely education, 
not merely civil and political rights ; we ask that they shall stand upon the same 
l)latform as other citizens. We ask for nothing more. 

During the discussion of the Indian Appropriation Bill, Mr. 
Buckley, after having, alluded to the Indian treaties imder wdiich 
millions of dollars had been voted out of the Treasury of the coun- 
try, proceeded as follows : 

I am glad to see that this House, and I believe the country, are becoming 
tired of this system of dealing with the Indians. In my judgment, if we ever 
hope to lift the Indians out of their present degradation and save them from 
self-extermination it must be not by giving them millions of money, not by 
presents of pro\isions anel other articles, not l)y ministering simply to their 
artificial wants, but by trying to encourage and build uj) among them domestic 
relations, by extending their social ties, and by organizing among them, if it is 
possible, something like a civil condition. , Hence I am glad to see in this House 
a movement of abolishing these treaties with the Indians, so far as may be con- 
sistent with the plighted faith of the Government. I am glad, too, to hear the 
idea promulgated here that we must Iiring these Indians under the control of 
law. Such a measure is necessai-y if we are to do them any good in our efforts 



CHARLES W. BUCKLEY. 



2 



to alleviate their condition, to educate them, and make them a blessing to them- 
selves and not a mere expense to tlie country. 

On the 12t]i of Marcli, 1870, Mr. Buckley delivered an eloquent 
speech, advocating the Eemoval of Political Disabilities, from 
which the following extracts are made : 

There is much, Mr. Speaker, in our imperial Republic of which her citizens 
are justly proud. I am proud, sir, of her long line of noble and honored ancestry, 
of her free institutions, and her sacred, indissoluble Union. I rejoice in her 
schools, in her churches, and her Christian civ^lization ; her marvelous growth 
and her abundant internal resources. I love her tried Constitution and her 
unparalleled freedom, regulated by wise Jaws. I love her banner, which floats 
proudly over the sea and over the land. I am proud of the protecting shield of 
her citizenship at home and abroad ; of the patriotism of her people and their 
capacity for self-government. I am proud of her rei^ublicanism, which has 
shown itself to be the strongest and the safest form of earthly power, the best 
able to meet a terrible crisis, to rally, to concentrate men and means for the most 
arduous conflicts, and to carry on war unequaled in vastness and difflculty with 
united, conscious, definite, and irresistible purpose. I am proud of her terrible 
power to resist and subdue a rebellion tliat would have defied the skill or might 
of every European monarchy or empire. But infinitely above all else, proud 
am I of her sublime patience and her inimitable magnanimity in the hour of 
comj)lete triumph. Her forgiveness has been equaled only by her unutterable 
calamity, and both are unrivaled and have revealed to us our unconquerable 
might and our real historic destiny. 

For the continuance of this same noble and magnanimous spirit I plead in 
ending the remaining work of reconstructirn. I beseech this House not to depart 
from this noble record in failing to remove political disabilities from all citizens 
in States long since readmitted to the sisterhood of States, and whose constitu- 
tions have been pronounced repubUcan in form. Let this be the speedy and 
crowning act of yom- work of reconstruction. ... I have confidence in the 
durability of reconstruction, and its adaptation to the wants of the people of the 
South. Your work there will stand like solid masonry, defying the " tooth of 
time." What you have done was just, therefore it could not be denied; it was ' 
necessary, and therefore it was adopted. It will stand unsupported and alone 
because we are contending for good government and righteous laws, and 
because justice and freedom must at last triumph in human affairs. AVith the 
restoration of the Union, with the adoption of the fifteenth article of amend- 
ments to the Constitution, with the Federal authority vindicated, you may 
safely take the Southern States out of the pupilage in which they have been 
held, remove restraints and disqualifications, restore her citizens to the full 
status of citizenshi]), and not hazard the rights of any class or race. There are 
undoubted and undeniable difficulties and dangers that hover around our future 
pathway, but they are ditficulties and dangers which continued disqualification 
cannot reach or remove; it can only add to them irritation and rancor of 
feeling^. 



-■&• 



JAMES BUFFIJSTTO]^. 



^^^AMES BIIFFINTON was bom in Fall Pwiver, Massacliu- 
.wM( setts, March 16, 1817. After eniovine; the advantages of 
^i^ ^ the common schools whicli it is tlie boast of Massachusetts 
that she freely affords to all her children, he further prose- 
cuted his studies at the Friends' College, Providence, Phode Island. 
A native of one of the chief manufacturing centers of l^ew En- 
gland, he naturally found his way into a factory, where he worked 
as an operative. His tastes, however, were for other and more 
intellectual pursuits, and he applied himself to the study of medi- 
cine, but never applied himself to the practice of the healing art. 
His active and. adventurous spirit at length took the direction of 
the whale fisheries ; but a single voyage sufficed, and he quietly 
settled down to business as a merchant in his native town. It was 
not in his nature, however, to be devoted exclusively to his own 
private affairs, and in 1854 and 1855 he served the cit}^ of Fall 
Piver as its Mayor. At the outbreak of the Pebellion he was 
active in raising troops for the field, and he showed the sincerity of 
his patriotism by himself enlisting and serving as a private in a 
Massachusetts regiment. 

He was elected a Pepresentative from Massachusetts to the 
Thirty-fourth, Thirty-fifth, and Thirty-sixth Congresses, serving as 
a member of the Committee on Military Afi'airs. He was re-elected 
to the Thirty- seventh Congress, during which he served as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Accounts. In 1867 Mr. Buffinton was 
appointed by President Johnson a Collector of Internal Pevenue 
for Massachusetts. In 1S68 he was elected a Pepresentative Ironi 
Massachusetts to the Forty-first Congress by the Pepublicans, who 
gave him 12,975 votes against 3,486 cast by the Democrats. 




/? 



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^<^rr'>^=^^^^2-^5^ 



>«^ 2^ 



HOEATIO 0. BUECHAED. 



-^ 



'^WORATIO C. BTJRCHAED was born in Marshall, Oneida 
^^?^J County, Kew York, September 25, 1825. After graduat- 
1^1; j^ ing, in 1850, at Hamilton College, he studied and practiced 
law, and from 185Y to 1860 was a School Commissioner of 
Stephenson County, Illinois. During the years 1863-1866 inclu- 
sive, he was a Member of the Illinois State Legislature, and was 
elected as a Republican to the Forty-first Congress, to fill the 
vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Hon. E. B. Washburne. 
Mr. Burchard took his seat December 6, 1869, and served on the 
Committee on Banking and Currency. 

The first speeches of Mr. Burchard were in connection with the 
Tariff question, in the earliest of which he discussed the subject at 
length. He also discussed largely the subject of the Currency, 
dwelling on the ofiice of money — the necessary supply of coin, the 
volume of circulation required, the actual amount in circulation in 
our own and other countries," and several other important questions. 
The conclusion of this able speech is as follows : 

Shall we, then, abandon a system confessedly an improvement on any hereto- 
fore existing, disarrange business, disturb values, abolish the banks, call in their 
$516,000,000 of loans, retire their circulation, and depend upon private bankers 
and brokers to furnish the temporary accommodations to merchants, manufactu- 
rers, and the business public now supijlied l)y $432,000,000 of banking capital? 
Will it pay to make these dangerous and, if unsuccessful, costly experiments to 
test the exploded theories of visionary financiers, who will not heed the dear- 
bought expei'ience of other nations, or gather wisdom from the errors of our 
fathers ? We are returning safely, slowly, surely to the goal of a sound redeem- 
able currency, from which eight years ago we, perhaps necessarily, departed. 
The country rejoices to see the national credit restored and a stable standard 
of values regained. Unaided by congressional legislation, and controlled by 
the higher laws of trade and commerce during the present session, the difi"er- 
ence between the paper and specie standard has diminished one half. Without 
shock to business or financial revulsion, gold has fallen from 180 to 10 j^er cent, 
premium, and almost gained the pinnt ot departure. 



SAMUEL S. BUEDETT. 



fAMUEL S. BUEDETT was born in Leicestershire, England, 
February 21, 1836, and emigrated to the United States at 

145 the a2;e of twelve. He received a liberal education at 
Oberlin College, Ohio, an institution celebrated for the 
decided anti-slavery principles which it inculcated when thej were 
unpopular in tlie North as well as in the South. 

After leaving; colleo-e Mr. Burdett studied law, and in 1858 
located in Dewitt, Iowa, for the practice of his profession. His 
peaceful pursuits were interrupted, like those of hundreds of thou- 
sands of others, by the breaking out of the war. In May, 1861, 
Mr. Burdett entered the Union Army as a private, and did efficient 
and faithful service for more than three years, his service expiring 
in August, 1864. 

Returning to his home in Iowa, Mr. Burdett was a presidential 
elector in the second election of Mr, Lincoln, He removed to Mis- 
souri in December, 186-4, and settled in Osceola. In 1866 he was 
appointed Circuit Attorney. He was a Delegate to the Chicago 
Republican National Convention of 1868. 

During the campaign which immediately followed Mr. Burdett 
was elected a Representative from Missouri to the Forty-first Con- 
gress as a Republican, receiving 11,387 votes, against T,941. for 
Phillips, Democrat. He served as a member of the Committee on 
Elections and the Committee on Education and Labor, As a mem- 
ber of the important and laborious Committee on Elections Mr. 
Burdett did excellent service, making several reports involving 
much investigation, and advocating them by earnest and efiective 
speeches. On the 26th of March, 1870, he made a speech on the 
Tariff, advocating protection to American manufacturing industry. 





^>^ 



ALBERT G. BURR. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr, Burr was assigned to the Com- 
mittees on Elections and Expenditures in the War Department. 
As a member of the former committee he seems to have addressed 
himself to its duties with great attention and conscientious fidelity. 
Most of his remarks to the House were in connection with the 
various reports of this committee, and evince a sincere and earnest 
regard to justice in respect to contested claims to seats in the 
House of Kepresentatives. 

At the same time his speeches were not confined to this class of 
questions, and one of his principal addresses was on the Tax and 
Tarifl" Bill. An extract or two from this able speech will indicate 
the position of the speaker on the general subject, as well as the 
style generally' characteristic of his forensic efforts : 

Our whole tariff system neerls review, modification, and change. A great 
majority of articles now paying heavy revenue should be on the free list, and 
pay none whatever. God has surrounded us with plenty; but man, by legisla- 
tion, obstructs the supply, and throws barriers in the way of its enjoyment. 
On our Pacific coast are barren islands, of value only for salt. There the Al- 
mighty, by his great laboratory, has manufactured limitless amounts of that 
great necessity, and man has only to take and aj^ply to his own use this bounti- 
ful supply so largely needed and consumed by our western farmers ; but, Con- 
gress has said, "No, it must be taxed at such a rate as to amount to an absolute 
prohibition of its removal." Why ? Because the removal and consumption of 
these islands of salt might lessen the profits of certain millionaires of New York, 
who do not wish the Almighty to compete with them in giving the American 
people cheap salt. The free article, manufactured by the Almiglity, is prohib- 
ited for fear it might interfere with the profits on the sales of the manufactured 
article. Indeed, I need not specify salt; but on all articles, except a meager 
and unimportant free list, outrageous tariff rates are imposed, taxing the con- 
sumer for the benefit of those already enriched by unjust and unwise legisla- 
tion. . . . 

If my vote could prevail it would at once abolish this internal revenue system 
and return to the requirements of the Constitution ; it would at once compel a 
full review and radical amendment of the tariff infamy, and permit our people 
to buy where they can buy cheapest, and sell where they could get the best 
price ; it would cease to punish Americans for being Americans, and would give 
them the same chance in the markets of the world as is enjoyed by men of 
countries where labor is much cheaper, but legislation better adapted to protect 
their interests; it would require the capital of the country now locked up in 
Government bonds to pay part of the expenses of the Government, and not im- 
pose all those taxes upon the labor of the country. 

14 



1 BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. 

(Continued from tlie Fortieth Congress.) 

General Butler, in the Forty-first Congress, held the Chairman- 
sliip of the Committee on Eeconstruction, and served also on the 
Committee on the Judiciary, He continued to be one of the most 
active members of tlie House, participating in all the prominent 
debates, and evincing an interest in every important measure. 
He early introduced a bill to repeal tlie Tenure-of-Office Act, 
demanding immediately the previous question, which was second- 
ed, and the main question ordered. It passed by a majority of 138 
to 10. The bill encountered more difficulty in the Senate, whence 
it was sent back amended, resulting in ,a protracted and very able 
discussion in the House, in which General Butler bore a prominent 
part. 

The second bill of importance introduced by him in this Con- 
gress was to provide for the organization of a provisional Govern- 
ment for Mississippi, which was referred to the Reconstruction. 
Committee. This in a few days was reported back with an amend- 
ment and largely discussed, General Butler delivering an elaborate 
speech in the course of the debate. On the day previous he had 
delivered another speech on the bill to amend the Judicial system. 
The next important bill presented by General Butler was for the 
Reconstruction of the States of Mississippi, Virginia, and Texas, 
which also, as a matter of course, occasioned much discussion. 

Pending the bill to relieve certain persons of political disabilities, 
General Butler, rising to close the debate, remarked : " I trust 
that this bill will receive the two-thirds vote necessary for its 
passage. As to a few of the men embraced in it, I might 
personally be disposed to entertain some doubt; but I think 
that in these cases the doubt should be decided in favor of 
granting amnesty." It having been charged in the course of 
the debate that cruelty had been practiced toward the South, Gen- 
eral Butler responded : 

I ask, Whom Lave we pvit on trial for treason ? Whom have we convicted 
and punished for that crime since the surrender at Apjiomattox ? Whom have 
we imprisoned for treason ? Wl'.ose property have we confiscated for treason 
since the day when the war in form, if not in fact, ceased ? Who has been 

n ,! - 



BENJAMIN F. BUTLEK. 2 

denied any of the rigLts or privileges under this Government which he had for- 
feited by his treason except simply the opportunity to vote and act for the 
destruction of tlie Government he had once attempted to overthrow by armed 
rebellion. The party carrying on the Government through the war and since 
the war liave acted toward those men with a magnanimity never known in the 
history of the world. We have been guided by this propositicm— nothing for 
pvmishment, everything for safety. . . . Let me hear it proclaimed in all the 
States of tlie South that every man there can express his sentiments in a proper 
manner upon any sul)ject without molestation ; let it l)e shown that every mnn 
can vote as he pleases without restraint or intimidation ; let it be shown that 
any man or woman can teach there such doctrines as he or she pleases without 
let or hindrance; let it be shown that murder or other crimes committed for 
political reasons are everywhere j^unished, that the community does not pro- 
tect the criminal ; and in that hour I will vote for general amnesty without 
any conditions. 

On tlie subject of American Commerce General Butler remarked 
as follows : 

All of us are agreed upon one proposition ; it is that there is a great decay, 
not of American commerce, but of American shipping. Let me jDause to give 
two or three facts bearing upon this point. We sustain nineteen thousand 
American ships carrying not quite seven million tons, and employing not more 
than two hundred thousand American sailors in our commerce. We pay for 
carrying trade eleven million tons burden, and supporting four hundred thou- 
sand alien seamen. And to-day, out of the two hundred and sixty-eight thou- 
sand tons of steamship lines between America and Europe, not a single ton is 
under the American flag. This year past we imported goods in American ves- 
sels to the amount of $14(5,000,000 only; and we brought in foreign vessels 
goods to the amount of $317,000,000. We exported from our shores, of our own 
goods, to the value of only $160,000,000 in American vessels, while in foreign 
vessels we exported to the amount of $303,000,000. . . . What remedy can we 
provide? How can we stimulate a business which is dying out? The remedy 
tliat I have proposed in my amendment, to put ditfercntial duties on goods 
imjjorted in favor of American bottoms, is the only one that to my judgment at 
all meets the emergency. Therefore I have provided that wherever we are not 
precluded from so doing by treaty we shall make a differential duty of twenty 
per cent, of the tariff rate in favor of goods imported in American wooden ves- 
sels, and twenty-five per cent, if in American iron ships; so that the whole of 
our own carrying trade at least will be done by ourselves. . . . 

The effect of this discrimination, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen, will be to set 
every ship-yard in the country in motion, to set every rolling-mill in motion that 
can make iron for iron shi^js, and to employ every American shij} to its fullest 
capacity. Every one will agree that this will be the result of such differential 
duties. There is no occasion to pause a moment to argue its effect, for every- 
body must see it. There is nothing against it in any treat}', and there is noth- 
ing against it in any law, because we here make the law. 



KODERICK R. BUTLER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Confess.) 

Mr, Butler, in the Forty-first Congress, was assigned to the 
Committees on Elections, and Revolutionary Pensions and War of 
1812, As a member of both of these committees much of his 
attention was given to the objects and purposes germane to them, 
and most of his remarks and addresses to the House were associ- 
ated with these topics. We extract briefly from his earnest speech 
in advocacy of the pension claims of the soldiers of 1812: 

IMore than half a century since those old men went to war in defense of a 
weak and struggling nation, stimulated alone by patriotism ; no national^ 
county, or city bounty was presented or promised ; no promises made for the 
support and maintenance of their families in their absence. Those then young, 
athletic men, now old, time-worn patriots, shouldered their long rifles and 
knapsacks, bade adieu to all that was near and dear, and marched on foot hun- 
dreds of miles to meet the British foe, trtisting alone in their strong arms and 
the justice of their cause. Then, sir, there were no railroads upon which a sol- 
dier could in a day or two at most be transported from his home to the front ; 
weeks and months were consumed by the soldier in making his march to the 
Ijattle-field. never thinking of returning to his home until his terai of service 
exijired. His pay was small, only eight dollars per month ; his rations short, 
his bed his blanket, his cover the heavens. There were no sanitary or Christian 
commissions to look after the sick and wounded. Mr. Speaker, is it just and 
right to pension those old men and widows ? If so, then let us do it at once, 
and no longer withhold from them the small pittance. 

The Committee on Military Affairs having been authorized to 
inquire into the alleged sale of cadetships by members of Congress, 
reported to the House on the 17th of March, 1870, the facts that 
Hon. Roderick R. Butler had recommended the appointment of a 
son of General Daniel Tyler, who was not a resident of his district, 
as a cadet at the West Point Military Academy, and that after 
said appointment was made an agent of General Tyler gave Mr. 
Butler nine hundred dollars, which he received with the avowed 
intention of using the same for political purposes in Tennessee. 
Mr. Stoughton, representing a majority of the Committee, recom- 
mended a resolution condemning the action of Mr. Butler, and Mr, 
Logan, for the minority, moved as a substitute that he be expelled. 
The resolution for expulsion, though receiving a majority vote, 
failed for lack of two thirds. The resolution of censure was 
adopted by yeas 158, nays 62, 



HENRY L. CAKE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Cake, in the Fortj-iirst Congress, was Chairman of the 
Committee on Accounts, and a member of the Joint Committee on 
Printing. 

Among liis speeches in this Congress the most elaborate and 
extended was that of March 17, 1870, on the subject of the tariff. 
He is to be classed among the thorough Protectionists, and in his 
speech he insisted that the grandest strides of our nation for wealth 
and power were the results of the higher tariifs, and that the fluc- 
tuations in trade have followed a modification of the revenue laws 
with as great regularity as the ebb the flood and the flood the ebb 
of the tide. He added : 

During the periods of the operation of om- higher tariffs immigration was 
most active, and the world poured its greatest wealth, the wealth of population, 
into our lap. Had a tariff law never been invented the Old World would have 
retained the great workshops, and the New Woiid to-day foot up by less than 
half its aggregate of wealth, and count by less than half its number of 
inhabitants. 

Mr. Cake then proceeded to a review of the historv of the tarifl* 
and its effect upon the trade and prosperity of the country, adduc- 
ing, in the progress of the investigation, a large amount of statis- 
tical information connected with the general subject. Upon the 
item of coal he remarked that the production of anthracite com- 
menced in 1820, in which year 365 tons were shipped, while the 
present annual production is over 15,000,000 tons, of which nearlv 
13,500,000 tons were shipped from the mines. The whole amount 
produced since 1820 is 184,799,412 tons. He estimated that the 
production of bituminous coal very much exceeds that of anthra- 
cite, and that over 20,000,000 tons of the former are annually 
consumed. 

Mr. Cake, among the concluding remarks of this interesting and 
able speech, pronounced " a tariff for revenue with incidental pro- 
tection to American manufactures " to be " free trade's twin 
heresy," and " the artful dodging of the old Democratic party, 
charged with every reduction of the tariff; and responsible for all 
the business derangements we have lived to bewail." 

^15 



HERYET O. CALKIlSr. 



''"'^ERYEY 0. CALKIN was born in Maiden, Ulster County, 
New York, March 23, 1828. He received a public-school 
iCj^T education. He settled in the city of New York, where for 
five years he was employed in the Morgan Iron Works. 
In 1852 he commenced business as a dealer in metals, and identi- 
fied himself with the shipping interests of the country. Until his 
election to the Forty-first Congress he held no public position. He 
was elected by a large majority, and elected as a Democrat. On 
this latter point he states : " I am a positive Democrat, politically 
and socially, of the new school, and I sincerely believe that this 
glorious nation will not become thoroughl}' united and prosperous 
again until the Democratic party hold the reins of power. I hope 
to live to see that day, and to participate in it. This is one of the 
chief ambitions of my life." 

Mr. Calkin was placed on the Committee on Patents and on the 
Select Committee on the Causes of the Reduction of American 
Tonnage. One of his speeches was in behalf of American citizens 
imprisoned abroad, in \vhich he took occasion to deal somewhat 
severely with the English Government, taking it to task for its 
bearing and conduct in connection with the war of the Rebellion. 

Mr. Calkin's most extensive and elaborate speech in this Con- 
gress was on the general subject of American commerce. In this 
speech he illustrated the great decline of our foreign commerce and 
of the ship-building interest. This interest he considered as well- 
nigh ruined, and he estimated that $30,000,000 worth of property 
was at the present time lying idle in this country owing to such 
decline. He further showed that the interest thus damaged was 
not merely local, but national. "It extends," said Mr. Calkin, 
" from Maine to Oregon ; reaches up all our beautiful rivers, and is 
upon all our lakes." 



joh:n" oess:^a. 



f^Oim CESSNA was bom in Bedford County, Pennsyl- 
vania, June 20, 1821. Graduatinc; at Marshall Colleo;e, 
7 7 O O / 

Mercersburg, in 1812, he was afterwards tutor in that insti- 
tution. He then studied law, and came to the bar in 1845. 
In 1851, ]S52, 1862, and 1863 he was a member of the Pennsyl- 
vania State Legislature, and during two of these years he was 
Speaker of the House. He was a member of the Cincinnati Con- 
vention in 1856, of the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions in 
1860, and of the Chicago Convention in 1868. In 1865 he was 
chosen Chairman of the Bepublican State Convention, and, on 
•motion of Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, was elected Chairman of the 
Republican State Central Committee. In 1868 he was elected, as a 
Republican, a Representative from Pennsylvania to the Forty-first 
Cono-ress. 

On taking his seat Mr. Cessna was assigned to the Committees 
on Elections and Expenditures in the War Department. He in- 
dulged in few extended speeches on any of the great topics of 
legislation considered in this Congress. The most of his addresses 
to the House were as a member of the Committee on Elections, 
and concerning the claims of parties contesting for seats in that 
body. Of course the details belonging to this class of cases were 
hardly of a character to call into exercise any speeches or remarks 
that would attract the interest or attention of general readers. A 
brief specimen, therefore, must suffice for this sketch, which we 
extract from his remarks favoring the right of Mr. Covode to his 
seat in this Congress : • 

Let me say a word just here in answer to tlie political appeals that have come 
from the other side of the House, and they have come in a civil, kindly, and 
gentlemanly way ; but I say here now, and it may do for all other cases as well 
as this, that such appeals come with a bad grace from the quarter whence they 
proceed. 



JOHN C. CHUKCHILL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Churchill, in the Forty-first Congress, was a member of the 
Committee on Elections and Chairman of the Committee on Ex- 
penditures on the Public Buildings. Though not given to much 
speaking, he addressed the House during this Congress in several 
interesting speeches. 'In his speech on the tariff, alluding to the 
condition of our trade with Canada during the year 1869, he gave 
the following statistics : 

In 1870 we took from the Canadians $1,673,000 wortli of wheat, while they 
took from us $4,502,000 worth, or nearly three times as much. la the same 
year we took $445,000 worth of Hour, while they took $3,869,000 worth, or 
nearly nine times as much. We took from them in the same year $157,000 
wortli of rye, and they took from us $1,180, a very small amount. Of oats we 
took $299,000 worth, while they took $290,000 worth, or about the same ; but 
as the result of the whole trade, we purcliased from them $7,084,840 worth, 
while they purchased from us of the same species of grain, etc., $11,069,133 
worth. In other words, they took nearly twice as much from us as we took 
from them. 

In his remarks in connection with the Appropriation bill, Mr. 
Churchill jDresents the melancholy picture following : 

And I desire to state a few facts in regard to the number of disasters on the 
lakes, and the losses thereby occasioned, as shown by otficial reports, in order to 
show the necessity for this amendment. The disasters for ten years on the lakes 
are, for 1860, 377 ; for 1861, 275 ; for 1862, 300; for 18(33, 310; for 1864, 379; 
for 1865, 421; for 1866, 621; for 1867, 931; for 1868, 1,169; and for 1869, 
1,914. The vessels totally lost in 18(59 numbered 126, with a tonnage of 
83,892 tons, and of the value of $1,414,200. The damage done by marine dis- 
asters in 1809 amounted to $4,160,000. The lives lost in 1868 on the lakes 
numbered 321, and in 1869 they numbered 209. Now, for the purpose of 
averting some of this loss of life and property on the lakes, it is asked that so 
many of these revenue-cutters as the Secretary of the Treasury in his discretion 
may decide to be necessary shall be jjut in commission. 

In the speech of Mr. Churchill on the bill for enforcing the Fif- 
teenth Amendment occur the followino- words : 

Sir, we all know that Ku-Klux outrages have been committed not only in 
North Carolina, where it was recently necessary to call out a military force to 
protect the people at the elections, but in other States of the South, and that in 
more than one city of this Union enormous frauds have been perpetrated upon 
the ballot-box. I regret that in the discussion of a grave question like this, one 
that underlies our republican system, there should be manifested any party 
spirit or party feeling. 



WILLIAM T. CLAEK. 




^^ff ILLIAM T. CLAEK was born in Norwalk, Connecti- 
cut, June 29, 1834. lie attended the schools of his native 
State, and received an academic training in the city of 
New York, where he also studied law. Meanwhile, like many 
others in all professions, he spent some time in school teaching. 
In 1855 he removed to Iowa, where he engaged in the practice of 
law, in wdiich he M'as occupied until the commencement of the 
war. 

He entered the array at the ontbreak of the Rebellion, and for 
his efficient and meritorious services in many fields he was regu- 
larly promoted through all grades up to Brevet Major-General. 
He was in command of a division in Texas when mustered out of 
the service in 186G, when he went into business in Galveston. He 
took an active part in promoting reconstruction. While this im- 
portant work was in progress he was a candidate for Congress and 
was elected, receiving 16,512 votes against 8,864 for Elliott, 
Democrat. 

Mr. Clark was admitted to his seat as a Representative from 
Texas to the Forty-first Congress March 31, 1870, and was ap- 
pointed on the Committee on Commerce and the Select Conunittee 
on the Reorganization of the Civil Service of the Government. 
His first speech was an eloquent appeal to the House in behalf of 
the Soutli pending the Currency Bill. The following is an extract 
from this speech : 

Mr. Speaker, I deem myself unfortunate that I am the only member on this 
floor from the South to rise and advocate the measures contained in this bill. 
Whatever may be done in this House, whatever may be done in this Congress, 
I believe the time has come when every principle of honor and justice demands 



2i 



? 



2 WILLIAM T. CLARK. 

that there shall be a redistiibntion of the currency of the country. I shall not 
now go over the arguments advanced here by gentlemen from different. sections 
especially by those from New England, where I was bom and raised, and where 
I wish there was more forgiving and less forgetting. I shall demand in behalf 
of the people of my section that there shall be a redistribution of the currency. 

The i^rinciples involved in the discussion are those which reach the material 
well-being of every one in this country whatever may be his condition in life. 
This sulject has challenged the best thought in every age. Writers on politi- 
cal economy, kings of finance, have been staggered in the attempt to solve the 
financial problems submitted to them ; and the diversity of opinion regarding 
the best theory of establishing a currency suitable and equal to the wants of a 
peojile makes a long chapter in the annals of evei'y nation. It is a fact of his- 
tory that in every revolution aftecting the march of civilization, where one step 
forward has been taken in the progress of humanity toward its higher and bet- 
ter estate, the question of ways and means for the payment of the material used 
to attain this progress has been the one all-absorbing question of the times. 
Patriotism and the love of our fellow-men may kindle the hearts and nerve the 
arms of our people to deeds of valor; victories may be won, the right main- 
tained; but after all the strength of a nation lies in its capacity to provide the 
means of sustaining not only its armies in its contests, but its credit in times of 
peace. 

From the provisions of the bill I draw two general proj^ositious : 

1. That it is the duty of the Government to provide a currency suitable and 
equal to the requirements of the whole country, and to the wants of trade and 
business as well as to the payment of del)ts due the Government ; and, 

2. That in making this provision it is also the duty of the Government to 
take such measures as will maintain the currency on a specie basis. 

The bill looks to these two ends. It provides for the retu-ement of $45,000,000 
of three per cents, now held as reserved by banks, the cancellation of $39,500,000 
United States notes, and the issuance of $95,000,000 national bank notes. It 
also provides for a withdrawal of $25,000,000 from banks having more than 
in equity and good conscience belongs to them, and for scattering this sum 
broadcast throughout the South in a gold currency, redeemable at all the banks 
taking advantage of the provisions of this bill ; reconstructing the finances of 
this great national debt paying portiim of the country, unloosing from the till 
and secret burying-places the immense capital acquired since the war, equalizing 
exchanges, opening up credit, and thus securing an intelligent, wise, and eco- 
nomical distribution of wealth. 

Texas in her early days was cursed with banks on a par with institutions 
which l)rought such v:oe and misery upon the i^eople of the Western States. To 
provide against the recurrence of this evil she, in her Constitution, declared it a 
penal offense for any bank or moneyed institution to emit its bills to jiass as 
currency witliin her borders. Growing rapidly to be one of the most prosper- 
ous States of the Southwest, she fell into the hands of the banks of New Or- 
leans. The bills of those banks flooded her rich districts. The war broke out, 
and this paper became almost worthless. And finally, worse than all, came 
Confederate money, more worthless than the rags out of which it was made. 

7li 



SIDNEY CLARKE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Fortj-first Congress Mr. Clarke took an active and prom- 
inent part, participating effectively in discussions of subjects in 
which his large constituency— embracing the whole State of 
Kansas— were most interested, such as railroads and public lands. 
It w^as, how^ever, in his capacity of Chairman of the Committee on 
Indian Affairs that he was most conspicuous before the country, 
and most successful in the work of legislation. In the first session 
of this Congress, March 10, ISOO, he proposed, as an amendment to 
the Indian Appropriation Bill, a proviso that the Indian tribes 
should be held to be incapable of making treaties with the United 
States, and that no such treaty should thereafter be made between 
the United States and any Indian tribe ; and that no contract en- 
tered into for the payment of money from the Treasury should 
have effect unless the enforcement tliereof should be authorized by 
an act of Congress. 

In a speech on the Indian policy, delivered in the House a few 
davs after the introduction of this measure, Mr. Clarke main- 
tained that if treaties then before the Senate were ratified, vast 
quantities of public lands, numbering in Kansas alone ten or 
eleven million acres, would be transferred, under tlie guise of the 
treaty-making power, into the hands of corporations and specu- 
lators as ao;ainst the rights and interests of the people of the whole 
country. He asserted that the amendment proposed by him was 
a measure designed '' to terminate this corruption, this wrong, and 
this injustice, which is not only inflicted upon the Government, 
which not only calls upon us to appropriate yearly many millions 
of dollars, but inflicts injustice and wa-ong and outrage upon those 
gallant men wdio to-day are bearing the banners of civilization on 
our western frontiers, and who to day are doing so much to add to 
the wealth, development, and progress of the Republic." 

Mr. Clarke, laboring in conjunction wiih Mr. Harlan, Chairman 
of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, was successful, in 
spite of many obstacles, in seeing the enlightened policy which he 
advocated adopted by Congress as the basis of future dealings 
with the aboriginal tribes. 



OEESTES OLEYELAll^D. 




^^/^KESTES CLEVELAND was bora in Duaiiesburgh, Sche- 
nectady Conntj, New York, March 2, 1829. His father, 
Job Cleveland, was a farmer, a man of ability, and 
widely known for his personal integrity. He was for 
many years re-elected Justice of the Peace by both the Whig 
and Democratic parties, although a staunch Democrat, and his 
word was relied upon with the greatest confidence by all who 
knew him. Orestes has inherited many of his father's traits, using 
no tobacco nor intoxicating drinks of any kind ; possessing his 
father's intesritv of character and generous nature, and living an 
industrious and useful life. At fifteen he was found too slender for 
farm-work, and was placed in an importing house in New York 
city. He had only such an education as could be procured in a 
country-school twenty-five years ago, by attending it a short time 
in winter when he could he spared from farm-work. He was found 
apt at business, took to his books evenings, thus securing for himself 
a good English education, and remained with the house fourteen 
years, the last four years as partner. In 1853 he married a 
daughter of the late Joseph Dixon, Esq., of Jersey City, and in 1858 
took charo-e of the Black Lead Crucible business, in which Mr. 
Dixon had been engaged for thirty years, as an equal partner. To 
this he brought his experience as a merchant, and soon raised the 
establishment from a position of no importance to that of the largest 
and must successful of its kind in the world. It is now " the Joseph 
Dixon Crucible Company," of which Mr. Cleveland is the Presi- 
dent. He is widely known in trade as a high-toned business man 
and a shrewd, calculating manufacturer. He is now Vice-President 
of the American Institute of New York. His name and influence 

^.2 




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ORESTES CLEVELAND. 2 

are sought by Banks, Insurance Companies, and other institutions. 
He is a gentleman of literary culture and refined tastes, which are 
evinced in his large and well-assorted private library. 

He had always declined public office, although a very active 
Democrat, until in 1861 a new ward was created in Jersey City, 
and he was elected to represent it in the City Council. In 1862 he 
was President of the Board of Aldermen, and in 1864 was elected 
Mayor of Jersey City, re-elected to the two succeeding terms, and 
was unanimously offered the nomination for the fourth term by his 
own party, with an assurance from prominent Kepublicans that no 
candidate would be run against him if he would take it ; but he 
declined, and the Republicans elected their candidate. He was 
active during the war in sustaining the government, was Chairman 
of the first patriotic committee in the State in 1861, and while 
Mayor raised large sums on his own personal security, and enabled 
the city to fill its quota, without a single drafted man being taken. 

In 1868 Mr. Cleveland was elected a Representative from Kew 
Jersey to the Forty-first Congress by the Democrats, receiving 19,110 
votes against 16,862 votes for Halsey, the sitting member. He 
was appointed a member of the Committee on Manufactures and 
the Committee on Territories. He immediately took a position of 
influence in Congress, his knowledge of the details of commerce 
and manufactures rendering him a valuable debater, especially in 
the consideration of tariff and tax bills. 

His first speech in the House was on "Finance and Taxation," 
in which he took ground against paying the Five-twenty Bonds in 
gold showing by quotations from the laws under which they were 
issued and by logical argument that they were not intended when 
issued to be paid in any thing but " lawful money," and that " law- 
ful money" meant greenbacks as distinguished from gold. His 
speech on the bill reported by the Committee on Patents was 
important in its results, and ever afterward gave him the attention 
of the House. The Committee introduced a bill to condense all 
the Patent Laws into one, and, amongst other new matter, inserted 
a provision requiring the payment of additional fees at stated 

^^1 



3 OEESTES CLEVELAND. 

periods during the continuance of the patent, or in default the 
patent should be forfeited. The debate came up suddenl_y, and 
Mr. Cleveland forced the committee to accept many amendments ; 
but the last one, striking out the whole section calling for additional 
fees, the committee fought against. It was carried, however, after 
an eloquent appeal from Mr. Cleveland on behalf of inventors. 
This was the first and only instance in which a Standing Commit- 
tee, with a unanimous report, was beaten by a Democrat in that 
Con«:;ress. The followino; are the closino; sentences of Mr. Cleve- 
land's impromptu speech on this occasion : 

I protest against making the inventive genius of tbe country a source of 
revenue under the i)retense of protection. We have no power to do that. That 
provision of the Constitution authorizing Congress to " promote the jjrogress of 
science and useful arts" gives no power to Congress to impose a tax for revenue 
upon such persons as may desu'e the i^rotection of Congress; on tlie contrary, 
the provision is restrictive, and I am confident gi'ants no power to demand fees 
in a greater amount than may be absolutely necessary to pay the reasonal)le 
expenses of the Government in maintaining a dejiartment for that ])urpose. 

The Government has been ingenious and persevering in seeking out uvery pos- 
sible source of revenue, in devising unheard-of taxes, and no article that has a 
tangible existence has escaped its penetration, and this bill now proposes to tax 
the very thoughts that enter the mind of tlie poor inventor, if he shall have the 
audacity to jilace them upon paper or in a model and claim them as his own. 
The object of that provision in the Constitution under which the patent laws 
have been enacted is plain; it is to promote and encourage arts and manufac- 
tures in this country ; but section seventy of this bill proposes to stifle and 
smother the eflbrts of any uneasy genius who proposes to benefit himself and his 
country by producing a new manufacture, or simplifying existing processes, or 
inventing labor-saving machines. 

I catch the suggestion here and elsewhere that a large portion of these people 
are but dreamers and enthusiasts, their patents useless, and as well abandoned 
after the first seven years. Mr. Speaker, these poor dreamers are the real bene- 
factors of mankind and the greatest promoters of civilization in the world, and 
this country esj^ecially owes them a debt of gratitude it has not the power to 
pay; yet by section seventy of this bill the powerful hand of this great Govern- 
ment is made to seize hold of them at the end of seven years, as it would seize 
a culprit, threatening to crush out their ambition, to destroy their prospects, to 
put out the lamp of genius they have so long been struggling to keep burning, 
to hide from them the path in which they have been encouraged by the Govern- 
ment itself to pursue success till they have grown foot-sore and weary, to 
destroy the very land-marks by which they have traveled so far, and to cast the 
culprits aside in darkness, destitution, and despair, ruined in all their hopes of 
comfort and happiness, unless some doubting fiiend can yet be found who has 



ORESTES CLEVELAND. a 

not already loaned them more money than he ever expects to get back, who will 
come forward on the last day and pay the ransom demanded by tlie Govern- 
ment before it will let go its hold. 

If a poor mechanic has been fortunate enough to secure funds to enal)le him 
to pay the original fees, amounting to .fllo, and secure his jiatent, and has pur- 
sued his labors during the first seven years of trial, anxiety, and disappointment 
of every Idnd, living almost upon faith and hope rind the cliarity of his friends 
about to bring liis labors to a close, he sees clearly the demonstration of his 
plans that a little more time will enable him to make manifest to capitalists, and 
that will turn the finger of scorn so long pointed at him as to one of these 
dreamers, and that will enable him to enjoy the comforts and luxuries of life pos- 
sibly, and show himself as one of the advance guard in the rapid march of 
human progress. Just at this point the deep shadow of this Government enters 
his little workshop. He looks up, and the demand is made upon him for mom>v 
more money; revenue is demanded, and the poor bewildered mechanic, crying 
out that surely tlie seven years cannot have passed so soon, fumbles over his 
well-worn tools, he moves about the models and pieces of machinery, he pulls 
out the old w^orn drawer of his lathe, and it contains a little of every thing 
jjlans, drawings, the evidence of sleepless nights, of anxieties no man can tell, 
of tamily sufferings, of children's w^ants, of the jibes and sneers of friends aufl 
neighbors— it contains all these ; but nowhere in his little workshop is there any 
money to be found, and he turns to plead with the Government not to destroy 
his labors, to give him another year or another month ; but the Government, 
this benevolent Government, the best Government on earth, by this section is 
impelled rudely and forcibly to grasp the models, plans, drawings, and hopes of 
the poor mechanic in its mighty power, and scatter them to the four quarters of 
the globe ! 

I ask this House to save the Government from being compelled by this section 
of this bill to become such a monster; save it from such a humiliating posi- 
tion. . . . 

Mr. Cleveland's boldness and tact were shown in the production 
of the well-known " Minority Eeport " of the Committee on Manu- 
factures, in which he did himself credit and his party a great 
service. He was tlie first to bring before Congress tlie snlrject of 
the Centennial Anniversary to be held in 1876, and of a o-reat 
International Exposition to be connected therewith, and all the 
legislation on that subject sprang from a resolution which he intro- 
duced. His speeches on the " Eevival of American Tonnage," on 
" The Income Tax," on " Naturalization and the Yalue of Immigra- 
tion to this Country," and his written reply to Mr. Morrell, are 
lasting evidences of Mr. Cleveland's ability and industry in the 
Forty -first Congress. 



AMASA COBB. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Cobb was continued on tlie Com- 
mittees on Claims and Military Aifairs. As a member of the latter 
committee Mr. Cobb endeavored to procure the enactment of a law 
for carrying out the decision of the Supreme Court to pay bounties 
to a certain class of volunteers in the late war. The bill for this 
purpose passed the House, but failed in the Senate. As a member 
of the Committee on Claims Mr. Cobb was one of those who stood 
in the way of rebel claims upon the treasury for property lost in 
the war, and in his opposition to these demands he was generally 
successful. 

Mr. Cobb was not one of the prolix speakers in the House, but 
the few specimens which he has given us evince a mind character- 
ized by fairness, candor, and good sense. Thus, in the investiga- 
tions by the Military Committee of sales of cadetships by members 
of Congress — both present and former members— he, both in 
Committee and in the House, insisted that not only should the pres- 
ent members enjoy the opportunity of defending themselves by 
rebutting evidence, but that ex-members, when implicated, should, 
if the}^ desired it, have the same privilege. Said he : 

Now, sir, I am unwilling to have, and I earnestly protest against, this House 
so modifying the original order as to make it im^jroper for the Committee to 
hear such testimony and such explanations whenever any of these gentlemen 
(ex-members) shall come forward and express a desire to have it done. 

In the conclusion of his remarks in the House on the occasion of 
the death of Mr. Hopkins, a member from Wisconsin, Mr. Cobb 
observed as follows : 

The year 18C9 was one of Death's fruitful harvests of statesmen, scholars, and 
philanthropists; his sheaves lie strewn all over the land. But satiety is not one 
of his attriluites; and scarce had the sun passed his meridian, ushering in the 
new year, so full of hopes and of fears, than another sheaf had been gathered 
into the garner, than whom we shall miss none more than he. And while we 
mourn his loss, let us not forget that yet a little while and we too shall follow 
him. 

At the close of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cobb retired to pri- 
vate life, and making his home in Nebraska, where he previously 
had an extensive banking business, he became president of the 
First National Bank of Lincoln. 

22V 




\^ ol^- (^.^:r-^f^ 



HON. CLINTON L. C OBB, 



P£ PRE SENTATIVE FB-OM NORTH " 



CLII^TO]^ L. COBB.. 






^LINTOlS" L. COBB was born in Elizabeth City, Xorth 
!^^ Carolina, August 25, 1842. His family is one of the 
V^Ta oldest in that region of the country. The first site of 
the town in which he was born, and where he still 
resides, was named in honor of his grandfather ; and the present 
site bears the name of one of his ancestors. His father was a 
volunteer in the war of 1812. His family, as was the case with 
many others in Eastern North Carolina, was loyal to the Govern- 
ment at the outbreak of the rebellion, and so continued during the 
entire war. To remain loyal in the Southern States required an 
amount of courage which is difficult to be appreciated by those 
living in the Northern States. To speak in favor of the National 
Union was to lose the esteem of friends, sacrifice social standing, 
incur the loss of property and liberty, and in many instances of 
life itself. 

The subject of this sketch attended school until he was thirteen 
years of age, and then went into a counting-room. He subse- 
quently studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 186T. 

At the close of the war Mr. Cobb was an earnest advocate of the 
restoration of his native State to her former relations with the 
Federal Government, and was an active participant in all the 
measures looking to that end. In the year 1866 he was a candi- 
date for the Legislature of North Carolina, but was defeated on 
account of his advocating the adoption of the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment. He was a candidate for election to the Fortieth Congress 
as a Republican, but withdrew in favor of Hon. John E. French, 
who was elected. He was unanimously nominated by his party 

for Kepresentative in the Forty-first Congress, and was elected by 

15 



2 CLINTON L. COBB. 

a larg-e majority. He was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress 
by an increased majority, and that at a time when his State (which 
had at the previous election given Grant 15,000 majority) was 
carried by the Democrats. His district was the only one in the 
State in which the Kepublican party made a gain, or even held 
its own. 

In taking his seat in the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cobb was 
placed on the Committees on Eailroads and Canals and on 
Expenditures in the War Department. He is an earnest and 
active Representative, full of life and energy, and pushes vigor- 
ously any measure which he advocates. In his speech pending the 
question of the admission of Yirginia, after alluding to the proved 
record of that State in former years, he proceeded to add : 

But, sir. in addition to this i^ast glorious record, Virginia has another history 
in common with my own State (North Carolina) and South Carolina, and by 
this history we are. to be governed in our action at this time. The sons of Vir- 
ginia, forgetting or ignoring the patriotic lessons of their fathers, sought to 
sever the Union, and endeavored to raze to the ground the structure which their 
fathers had erected. Virginia became a part of the Confederacy, attempted to 
disrupt the Federal Unicni, and was the head and front of the rebellion. Her 
record during those dark days is parallel with that of North Carolina. North 
Carolina sinned, and has atoned for her folly. North Carolina forfeited certain 
rio-hts, and has regained them by complying with certain "fundamental condi- 
tions." Virginia has forfeited certain rights, and can only in justice and fair- 
ness reo-ain them by complying with the same "fundamental conditions." Is 
this harsh or severe ? Is it unjust or cruel to ask the same of Virginia that was 
required of North Carolina? Shall Virginia, because Washington was the 
"Father of his countiy,'' because Madison was the great champion of the Con- 
stitution, and Jefferson its great exponent, at this late day receive from our 
hands a consideration which North Carolina, so slow to secede and so quick to 
return, was refused ? 

In his speech on the Cuban question Mr. Cobb remarked : 
We have gone through a war to remove the disgrace of African slavery which 
has so long been a blot upon our fair fame. We have asserted the highest 
grounds of rights, liberty, and citizenship in connection with the emancipated 
slaves of the South. Wc have the approl)ation and the admiration of the worid 
for what we have done, and mankind have a right to expect that we will not 
let an opportunity pass of completing the noble work already now so nearly 
accomplished on tliis Continent. Should slavery continue to exist in Cuba 
because of our failure to improve the present oppculunity it would detract 
materially from the glory of our achievement. 

'*- - sax 



JOHN COBURN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cobnrn served on the Committee 
on Banking and Currency, and as Chairman of the Committee on 
Public Expenditures. On the 20th of December, 1869, he made a 
speech on the Georgia question, in the outset of his remarks reply- 
in o- to Mr. Morj^an, to whom he referred as follows : 

My gallant friend from Ohio traveled over the whole field. lie began with 
the war, and ended with the present position of reconstruction. I well remem- 
ber the first time I saw that gentleman clothed in the Union blue, and I regret 
that to-night I have heard him say what he has said. ... I regretted to liear 
from the gentleman from Ohio an imputation on the name of Mr. Lmcoln, and 
of those who were associated with him in beginning the great struggle on behalf 
of the Union— an imputation on them for having accepted the resignation of a 
set of traitors. AVhy, is it to be imputed to thenv for wrong that they allowed 
a traitor to leave the army and walk out from under the flag that he scorned 
and despised, and to go from under the protection of the law and of the Con- 
stitution which he abhorred ? The act of Mr. Lincoln, the act of the Secretary 
of War, the act of the Cabinet in accepting these resignations, was as much an 
act of patriotism as any other act performed by those men at that time. 

In the same speech, replying to Mr. Woodward, Mr. Coburn 

said : 

He says ihat when our army went down into that country we robbed, and 
bm-ned, and murdered, and oppressed that people. Such is the language he 
uses with reference to the defenders of this glorious Union. Sir, from ii gentle- 
man entertaining such sentiments I would expect just such an argument as I 
have heard from him to-night. 

Unworthy of a patriot ! I hope when I have to say that the army which de- 
fended the honor and glory of my country went to rob, murder, and trample 
under foot the rights of the people my tongue may be palsied forever. Those 
men, sir, went down there in a sacred cause : to preserve this Union; to defend 
its honor; to secure the rights of its citizens; to maintain the integrity of our 
laws ; to enforce good government. Although armed treason has been crushed 
in the field the spirit of treason still influences the social circle, and litts its 
head in the horrid shape of Ku-klux Klans. They now seek to overturn that 
Constitution by insidious means which for four long years, with arms m then- 
hands, they sought unsuccessfully to trample in the dust. Why, sir, they have 
imported fifteen thousand stand of arms for the purpose of resistmg the laws, 
and yet gentlemen are found upon this floor who resort to legal quibbles, and 
insist that we should allow these people to do just what they please, in defiance 
of our laws, and in contempt of the rights of the loyal citizens in their midst. 

Mr. Coburn frequently addressed the House— always forcibly, 
and sometimes eloquently. He was constantly at his post, active 
and efficient in all the work of a Kepresentative. 



OMAE D. CO:t^GEE. 




^MAR D. CONGER was born in Cooperstown, ISTew 
^.^^^ York, in 1S18. His father was a clergyman, with whom, 
'^f^ in 1824, he removed to Huron County, Ohio. He pur- 
sued his preparatory studies at Huron Institute, Milan, 
Ohio, and graduated at Western Reserve College in 18-42. From 
1845 to 1847 he was employed in the geological survey and min- 
eral explorations of the Lake Superior copper and iron regions. 

Having studied law, Mr. Conger in 1848 engaged in the prac- 
tice of his profession at Port Huron, Michigan, where he has since 
resided. In 1850 he was elected a Judge of the St. Clair County 
Court. He was a Senator in the Michigan Legislature for the 
biennial terms of 1855, 1857, and 1859, and in the last term was 
elected president pro tern, of the Senate. In 1867 he was a mem- 
ber of the Constitutional Convention of Michigan. In 1808 he 
was elected a Representative from Michigan to the Forty-first 
Congress as a Republican, receiving 16,347 against 14,623 for 
Stont, Democrat. In 1870 he was re-elected to the Forty-second 
Congress over the same competitor. 

On taking his seat in the Forty-first Congress Mr. Conger was 
appointed a member of the Committee on Commerce, and took an 
a<'tive part in legislation. He frequently addressed the House, 
chiefly on subjects referred to or reported from the Committee on 
Commerce. The propriety of his appointment to this Committee 
is evident from the important commercial interests of his own dis- 
trict, in which it is surpassed by no other portion of the LTnion not 
on the sea-board, lying as it does immediately on the route of tlie 
great inland lake trade. On the 4th of July, 1871. Mr. Conger 
delivered an oration in Port Huron from which we give extracts, 

Jits- 




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'.e..^pe3h:';jtatt/e fkom iaickig/.i 



W H 3/-P!JE:S AC-, ^UB^I-.HERS, 37 PA.PK r-'OlV, MCW YORK 



OMAR D. CONGER. 2 

both as illiistratiug his popular style of eloquence, and as giving an 
interesting view of the commercial importance of his district: 

What thronging memories of the past crowd upon us to-day. The scenery 
around us is all eloquent of our national growth. On the very spot where we 
stand was planted the first settlement of white men on the lovver Peninsula of 
Michigan. Before the Griffin floated on these waters, before Detroit was dis- 
covered or settled, the gallant Du Lhut with his courrier des lois had traversed 
the eastern shore of Lake Huron from the Ottawa route, and, crossing from the 
low point that guards the foot of Lake Huron, which was then an island, he 
erected on this mound Fort St. Joseph, and for more than two years held en- 
campment near where we stand, with the beautiful St. Clair before him, the river 
Dulude (named after him as you find it in the older maps) in his rear, and Lake 
Huron sleeping in solitary grandeur within the range of his vision. 

To the adventurous Frenchman and his band of military hunters, and to his 
companion, the learned and devoted priest who shared his perils and recorded 
his discoveries, all around was the grandeur of solitude, the mysterious voices 
of the unexplored wilderness, and the flood of waters rushing to an unknown 
bourne. Then they were the only Christian inhabitants of Michigan. To-day 
we number a million and a quarter of souls. Then his few frail boats were all 
that dotted the face of the lake or river. To-day the rushing sound of steam, 
the splashing wheels, the white-winged vessels, the car-laden barge, the grace- 
ful yacht, all the living, moving panorama of water life, spreads before you, 
awakening the delightful consciousness of the prosperity and glory of our be- 
loved Jand, and gratifying your taste with glimpses of scenery unsurpassed in 
its quiet beauty and loveliness in any land under the sun. 

Tarn your eyes even now upon the river before you. Behold that bcauriful 
fleet of the white-winged messengers of commerce passing in our immediate 
presence, their sails rustling the overhanging branches of the very trees under 
which we are gathered. Half a dozen ships in convoy of a single steam-tug, 
close in shore, moving with slow but certain advance up the swift rapids t*'o 
pass the light-house and be cast loose upon the waters of Lake Huron, each to 
trust the flivoring gales for a fortunate voyage to its destined haven— a beauti- 
ful illustration of American navigation and American commerce. 

Since the opening of navigation this spring there have been 8,363 passages 
of steamljoats and vessels past the light-house to and from the lake. Of steam- 
boats, 3,189: of schooners, 88« ; of brigs, 72; of barks, 1,417; of barges, 1,026; 
of scows, 869 ; and of sloops, 4 ; besides immense rafts of logs, spars, timber] 
and lumber, and a long list of water craft, whose upward voyage terminated 
here, as only those are counted which pass the light-house. The annual pas- 
sages of water craft on our river and lake at this port will exceed 30,000. The 
number of immigrants arriving here exceeds that of any port in the United 
States except New York, so that from our very doors we may see and realize 
to some extent the growth, energy, and conmierce of our ever busy population, 
and have faith in our material prosperity, as I trust we all have in the per- 
manency of oui- glorious institutions, and the perpetuation of oui- civil and 
religious liberties. 



JOH]^^ C. COISrE'EE. 



"^^OHN C. CONNER was born in Noblesville, Indiana, Octo- 
ber 22, 1842, and was educated at Wabash College of that 




State. In 1862 he entered the Union array as a Lieutenant 
of the 63d Indiana Yolunteers, and served to the close of 
the war. In 1866 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Indiana 
State Legislature. In the fall of that year, upon the reorganization 
of the army he was appointed captain in the 41st Infantry, and 
served in Texas until nominated for Congress in 1868. He was 
elected upon the Democratic ticket. 

On taking liis seat, March 31, 1870, Mr. Conner was assigned to 
the Committee on Freedmen's Affairs. He began to be heard in 
the House very shortly after assuming his seat in the body, and 
amono- his first soeeches was that on the Tariff, in which he advo- 
cated a reduction of rates. In his speech on the Naval Appropria- 
tion Bill he declared against the reduction of the navy as " unwise, 
unstatesmanlike, and anything but independent for the Congress 
of the first republic and the first Government on earth." 

Mr. Conner's remarks on the Consular and Diplomatic Appro- 
priation Bill reflected upon the want of care and protection on the 
part of our Government for American citizens in foreign lands, 
while so much solicitude was apparent for what were considered 
oppressed citizens in the South. 

In his speech on the bill for enforcing the Fifteenth Amendment 
Mr. Conner insisted that the people of Texas had been greatly mis- 
represented in their bearing toward the Government; that the 
stories of Ku-Klux outrages in that State had been greatly exag- 
tT-erated, and that a large number of the murders alleged to have 
been committed there were entirely independent of political consid- 
erations. 

i30 



BURTON C. COOK. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cook was assigned to the Com- 
mittees on the District of Columbia and Judiciary. 

One of the most interesting of his addresses to the House during 
this Congress was his Tariff speech, from which we present an 
extract or two. He thus lays down the financial status of the 
country : 

During the last year, Tvith the present rate of taxation and the existing tariff, 
we raised money sufficient to pay the necessaiy expenses of the Government, to 
pay the interest upon the public debt, and to provide a surplus of about 
$100 000 000 for the reduction of the principal of the debt. This amount _ot 
surplus continued and applied to the payment of the debt would exting-uish 
the entire debt in about sixteen years. An increase of the expenses ot the Gov- 
ernment seems to be the only thing which would prevent this result. But so 
far from any increase in the expenses of the Government being necessary or 
reasonably probable, there is a certainty, I think, that those expenses will be 
materially diminished. We have seen that those expenses have been some 
$00 000 000 less during the first year of the present Administration than they 
were diirino- the last year of the former Administration, and it is apparent that 
many of the demands upon the Treasury which existed during the last year do 
not now exist to the same extent. 

Further on Mr. Cook continues as follows : 

It seems therefore, to be certain that if the present rate of tariff and taxation 
is to be continued the surplus will be much larger during the next fiscal year 
than during the present. I suppose that this surplus might be lairiy estimated 
at $150 000 000. Shall this surplus be collected from the people for the purpose 
of bein- paid upon the principal of the public debt, or shall the burdens of the 
people be lightened? Is it necessary that the debt shall be paid withm the 
next sixteen years or less by those who have borne all the burdens of the war? 
Shall we insist upon collecting this vast amount annually from the peop e, m 
the face of the indisputable tact that the industry of the country is paralyzed 
by a burden of taxation too great to be borne except temporarily and trom the 
most urgent necessity ? 

After propounding such questions as these we are not surprised 
to hear the speaker add : "I believe that the best interest of the 
country demands a large reduction of the amount of taxation ; . . . 
and wiiile, perhaps, there will be little or no difterence of opinion 
upon this proposition, I imagine that there will be a great deal 
more difficulty in arriving at an agreement upon the question what 
taxes shall be removed or reduced." 

X3/ 



1 JOHN COVODE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Covode served on the Commit- 
tees on the Pacific Eailroad and Public Buildings and Grounds. 
He was remarkable for great plainness of speech, and for utter 
fearlessness in his addresses to the House. His speeches were gen- 
erally brief, and his views were expressed with manifest simplicity 
and sincerity. Under the Tariff discussion, the subject of wool 
being up, Mr. Covode remarked in the commencement of his 
address: "Mr. Chairman, as I am located out on the border, and 
do not often know what is going on in this part of the House, I 
came down here wdien I heard gentlemen discussing the wool ques- 
tion to see whether they understood it, and I have heard a great 
deal said by men who know little about the subject." On another 
topic in the same general discussion Mr. Covode remarked : 

I have listened to tlie remarks made upon this steel car-wheel question, and I 
have found that a great many gentlemen have been talking without a knowl- 
edge of the views of railroad men. It is not cheap car-wheels that raih-oad men 
want, but wheels which will enable people to ride in cars over the roads with 
safety to life; that is what is for the interest of railroad companies. One of the 
difficulties which we have to contend with when we import car-wheels and axles 
and rails from al^road is tliat we do not know who makes them, or who is to be 
held responsible for the material of which they are made. But when we use 
wheels and axles and rails that are made in the United States, railroad com- 
panies know every man who makes them. Tiiere is not a rail, or wheel, or axle 
broken on any of the leading railroads of this country but it is known what 
mill has made it, if it was made in this country; and if any man makes an in- 
ferior class of rails he will soon find himself without orders. It is the same with 
regard to steel car-wheels. It is not the cost of the steel wheel, but the quality 
of it that is of importance. We want the very best steel in the world in wheels. 
There is more at stake of life and property in the use of wheels made of poor 
material than in anything else connected with railroads. There is probably but 
one man in this House who is more interested in getting car-wlieels at the most 
reasonable price than I am. But I do not want wheels that are merely cheap. 
I want them to be also good ; it is not a question of price at all. 

Mr. Covode had humor as well as stern integrity and sterling 
sense. Answ'ering Mr. Brooks, of New York, whom he thought to 
be too earnest in his attempts to remove disabilities from Southern 
men, he remarked as follows : 

Mr. Speaker, I do not know how many children the gentleman from New 
York has ; but while he was so eloquently insisting upon removing the disabil- 

^32- ■ 



JOHN COVODE. 2 

ities of all these men I was reflecting upon the policy and the fate of Ahab. 
Tiie gentleman from New York should go back and read the Bible, and reflect 
upon the doings of Ahab, who was so very merciful as to pardon Benhadad. I 
recollect that in consequence of that act he not only lost his own life for the 
mercy he showed to that rebel, but he lost the lives of all his sons, and they 
were numerous — I think more so than the family of the gentleman from New 
York. 

But Mr. Covode in this Congress was performing his last work 
on earth. On the 6th of January he left Washington for a brief 
visit to Phihidelphia and Ilarrisburgh. Reaching the latter cit}'- 
on tlie lOtli, he retired early to rest, and in the enjoyment of bis 
usual vigorous health. About three o'clock, however, he awoke 
with a severe pain about the heart. All possible was done for his 
relief, but in less than two brief hours he feebly gasped " I am 
dying," and expired-. 

The eulogies upon his life and character in the House and Sen- 
ate were marked and full. Mr. Kelley presented in interesting 
detail the main points in the history of his honorable career. Mr. 
Banks gave some interesting facts relating to Mr.*Covode's connec- 
tion with important political history : 

The political campaigns that followed the presidential election of I80G, espe- 
cially those which brought in review the incidents of the distinguished admin- 
istration of Mr. Buchanan, gave signal evidence of his success and power. . . . 
Though a stern partisan, he did not counsel extreme measures. ... It has been 
said, and I believe -with entire truth, that it was due to the direct action and 
influence of Mr. Covode that President Lincoln was led, against the advice 
of some of the most prominent of his supporters, to issue the order directing 
the immediate and unreserved exchange of prisoners of war during the latter 
period of the great Rebellion. If this be true, no man can present a more hon- 
orable claim to the respect of the people, without reference to political opinions 
or partisan relations. This view of his character is strengthened by the fact 
that he never failed or faltered in support of those measures which were deemed 
necessary to protect and jireserve the Government, and to secure and i^erpetuate 
the liberties of all its people. 

Mr. Sumner, " during Mr. Covode's long service in Congress his 
contemporary," said : 

I o-^^e my testimony to the simplicity, integiity, and jjatriotism of his public 
life. Always simple, always honest, always patriotic, he leaves a name which 
must be j)reserved in the history of Congress. 

±33 



GEOEGE W. COWLES. '> 




^""eORGE W. COWLES wcas born in Otisco, New York, 
and was educated at Hamilton College, where he was 
^i^ graduated in 1845. From that time until 1853 he was 
eno-ao-ed in teaching, when he entered upon the study of 
law, and was admitted to the bar in the following year. In 1863 
he was elected Judge of AVayne County, and re-elected to the same 
office in 1867. The next year he was elected to the Forty-first 
Cono-ress. Assuming his seat in the House, he was placed on the 
Committee on Expenditures in the Kavy Department and that 
for the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Cowles was not a frequent speaker in the debates of the 
House, nor did he indulge in speeches of protracted length, or deal 
largely in the ornaments of rhetoric. In presenting the bill con- 
cernino; divorces in the District of Columbia he remarked that if 
" in framing a law on this subject for the District of Columbia we 
should attempt to make it conform to the laws of the various States 
of the Union, we should find ourselves at sea because the laws of 
no two States are alike in this respect It seems to me the period 
of three years is short enough to be prescribed as the term before 
the expiration of which parties shall not be permitted to come into 
court and ask to be relieved from the most sacred obligations which 
can be assumed. This period is not too long a term to allow to a 
party against whom there may be ground of complaint, so that he 
may have an opportunity to reform, and thus obviate the necessity 
of an application to the courts. It seems to me the provisions of 
the bill are fair and just, and not oppressive to either party." An 
amendment being proposed providing that the court may in its dis- 
cretion grant a divorce where causes have continued for a period 
of two years, Mr. Cowles consented to the amendment, while he 
thought that a definite term of three years should be fixed. 

Z3^ 




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HON. SAb/IUEl. .r. v:OX 



HEPEESENT/-ffr\^ FPXM KET/.'YOHX 



A' H EARNFS * C? 37 PARK ROW H'.-t. 



SAMITEL S. COX. 




^AMUEL SULLIYAN COX was born in Zanesville, Ohio, 



September 30, 1824. He attended the Ohio University at 
Athens, but subsequently became a student of Brown Uni- 
versity, Providence, Rhode Ishxnd, wliere he paid his ex- 
penses by means of literary labor, graduating with honor in the 
class of 1846. He studied law with Judge Converse of the Su- 
preme Bench of Ohio. He practiced his profession first at Cincin- 
nati, whither he went in 1849, and then returned to Zanesville. 
After a short residence there he went to Europe, and on his return 
published a book of his travels entitled " The Buckeye Abroad," a 
well written and extensively popular production. 

In 1853, shortly after his return from Enrope, Mr. Cox became 
owner and editor of the " Ohio Statesman," the Democratic organ 
of the State, published in Columbus. In the spring of 1855 he was 
tendered the Secretaryship of Legation to England, but declined it, 
as he was unable satisfactorily to dispose of his ownership of the 
" Statesman." Subsequently, in the same year, he accepted the 
Secretaryship of Legation to Peru, but on account of ill health was 
compelled to resign. He was elected a Kepresentative from the 
Columbus (Ohio) District to the Thirty-fifth and Thirty-sixth Con 
grosses, during which he served as Chairman of the Committee on 
Revolutionary Claims. He was re-elected to the Thirty-seventh 
and Thirty-eighth Congresses, in which he served on the Commit- 
tee on Foreign Afftiirs. 

On the 4th of March, 1865, he removed to New York city. In 
that year he published a book entitled " Eight Years in Congress." 
The work is dedicated to his constituents in Ohio, " at whose 
request the volume was prepared," to whom he says : 



2 SAMUEL S. COX. 

I represented you truly wlien I warned and worked from 1856 to 1860 against 
the passionate zealotry of North and South; when I denounced, in and out of 
Congress, the bad falhicy and worse conduct of the secessionists ; wlieu I voted 
to avert the impending war by every measure of adjustment ; and when, after war 
came, by my votes for money and men, I aided the Administration in maintain- 
ing tlie Federal authority over the insurgent States. Sustained by you, I 
supported every measure which was constitutional and expedient to crush 
the rebellion. At the same time I have freely challenge 1 the conduct of the 
Administration in the use of the means committed to it by a devoted people. 
Believing that a proper use of such means would bring peace and union, and 
Ijelieving in no i)eace as permanent unless it were wedded to the Union in love 
and contentment, I have omitted no opi)ortuuity to forward these objects. This 
I have done in spite of threats and violence. For doing it your confidence has 
not been diminished, but increased. 

In the introductory cliapter Mr. Cox maintained that a " consti- 
tutional opposition " was essential to a free government, and could 
not be dispensed with " without danger to liberty," adding : 

Time will vindicate both the writer and others, who, while they maintained 
the war for the Union, did not j^ermit their voices for personal and jjultlic lib- 
erty to be drowned in the clangor of arms. Those who contest encroachments 
incident to war are never regarded in history as enemies, but as the truest dev- 
otees of well-regulated lil>erty. 

The key-note to these speeches, and all efforts made by their author in and 
out of Congress, was struck in the heat of a debate with a member from In- 
diana, Mr. Julian, on the 9th of April, 1864 : " Under no circumstances con- 
ceivable by the human mind would I ever violate the Constitution for any pur- 
pose. To comi^ass its destruction as a probable or possible necessity is the very 
gospel of anarchy, the philosophy of dissolution." This was in reply to a 
northern statesman, urging extra-constitutional tueans to suppress the rebellion. 
Almost the same language was used by the writer to denounce the heresy of 
secession in the winter of 1800-61. 

Soon after the publication of the above mentioned work Mr. 
Cox made another visit to Europe, spending his time while abroad 
chiefly on the islands and shores of the Mediterranean, He save 
to the public, as the result of his observations, a volume which was 
published in London and 'New York, entitled "A Search for Win- 
ter Sunbeams," a work much more elaborate and philosophical 
than books of travel generally. Mr. Cox is a successful author, 
and a popular lecturer on literary themes. The latest subjects 
upon W'hich he has appeared upon the platform were " Spain," and 
the " Poetry of Mechanism." 



SAMUEL S. COX. 3 

In 1868 Mr. Cox was elected a Kepresentative from tlie sixth 
district of New York to the Forty-first Congress, and in 1870 was 
re-elected over Mr. Horace Greeley. His district is in the heart 
of New York city. It is the same formerly represented by Hon. 
H. J. Kaymond. He served as a member of the Committee on 
Banking and Currency, and the Committee on the Rules. There 
was no member of the minority who took a more important part 
in the proceedings than Mr. Cox. Possessing great fluency in 
speech, and quickness in repartee, he had frequent encounters with 
the shrewdest men of the majority, and seldom appeared at a 
disadvantage. 

Mr. Cox delivered numerous able, eloquent, and elaborate 
speeches during these Congresses. He occupied firm partisan 
ground, and yet he constantly gave evidence of a candor and pa- 
triotism rising above party. For instance, in one of his speeches 
against the bill to amend the act to enforce the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment, after showing the tendency of the measure to advance the 
interests of his party, he said : " If the Democratic party of the 
city and State of New York were less patriotic than partisan they 
would be glad to have this measure of forcing elections continue 
and become intensified by the proposed amendments. The effect 
would be still to increase their majorities ; but I would not favor 
party success at the peril or mutilation of the form, structure, and 
genius of our Government.'^ 

Mr. Cox's principal efibrts were made on subjects connected 
with the tarifi". He is a strongly pronounced free-trader. Gradu- 
ting under Dr. Wayland at Brown University, he early became 
interested in discussions of that nature. One of his prize essays at 
college, which was successful, was upon the "repeal of the corn 
laws" in 1846. During the war, while a member from Ohio, and 
subsequently, as a member from New York, he was constant in 
protesting against the doctrine of " protection," presenting his views 
with elaborate statistics. The revenue reform he contemplates is 
sweeping, believing, as he does, that the Custom-House system is a 
perpetual fraud on the body of the people, who are consumers. 

i37 



JOH]^ M. OEEBS. 




^OHN M. CREBS was born at Middlebnrg, Loudon County, 
Yirginia, April 9, 1830. When seven years old he went 
wnth his father to Illinois, where he received a common- 
school education, and during his minority worked upon a 
farm. At the age of twenty-one he commenced the study of law, 
and in the following year entered upon its practice, settling in 
White County, Illinois. In 1862 he entered the Union army as 
Lieutenant-Colonel, participated in all the Mississippi movements 
until the capture of Yicksburg, and afterward commanded a cav- 
alry brigade in the Department of the Gulf. After the war he 
returned to the practice of his profession, and in 1868 was elected, 
as a Democrat, a Eepresentative from Illinois to the Forty-first 

Congress. 

In this Congress Mr. Crebs served on the Committee on Agri- 
culture. He participated in the debates upon Reconstruction, 
Appropriations, Tariff, the Tax Bill, and other important subjects. 
In his speech on the North Pacific Railroad Bill Mr. Crebs pre- 
sented the following important statement: 

I fear not to assert that should the bill be iiassed in its present shape you 
transfer to this company a territory almost equal in extent to the two States of 
Illinois and Indiana combined. You place in the hands of a corporation an 
empire in extent. You say you do it to open up new lands and new countries 
for settlement; but at the same time you place the country thus opened up in 
the control of a soulless corporation, and place the hardy pioneer desiring to 
seek a home in the West entirely at its mercy, and at such mercy only as the 
wolf gives to the lamb. 

In his speech on " Tax and Tariff," after proposing an amendment 
providing that salt should be admitted free of duty, Mr. Crebs pro- 
ceeded to urge that the tax on salt was on one of the great necessa- 
ries of life, and was a disgrace to our country and to the civiliza- 
tion of the age. 

2 3f 



SHELBY M. CULLOM. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

lu the Forty-first Congress Mr. Cullom was assigned to the 
Select Committee on the ISTintli Census, and to the Chairmansliip 
of the Committee on Territories. He favored the abolition of the 
Franking Privilege. On the question of the Tariif he seems to 
have favored what might be viewed as a middle ground between 
extremes : 

We are compelled to have a tariff for revenue or inaugurate a system of tax- 
ation which the peoiile would not stand, and so far as I am concerned I have 
no desire to put out the fires in the iron-furnace or foundry, or to close the doors 
of the fiictory, or hinder the proper development of the great natural resources 
of our country in any valuable department of industiy. . . . The eucom-aging 
hand of the Government should be given when necessary to protect American 
labor against the pauper labor of other nations. But, s"', vmder this beguiling 
jiretext of liome protection of work and labor and American industry we should 
not be led into extravagant legislation in favor of one class of peoj^le and against 
the rest. The greedy manufacturer who has grown rich under a high tariif and 
great demand for his goods during the war must not be allowed to take posses- 
sion of the legislation of this country at the expense of the struggling millions. 

In his speech upon the Apportionment of Representation Mr. 
Cullom favored a large representation in the popular branch of 
Congress. After glancing at the views held by the old statesmen 
on this subject he said : 

I may truthfully say that they were in favor of a small ratio and large repre- 
sentation ; that though the expense attending the compensation of the members 
might be somewhat increased, it would yet be ti'ifling compared with the great 
advantages that would result from it ; that large representation would, while it 
might increase the expense in one respect, be productive of true economy in the 
defeat of corrupt and extravagant measures. Tlie ^xpense of the civil depart- 
ments of the Government is but a drop in the bucket compared with the mass 
of expenditures resulting from bad legislation. The more intimately and closely 
the Representative is identified with the pc<i2)le who send him here, the more 
likely is he to carry out their views and insure their confidence and respect. 

Men say that this House is too large already; that make it larger and you 
make it a mob. I confess, Mr. Chairman, that to a stranger it appears confusion 
worse confounded sometimes. There is much confusion and disorder; it is a 
little lacking in that dignity that ought to characterize a legislative assemlily. 
Yet, judging from results in dispatch of business and in the character of legis- 
lation, I think we have nothing to fear from comparison with smaller legislative 
bodies. If there is any principle that gives this Government a distinctive char- 
acter and makes it republican in fact in contrast with other nations of the 
world, it is its representative character. 



23 



? 



CHESTEE B. DAEEALL. 




/^^fe0 HESTER B. DAEEALL was bora in Somerset County, 

^^ Pennsylvania, June 24, 18+2. Left an orphan at tlie 
early age of six years, and being one of a large family, 
he learned while a mere boy that he must expect in his 
future life to depend on his own exertions. Througli the teaching 
of his excellent mother he learned to love what was right and dis- 
like what was wrong, and the lessons thus early impressed upon 
him have always guided him in life. 

Attending the common and normal schools, he began teaching 
at the age of fifteen, and soon had the reputation of being one 
of the best teachers in the county. Afterward he studied medicine, 
still teaching for support during the winters, and graduated at the 
Albany Medical College before he was twenty-one. On graduat- 
ing he was immediately appointed Assistant Surgeon of the 86th 
New York Volunteers, with which regiment he served during the 
whole war, having been promoted to the rank of Surgeon. 

At the close of the war Mr, Darrall entered upon the practice 
of his profession in Ohio, but his health being bad he determined 
to try a change of climate and of pursuits. He therefore emigrated 
to Louisiana and engaged in mercantile business and planting. 

Li April, 1868, he was elected to the State Senate from St. 
Mary Parish. Li November of the same year he was the Eepub- 
lican candidate for Congress in the 3d Congressional District, but 
owing to intimidation and violence in a portion of the district the 
Democratic candidate, Mr. Bailey, had a large majority. Mr. 
Darrall contested, however, and on showing that the majority of 
his opponent was obtained by wholesale murders and intimidation, 
the House adopted the Eeport of the Committee, excluding the 
\aolent portion of the district entirely from the count, and in July, 
1870, Mr. Darrall obtained his seat. 




-"g ojrGeo.E.Periiie. 



^-^ 



(T. ^ , y0~C<Ji/<yO^6l- 



HON. CHESTER B. DARPALL 



RERP.ESElTTATrv'E FP.Oif LOUISIAl-TA 



.,^«, t_ g^Rf^^S a C9 37 PARK ROW. NEW YORK 



/ 



I^OAH DAVIS. 




'OAH DAYIS was born in Haverhill, New Hampshire. 
His parents emigrated in 1825 to Western New York, and 
^4^ settled at Albion, Orleans County, which is still the resi- 
dence of Mr. Davis. He graduated from a common dis- 
trict school into a law office. After a course of thorough training 
for his profession he was admitted to practice as an attorney in 
1841, and as counselor in 1814:. He was appointed in the spring 
of 1857 a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of JSTew 
York to fill a vacancy, and in the fall of tliat year was elected 
for a full terra of eight years, at the expiration of which he was 
re-elected for a second term. He resigned in the fall of 1808, and 
was elected a Eepreseutative from the Twenty-eighth District of 
New York to the Forty-first Congress. 

He was appointed to the Committee on the Judiciary and the 
Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures. He served until 
the close of the second session, when he resigned and was succeeded 
by Hon. Charles H. Holmes. 

No one, during so short a career in the House, has taken a more 
influential position, or acted a more prominent part, in the pro- 
ceedings than Mr. Davis. As a member of the Judiciarv Com- 
mittee he had charge of the bill to establish a uniform system of 
naturalization, pending which he made a speech, of which the fol- 
lowing is an extract : 

The great difficulties wbicli have growQ up in connection with naturalization,. 
nearly all the frauds and troubles in respect to it, have arisen from the fact 
that in the heated political contests to which we are subject in tliis country- 
each party is seeking by every effort in its power to carry the foreign vote, and 
to bring aliens to the courts for naturalization, and to use every possible influ- 
ence upon them for the purpose ultimately of bringing them to the polls. A 
system of naturalization which is governed by such motives cannot, in the long 
run, be otherwise than dishonest. 

16 



1 HENRY L. DAWES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Dawes held the chairmanship 
of the Committee on Appropriations, and was also a member of 
the Select Committee on the Postal Telegraph Lines. 

Early in the first session of this Congress, and pending the bill 
for the reconstruction of Mississippi, Mr. Dawes addressed the 
House in a highly interesting speech, in which he briefly traced 
the entire history of reconstruction from the first attempts in this 
line of legislation under the auspices of President Lincoln, together 
with the results of the several measures adopted. 

Pendino; the Consular and Diplomatic Bill, an amendment hav- 
ing been proposed to provide for a minister to Rome, Mr. Dawes 
remarked as follows : 

I am opposed to this amendment because I do not consider that any of the 
reasons for which ministers are appointed demand the appointment of a minis- 
ter to Rome. When we accredit ministers to Turkey or Greece, and other such 
nations, we accredit ministers to nations with whom we have commercial inter- 
course. With Rome we have no such intercourse whatever. Rome sends no 
minister here. It is a x^ower which is unique and sui rjeneris, and has nothing 
to do with the commercial world at all. It is, to a great extent, a religious 
power, to which we never accredit a minister for any reason whatever, and the 
chief ground upon which my colleague urges the appointment is the fact that 
this is a spiritual power. The only method of preserving peace and harmony 
with such a power is to abstain from all political connection with it whatever. 
. . . We abolished the mission some years ago because it was found entirely use- 
less, and wholly upon our side, without reciprocation on their part. 

Mr. Dawes advocated a careful attention to the coast fortifica- 
tions of the country, and inquired of the House whether they were 
willing to take all the risks that will follow of laying bare their 
sea-coasts. " A single iron-clad gunboat of Spain," said he, " or 
any other foreign power, can enter any of our harbors upon our 
sea-coast and destroy the towns and shipping of that harbor, and 
in the present condition of some of the defenses of those harbors 
nothino- could be done to resist them." In tlie course of the same 
discussion Mr. Daw^es added : 

Why, Mr. Chairman, but a short time since theye met in London an associa- 
tion of the most distinguished military nun in England to discuss the question 
of the defenses of America, and they stated that if we showed the strength and 

7^^ iu 



HENRY L. DAWES. 2 

skill we did during our war we miglit overrun Canada and the Britisli i^osses- 
sions, but with their ships they could enter any harbor on our sea-coast and 
destroy it; that we were utterly exposed on our sea-coast, and though we might 
gain Canada, we would acquire it at the sacrifice of the finest sea-port towns in 
the world, and would pay dearly for our prize. 

On the question wliether by the force of treaties alone mone}^ 
could be taken from the Treasury without the consent of the House, 
the voice of JNlr. Dawes was very decidedlv in the neirative. " For 
the House," said he, ."quietly to yield to such an assertion of 
power is entirely to surrender their rights, and it seems to me that 
if that is to be the doctrine there would be no further occasion for 
the House of Representatives." 

Mr. Dawes in this Congress favored the repeal of the Civil- 
Tenure Act and the abolition of the Franking Privileo-e. 

The occasion in the Forty-first Congress when Mr. Dawes ap- 
peared most prominently before the country was in January, 1870, 
when he arraigned his own party administration for want of suita- 
ble economy in the public expenditures. The House having under 
consideration the bill for the transfer of the Philadelphia JSTavy- 
yard to League Island, Mr. Dawes made a speech in which oc- 
curred the follow^ing important statement : 

And while I know the ungracious position I occupy, I proi:>ose to speak 
plainly, but to speak truly, to my party friends on this side of the House. I 
know that while '' faithful are the wounds of a friend," there is not much ease 
remaining to the friend who inflicts them. Now, sir, what did Andrew John- 
son, in the last year of his administration, estimate that he would carry on this 
Government for ? He estimated that he would carry it on for $303,000,000, 
and we cut down the appropriations $20,000,000 below his estimate ; but his 
own estimate of the cost of carrying on the Government, which the j^eople at 
the polls declai-ed to be profligate and unreasonable, was §303,000,000. 

Now, sir, wliat does our own administration estimate that it will carry on 
the Government for for the next year ? The sum estimated for is $331,097,174 62, 
an increase over the last estimate of the administration of Andrew Joluison for 
18G0-70 of §28,097,174 62. But we cut down his estimates $20,000,000, so that 
the exact diflerence between this book of estimates for the present administra- 
tion and the appropriations made the last year of Andrew Johnson's adminis-, 
tration is $49,682,537 01. It is due to the Post-Office Department to say that 
there is an error of $7,000,000 in the footing, which reduces the amount to 
some $42,000,000. 



EDWAED DEGEI^ER 




FdWAED DEGENER was born in Brunswick, Ger- 
many, October 20, ISOO. lie- was liberally educated 
.^i^^^ in the schools of which his native country is so justly 
proud, and, as if to fit liim for his duties as an American 
citizen and statesman, a portion of his academic training was pro- 
cured in Eno;land. 

While yet in his native land he participated prominently in 
political affairs. He was twice member of a legislativ^e body in 
Anhalt-Dessau, and was a member of the first German Parliament 
in Frankfort. 

Desiring to live in a country where his ideas of political liberty 
might be more fully realized, he emigrated to America, and settled 
in Sisterdale, Texas, as a former. Like most of his countrymen 
who come to the United States he had no sympathy with slavery, 
which seemed to him something strangely inconsistent and unnat- 
ural under a E.e])ublican Government. Having such views, he of 
course gave no countenance to the Rebellion, and was court-mar- 
tialed and imprisoned for his devotion to the Union cause. 

After his release he took up his residence in the city of Antonio, 
where he turned his attention to mercantile pursuits, taking at the 
same time a deep interest in public affairs, and participating act- 
ively in politics. 

He was elected a Eej^resentative to the Forty-first Congress as a 
Kepublican, receiving 9,312 votes against 9,240 for Haynes, and 
049 for Varnell, both Democrats. Taking his seat in the House 
of Representatives March 31, 1870, Mr. Degener was appointed a 
member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, and participated 
actively in the proceedings of the Forty -first Congress, which had 
more than half elapsed when he entered upon his duties. 



JOHN T. DEAVEESE. 

(Continued from tho Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress, to wliicli lie was re elected by a 
majority of 1,2-iO votes, Mr. Deweese served on the Committee on 
Indian Affairs, and was Chairman of the Committee on Kevolu- 
tionary Pensions and the "War of 1812. 

The Committee on Military Aifairs haying been instructed to 
inquire into the alleged sale of cadetships, on the first of March, 
1870, reported that Mr. Deweese, in making an appointment to the 
l^aval Academy, violated the law^ which requires that an appointee 
shall be an actual resident of the district from which appointed, 
and that he was influenced in his action by improper pecuniary 
considerations. Mr. Deweese having resigned pending the report 
of the Committee in his case, they recommended the adoption of a 
resolution declaring that his conduct in the premises had been 
such as to show him to be unworthy of a seat in the House of 
Representatives, and is therefore condemned as conduct unworthy 
a Eepresentative of the people. This resolution passed the House, 
yeas, 173, not voting, 17. During the investigation Mr. Deweese 
made the following statement to the Committee: 

Having been sufficiently advised of tlie turn affairs have taken in my case, I 
desire to say this to you : that at the time I got this I did not think of doing 
it. I was not aware that I was viohiting any of the privileges or rules of the 
House. As soon as I was aware that I had done wrong, I endeavored to make 
return as far as I could. I returned the money immediately; and I have 
tendered my resignation to the Governor of my State, believing that it is a 
duty of a member of Congress to make vacant the place he has disgraced. 
What I did was done openly and boldly, not knowing I had done a particle of 
wrong. The Secretary of "War and the Secretary of the Navy were both aware 
of what I did. I did not do it from any mercenary motives. 

One Captain Coombs, who had done me a gl-eat many favors, had a boy, and 
he askeil me to give him the appointment. Not a word was said about money 
at all. After it was done they offered me |!l,000. I refused to take it. Some 
two or three days afterward the young man brought me $500, and afterward 
$500 more. I never endeavored to keep ^\■hat I had done covered up. If I 
had wished to evade it I could have sent the witnesses awny. I refused to do 
it, although urged to do it by my friends. Bat I told them, no ; that 1 had 
done wrong, and done it without thought and unknowingly, and that I was 
not going to compromise myself by endeavoring to suppress the testimony. 
Hundreds have done the same thing before and will do it again. I applied to 
the young man and returned the $500. If it were necessary I could show that 
I had been offered by two or tlii-ee different persons one thousand dollars, 

2Mr 



OLIVER J. DICKEY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In a s^^eecb of July 19, 1870, Mr. Dickey made a brief but for- 
cible and effective reply to the charges of extravagance which had 
been brought against the administration of President Grant by Mr. 
Dawes, Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, of which 
he was a member, lie showed that Mr. Dawes had done great 
injustice to "the other end of the Avenue;" that the estimates 
submitted by the Secretary of the Treasury were in general esti- 
mates for executing the laws of Congress, such as for the payment 
of pensions, the erection of public buildings which had been author- 
ized by Congress, river and harbor improvements, expenses of pub- 
lic printing, and judgments against the United States rendered by 
the Court of Claims, in accordance with the acts of Congress. Mr. 
Dickey then added : 

Here just let me make the remark that the gentleman from Massachusetts did 
injustice, unintentional I am sure, to the present Administration when lie said 
that it had exceeded the estimates of the administration of Andrew Johnson, 
the profligacy of which was one of the main reasons why it was dismissed by 
the people from the White House. The last year Andrew Johnson's adminis- 
tration was running, the estimates of his Secretary of the Treasury for the year 
ending the 30th of June, 1869, were $372,000,000. Congress approjiriated and 
the admmistration of Andrew Johnson expended in its last year $325,000,000. 
It is true that after estimating $372,000,000 for the Jolmson administration and 
expending $325,000,000, Congress, under the estimates of the Department,- appro- 
priated only $303,000,000 for tlie expenses of the incoming administration of Gen- 
eral Grant. Johnson's Secretary of the Treasury made those reduced estimates, not 
for that Administration and for its friends, but for the succeeding Administration 
and his enemies. He estimated, and Congress cut down the appropriations. Some 
people thought it was wise, and some people thought otherwise. An adverse 
Administration estimated for the present Administration only $303,000,000, when " 
it had itself expended $325,000,000 ! Perhaps it was well not to give the incom- 
ing Administration this opportunity to reduce the expenses of the Government. 

Now, sir, I will go with the Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, 
or as far as any man upon this floor, in cutting down the appropriations for 
expenditures of the Government ; but I will do it manfully, by repealing the 
laws already enacted, and putting a stop to all works not required by the 
necessities of the public service. 

Mr. Dickey seldom occupied the time of the House with set and 
formal speeches, but frequently made brief and incisive remarks— 
sometimes giving a turn to discussion by making a suggestive 
incjuiry of a speaker upon the floor. 



EDWARD F. DICKK^SO]:^. 




IdWAED F. DICKINSON was born in Fremont, Oliio, , 
January 21, 1829. He received a liberal education, grad- 
uating at St. Xavier College,. Cincinnati, Ohio; studied 
law, was admitted to the bar, and successfully practiced 
tlie profession in his native town. 

Soon, after the breaking out of the war he entered the Union 
army. He served more than three years as lieutenant and regimental 
quartermaster of the 8th Ohio Infantry. At the close of his mili- 
tary service he returned to the practice of his profession. 

ilis first civil office was that of Judge of the Sandusky County 
Probate Court, to wliich he was elected in 18G6. He was, in 1868, 
elected a Representative from Ohio to the Forty-first Congress as a 
Democrat, receiving 10,322 votes against 14,677 votes for Gibson, 

Hepublican. 

Taking his seat as a member of the Forty-first Congress, Mr. 
Dickinson was appointed a member of the Committee on Mines 
and Mining. He made no speeches. He introduced a nnml)er of 
bills of importance to the people of his district, such as a bill mak- 
ing an appropriation for the construction of a harbor at Port Clin- 
ton, Ohio ; a bill relinquishing the title of the United States to cer- 
tain ground in Fremont to the corporation of that place ; a bill 
granting a pension to Susanna Snyder; and bills establishing post 
routes by way of Hartland to Olena, Ohio, and from Omar, by 
way of Eeedtown and Weaver's Corners, to Bellevue, Ohio. He 
also introduced a joint resolution providing for the survey of the 
navigable portion of the Portage Paver,, and a joint resolution 
requesting the President to restore J. L. O'Conner, late First Lieu- 
tenant 3d United States Cavalry, to his rank, and direct his name 
to be placed on the retired list. 



JOSEPH DIXOI^, 



^^OSEPII DIXON was born in Greene County, IS'ortli Car- 

MM ^^"^^' "^P^"^^ ^' ^^^^- ^^^^ father, Rev. John H. Dixon, was 
%^i a Baptist minister, who died in 1843, when his son was 
iifteen years old. His mother had died a few years before. 
He was inured to labor, spending every spring and summer during 
his youth at work in the fields. Subsequently, by doing the duties 
of clerk in a country store and teaching school, he obtained means 
to acquire an academic education. 

Mr. Dixon's first entry upon business life was as a merchant at 
Fountain Hill, North Carolina, with his uncle, as a member of the 
firm of W. & J. Dixon. In 1851 he bought the plantation upon 
which he now resides, and engaged actively and successfully in 
agriculture, which is still his pursuit. 

Mr. Dixon was a Whig in politics, and as such in 1852 he was 
cbosen a magistrate. He was an enemy of secession, and opposed 
the North Carolina Convention of 1801, which was called in the 
interests of that heresy. He took a firm stand in opposition to the 
Rebellion, and in the first Union meeting held in the State he was 
a member of the Committee on Resolutions. In 1861, '65 he was 
Judse of the County Court. In 1868 he was elected to the State 
Leo-islature, in which he was Chairman of the Committee on Claims. 

In Auo-ust, 1870. Mr. Dixon was elected a Representative to the 
Forty-first Congress from North Carolina as a Republican, to suc- 
ceed David Heaton, deceased, and took his seat in the House of 
Representatives December 5, 1870. He served on the Committee 
on Coinage, Weights, and Measures. During the brief remainder 
of the Forty-first Congress there was little opportunity for a new 
member to participate prominently in legislation had there been 
the inclination. 




~-^~ 



.-st.^F'^"-^'''' 




7J^r/- 




)j!L ZC'IitTH CAP. -I IITA 



W.H, BAPivJIlS ,■> C- 3'' PARK ROW.MEW YOK K 



NATHAN F. DIXON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Dixon, in the Forty-first Congress, reported several bills 
from the Committee on Commerce, and took part in important dis- 
cussions upon subjects with which he was conversant in that capac- 
ity. He reported and had charge o£ an important measure, which 
passed the House, re-organizing the marine hospital service, and 
providing for the relief of sick and disabled seamen. In advocating 
the dopation of the marine hospital at Natchez to the State of Mis- 
sissippi, Mr. Dixon stated that the marine hospitals had many of 
them been built in places where they were unnecessary, mainly for 
the purpose of building up the towns where they were situated. 
Where there might be perhaps five or ten disabled sailors to be pro- 
vided for, there would be a hospital built at an expense of fifty or 
sixty thousand dollars, and kept up at an expense of four or five 
thousand dollars a year. " Since 1846 there has been appropriated 
annually from twenty-five thousand to two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand dollars for that purpose, and the necessity for this appropria- 
tion grows in a great measure out of the large expenditures for 
these marine hospitals that are unnecessar3^" 

Near the beginning of the first session Mr. Dixon reported from 
his Committee a Senate bill to prevent the extermination of fur- 
bearing animals in Alaska, with an amendment. He declared the 
measure to be one of great interest to the Government, as well as tO 
the inhabitants of the two islands acquired by the purchase of Alaska. 
It would secure to the Government $150,000 without a single dollar 
of expenditure. The bill, meeting with considerable opposition, 
was re-committed to the Committee, and more than a year elapsed, 
during which much testimony was considered, and in June, ISTO, 
the Committee reported a substitute, prohibiting the killing of seals 
except during four specified months of each year, and providing 
that an annual rental of $50,000 should be paid the United States 
for the privilege of taking seals in Alaskan waters ; and, in addi- 
tion, a tax of two dollars was laid upon each seal taken and shipped 
from the islands during the continuance of the lease. 

Mr. Dixon was not a candidate for re-election, and March 4, 1871, 
after ten years of service in Congress, he retired to private life. 

1U 'O 



OLIVER H. DOCKERY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

The most noteworthy speeches of Mr. Dockery in the Forty-first 

Congress were made near its close. In his speech on the Condition 

of the South he said : 

Allowance sliould be made for tl\e disturbed condition of southern society, 
tlie disintegration of her social structure, the destruction of her propert}^, the 
desolation of her homes, the loss of her sons, the demoralization of her people, 
the recklessness engendered of the rights of person and property, ever an insepa- 
rable incident of all wars, but universally to the vanquished, at least for a time, 
exacting in its demands and fearful in its results. . . . 

Mr. Dockery then proceeded to urge the payment of various 
chaims against the Government held by Southern people, such as 
the debt due the assistant marshals who took the census of 1S60, 
the amount due for carrying the mails previous to the war, all of 
$1,000,000, " money faithfiiUy earned and badly needed," and the 
claims of the loyal people of the South for stores taken by the 
armv. He denounced the joint resolution of March 2, 1867, for- 
bidding the payment of all claims accruing prior to the 12th of 
April, 1801, save on condition of severe proof of loyalty, as " the 
most cruel and keenest weapons ever forged in the fires of repudia- 
tive and vindictive legislation." He described the policy of the 
Government as a species of repudiation, and said : " Rebellion and 
repudiation are twin sisters : the former brought on the war, the 
latter entails on the South the miseries of the contest." 

In his speech on the bill to establish a system of N'ational Educa- 
tion Mr. Dockery acknowledged the importance of making liberal 
provision for the education of the masses, and yet he opposed the 
pending bill as imposing too great a financial burden upon the 
impoverished South, and placing too nmch power in the hands of 
the President and his appointees. He proposed a substitute for 
the pending bill, donating for common-school purjwses a quantity of 
land to be apportioned to each State equal to seventy-five thousand 
acres for each Senator and Representative in Congress. After 
stating that 1,307,115,448 a,cres of public land remained unsurveyed, 
he said : " Out of this immense territory the small pittance asked 
for in this bill would be unknown and unfelt, and yet with proper 
management what mighty results would inevitably follow ! " 



JOSEPH B. DOXLEY. 



^^OSEPII BENTON DONLEY was born in Monnt Morris, 
.wMi Greene County, Pennsylvania, October 10, 1838. His 
^^J^ parents were natives of tlie same county, his father being 
of Scotch-Irish, and his mother of Welsh-English descent. 
After passing his early j^ears on his father's farm, at the age of 
seventeen he matriculated at Waynesburg College, at which in- 
stitution he graduated in 1859. During this period he spent two 
winters in teaching public school. While at college he bore off the 
original orator's honor in one of the annual contests between two 
of the literary societies. After graduating he went to Illinois and 
engaged in the profession of teaching — first in a public school in 
Abingdon, and afterward in Abingdon College, which last position 
he held at the breaking out of the Rebellion. In 1862 a company 
was raised in that locality, in which he enlisted, was mustered in 
as a private, and afterward promoted to the captaincy, and assigned 
to the 83d Illinois Infantry. In this capacity he served during the 
period of three years, actively engaged with his company and regi- 
ment during the entire time, and participating in all its skirmishes 
and battles. At the expiration of his term of service he was mus- 
tered out, July, 1865, with his regiment at ISTashville, Tennessee, 
and returned to his native county. After a short sojourn there he 
entered the law department of Albany University, and graduated 
in May, 1866. Then returning to Greene County, he entered into 
the gubernatorial canvass of 1866 as an active supporter of his late 
comrade-in-arms, General John W. Geary. His eloquent efforts 
in this campaign attracted the attention of the people, and laid the 
foundation for that popularity which led to his subsequent political 
preferment. Although reared in the Democratic school, even while 
yet a boy taking an active part in politics, when the Kansas- 



2 JOSEPH B. DONLEY. 

l^ebraska Bill was forced upon the country his rigid sense of jus- 
tice revolted at its enormities, and, immediately taking strong 
grounds against it, he was from that time known as an active 
antagonist of the Democratic part}^ and an earnest anti-slavery 
advocate. His first vote was cast for Lincoln and Hamlin in 1860, 
though long before his majority he had achieved a reputation as a 
stump speaker both in Pennsylvania and Illinois. 

In the spi'ing of 18G7 Mr. Donley engaged in the practice of law 
in Waynesburg, Pennsylvania, and in May of the same year was 
appointed by Chief- Justice Chase Kegister in Bankruptcy for the 
Twenty-fourth Congressional District of Pennsylvania, which posi- 
tion he held until March, 1869. In August, 1868, he was nomi- 
nated for Congress by the Republican party of his district, compris- 
ing the counties of Lawrence, Beaver, Washington, and Greene; 
and, having been elected, took his seat March 4, 1869. During his 
term of office he was known as a Eadical Republican, a supporter 
of the Reconstruction Policy and the Fifteenth Amendment, and 
an unflinching advocate of a protective tariff. The following is an 
extract from Mr. Donley's speech on the bill to proniote the con- 
struction of the Cincinnati Southern Railway : 

In these latter days every thing is nnconstitutional, with a certain class of 
politicians, that savors of freedom within our limits, wliether to the person of 
the o})pressed or the movements of commerce; that seeks to strengthen our 
Union and make us a nationality, strong and respected at home, admired and. 
feared abroad. 

I love my own State, am proud of her resources, great wealth, and sturdy 
people ; but I confess that I love my country more, and ever regard her interests 
as paramount ; and, for one, I am glad to see the growing sentiment which 
demands that the powers of the nation shall be exercised through Congress, and 
that our Union become, under the Constitution, a strong national Government. 
If there be danger of going too far toward centralization, as some good peojjle 
hold, the danger is at the worst remote, and should not prevent the correction 
of the evils that grew out of the pernicious States Rights doctrine that prevailed 
before the Rebellion ; nor the establishment of the nation's right to protect its 
own life and the lives of its citizens, to see that the laws are executed, that each 
State has a republican form of government, and to regulate the commerce among 
the several States. 

In my judgment Congress not only has the right to charter railways to run 
through different States, but to pass general laws regulating and controlling all 
such thoroughfares called into existence by State authority. 



PETEE M. DOX. 



I^v^^^^ETER M. DOX was born in Geneva, Ontario County, 
^^) ^®^' Tork, September 11, 1813. He was educated at the 
^W Geneva Academy, and at Ilobart College, Geneva, where he 
graduated in August, 1833. He studied law, and engaged 
in the practice of his profession in his native town. His first 
political position was that of member of the Legislature of New 
Tork for Ontario County in 1841-42. He was subsequently Judge 
of the Ontario County Court. 

He removed to Madison County, Alabama, in 1855, and en- 
gaged in agricultural pursuits. In 1865 he was unanimously 
elected as a Union man to represent his county in the convention 
called for the revision of the State Constitution. He took an 
active part in the restoration of the State to the Union, and while 
this work was being accomplished he was elected a Representative 
from Alabama to the Forty-first Congress as a Democrat, receiving 
6,047 votes against 4,933. 

On the 7th of December, 1869, Mr. Dox was admitted to his 
seat in the House, taking the test oath prescribed by the act of 
July 2, 1862. He was appointed on the Committee on Elections. 
On the 19th of January he submitted a resolution authorizing the 
Committee on Agriculture to inquire into the expediency of estab- 
lishing a national school of agriculture and mechanic arts. He 
introduced a bill for the removal of all political disabilities imposed 
by the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. Subsequently, 
pending the Senate bill to relieve certain persons from legal and 
political disabilities, Mr. Dox gave it his support, although he 
regarded it as very far from, the measure he would deem it not 
only politic for the Government to pass, but eminently just to the 
people of the South and of the whole country. 



EICHAED T. W. DUKE. 




^K^ICHARD T. W. DUKE is a native of Virginia, born in 
■^" ^ Albemarle County June 6, 1822. He attended school 
until eighteen years of age, and after teaching one year 
he entered the Virginia Military Institute as a cadet, 
and graduated the second in his class in 1845. He subsequently 
read law, teaching school at the same time, and then attended the 
law lectures of the University of Yirginia, where he graduated in 
1850, Entering on the practice of his profession, he was in 1858 
elected Commonwealth's Attorney for the County of Albemarle, 
and continued in that office until 1869, when all the State officers 
of Virginia were removed. He was elected, as a Conservative, a 
Representative from Virginia to the Forty-first Congress. 

Mr. Duke took his seat in the House December 5, 1870, and his 
principal speech, delivered a few days following, was on the sub- 
ject of Anmesty. His opening remarks were as follows : 

I would in the outset, Mr. Speaker, ask. Why is it that one so humble as my- 
self should now occupy the seat once filled by a Rives, a Gilmer, and John 
Randolph of Roanoke? Is it not because your party, Tai'quin-liko, have be- 
headed the tall popjjies and liave permitted only the humbler to stand ? By 
your legislation you have deprived the country of the services of those whose 
long fiimiliarity with political questions, and whose large experience in public 
life, tempered as it has been ])j the rough school of adversity, eminently fitted 
them for service in the councils of the nation. You have compelled our State 
to intrust her concerns either to those who are alien to her interests and her 
feelings, or to those who are inexperienced in the conduct of public affairs. I 
would ask, Why not extend amnesty to all ? why single out those whom you 
call the leaders ? They are not more responsible for the war than the rest of 
us. . . . Whatever may be our faults, you cannot deny to us some degree of 
courage, and, as brave men, we do not ask that the " sins " of the many shall be 
expiated by the vicarious punishment of the few, those few, too, not more 
guilty than the rest of us. 



ISAAC H. DUYALL. 







Sx\AC H. DUVALL was born in Wellsbury, Yirginia, 
September 1, 1824:. After receiving a common-school edu- 
^^ cation he left his home and went into the Southwestern 
Territories, where he spent several years among the wild 
Indians. He visited over thirty tribes in their hunting grounds, 
and assisted in collecting Indians for the negotiation of the treaties 
of 1846. He acted as Secretary of the Commission, for the duties 
of which he was fitted by his knowledge of four of the Indian lan- 
guages, which during his residence among them of about five years 
he had acquired suflaciently to enable him to trade with them. 

In the winter of 1848-49 Mr. Duvall raised a company of fifty- 
two men, with whom he crossed the plains and mountains, arriving 
in California early in 1849. This was the first organized company 
that crossed the plains from Texas, traveling the entire distance by 
compass without any road or trail to follow. After spending nearly 
three years in California and Oregon Mr. Duvall went to Central 
America, and thence to Cuba to join Lopez in the insurrection of 
1851, arriving there a few days after the capture and garroting of 
Lopez. He escaped and returned to his home in Virginia after an 
absence of fourteen years. He engaged in mercantile pursuits, in 
which he was occupied until the breaking out of the civil war. 

He entered the United States volunteer service June 1, 1861, as 
Major of the First Regiment of West Virginia Infantry. He was 
subsequently Colonel of the Ninth West Virginia Infantry, and was 
promoted to be Major-General by brevet. 

After the close of the war he served two years in the State Sen- 
ate of West Virginia, and was two years Adjutant General of the 
State. In 1868 he was elected a Representative from West Vir- 
ginia to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican. Durhig this 
Cono-ress he served on the Committee on Territories and the Com- 
mittee on Mines and Mining. 

2SS ^ 



DAYID P. DYER 



^^AYID PATTERSON DYER was bora in Heurj 

3^^ County, Yirginia, February 12, 1838. He was the young- 
"^mW est of twelve children. Ilis father, David Dyer, was a 
native of Yirginia, and was for many years a member of 
the House of Delegates, and also of the Senate of that State. In 
1841 he removed with his family to the State of Missouri, and set- 
tied in Lincoln County, where he lived to the time of his death, 
which occurred in 18M. David received such education as the 
schools in that locality furnished, and was in 1856 sent to college 
at St. Charles, Missouri. In 1858 he went to the adjacent county 
of Pike — which has ever since been his residence — and began the 
study of law in the office of the Hon. James O. Broadhead. 

In March, 1860, Mr. Dyer was admitted to the bar, and was that 
year elected District Attorney for the Third Judicial Circuit of the 
State. On the 15th of November, 1860, he was married to Lizzie 
Chambers Hunt, second daughter of the Hon. Ezra Hunt, of Pike 
County, Missouri. 

In 1860 Mr. Dyer gave his first vote for Stephen A. Douglas for 
President. When the Rebellion broke out he took firm and decided 
grounds for the Union. In 1862 he was a candidate for the Legis- 
lature on the Emancipation Platform, and was elected. In the 
State House of Representatives he served on the Judiciary Com- 
mittee, and having been re-elected in 1864, he again served in the 
same important position. In 1864 he voted for Abraham Lincoln, 
and was known as a firm friend of his administration. 

Mr. Dyer recruited and organized the 49th Missouri Yolunteer 
Infantry, which be commanded during the war, serving a portion 
of the time in the 16th Army Corps, under Major-General A. J. 
Smith. 




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fiC^^vED ''OT' K/.- 



DAVID p. DYER. 2 

In 1S66 Mr. Dyer was chosen Secretary of tlie Missouri Senate, 
and served as such nntil the snrino; of 1808. In the fall of that 
year he was a candidate for Congress against William F. Switzei-, 
and was elected by 437 majority. Mr. Switzer contested the elec- 
tion, and the decision of the House was in favor of Mr. Dyer. In 
18T0 he was a candidate for the Forty-second Congress, but was 
defeated through the divisions which occurred in the ranks of the 
Republican party in Missouri. 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Dyer served on the Committee 
on Agriculture and the Committee on Territories. During his 
term in Congress he made but few speeches, and those only upon 
questions affecting the interests of the people of the West and 
South. Such was his speech of June 7, 1870. on the bill to in- 
crease banking facilities, which he began by saying, " There has not 
been, nor is it at all likely that there will be before Congress at its 
present session, a measure which so immediately interests the peo- 
ple of the Western and Southern States as a proposition to redis- 
tribute the national bank currency, and to provide for an additional 
issue equal to the increased demand and necessity for it." At the 
same time he maintained that the pending measure defeated the 
very end the people of the West desired to accomplish, and put 
beyond all hope a correction of the unjust and unequal distribution 
of the currency. After proceeding at length with a powerful argu- 
ment, and presenting a strong array of facts and figures, Mr. Dyer 
concluded as follows : 

Give to the West tlie share of currency to wliicli her millions of enterprising 
jjeople, her constantly developing wealth, her exhaustless and magnilicent re- 
sources, her infant and struggling manufactories, and her magnificent area entitle 
her, and it will no^ be long before the music of the plane, the hammer, and the 
anvil will be heard in foundry and macliine-shop from one end of that great 
country to the other. Do this, and the farmers on our western prairies will 
cheerfully turn and cultivate the soil, which must otherwise lie idle. Do this, 
and business of all kinds will receive a new impetus throughout the West and 
South, and will have a tendency to satisfy the people, who feel, and justly feel, 
that they have been unfairly dealt with. ... I seek to create no alarm among 
the banks enjoying this monopoly, but unless something is done to correct tliis 
wrong and evil the people will brush away this whole banking system as they 

would the cobweb of a single night. 

17 



tS^ 



JACOB H. ELA. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Ela served on three Committees 
— Claims, Expenditures in the Interior Department, and Expendi- 
tures on Public Buildings, In his speech on the reduction o/ tax- 
ation Mr. Ela remarked that our position was that of a nation tax- 
ing itself to such an extent as to stagnate commerce, and cause the 
decline of shipping both by the cost of ship-building and inability 
for producing the mei'chandise needed for the exchanges of com- 
merce. To realize a more desirable condition of affairs he insisted 
that every unnecessary expenditure must be stopped, and all waste- 
ful grants of lands and subsidies for building railroads through wil- 
derness country must cease. " We must have," said he, "no more 
purchases of useless icebergs or tornadoes, enter into no entangling 
arrangements for lodgments upon foreign territory which will 
draw after them large naval squadrons and military stations. , . . 
We must reduce the interest and taxes which now bear oppress- 
ively upon industry, and threaten the suspension of business and 
the employment of labor." 

Mr. Ela's speech of June 1, 1870, touching the Income Tax, is 
perhaps as exhaustive and complete as any delivered during the 
session favoring the retention of this tax. He considered it one of 
the most just of taxes, affecting no person not in easy circum- 
stances, while most other national taxes are drawn from people 
who are struggling for the means of suj)port and without being 
able to acquire two-thirds the income which is exempted to the 
payers of income taxes. It is paid by those most benefited. It 
comes mainly from the wealth of the country, from the influential 
classes, tending to produce in such a stricter watch upon govern- 
ment expenditures. It is paid outright and by comparatively few 
persons, and with comparatively small expense for assessing and 
collecting. 

It is a tax that does not iucrease tlie cost of food or clothing, or the comforts 
of life, or the homes which shelter the people. It cannot be shifted off upon 
others to deprive them of comforts they may not otherwise enjoy. It does not 
restrict or cripple trade of any kind. It is a Inirden upon no man's personal 
industry. It does not increase the cost of our ships or the ability to sail them, 
neither does it restrict in any way the commerce which gives them employment. 



CHARLES A. ELDRIDGE. 1 

(Contin'ued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Fortj-first Congress Mr. Eldrldge was continued on the 
Committee on the Judiciary. Being among the members of long- 
est experience and greatest ability on the Democratic side of the 
House, he made frequent speeclies in defense of the views of the 
minority. lie was constantly on the alert, ready to take advan- 
tage of errors or oversights on the part of his political opponents. 
lie generally presented and defended the views of the minority on 
all the questions which came up from the important Committee 
of which he was a member. 

Among Mr. Eldridge's many able speeches during this Congress 
was one delivered June 9, 1870, on the bill to establish a uniform 
system of naturalization, from which the following extract is given : 

And this grand exodus is still going on. Headed by the Irish and the Ger- 
man, every nation of Europe is sending her recruits to swell the prodigious 
stream of human life as it flows across the ocean and over the Continent, scat- 
tering over and covering our vast domain like the leaves of the forest. Tlie 
last year brought us the gigantic army of more than three hundred and tifty- 
two thousand souls. It is indeed an army grand and mighty as an " army with 
banners," come to conquer not us or our children, but to join us and them in 
subduing a continent, and conquering the higliest and noblest civilization of 
the ages. 

Their banners are inscribed with words of " jicace and good-will to men," 
and they come to cast in their lot with ours, and share with us the great inher- 
itance of civil and religious liberty. They come with stout hearts and strong 
minds, to share the evUs, bear the burdens, and enjoy with us the blessings of 
this New World. They abandon the laws, the traditions, the habits, and the 
associations of their ancestors, and conform o1)ediently and voluntarily to the 
Constitution and laws of the Republic. There need be no fears that they will 
overrun the land and outnumber the natives. They have done this already. 

If their purpose and mission were to overthrow our civilization, overrun and 
conquer the laud by their numbers, the work would aheady be accomplished. 
But they come animated with the same spirit of liberty, imbued with the same 
love of free government, and inspired witli the same high hopes and lofty aspi- 
rations for the glory and renown of this, our common country, that filled the 
founders of the Republic. Let the intolerant traducer, too, stand confounded 
when he charges that they are paujiers, sloughed and rejected by the over- 
peopled countries of Europe, come to eat out and destroy our substance. All 
our past history and experience are against him. It is well ascertained that by 
the three hundred and fifty-two thousand souls immigrating annually, the coun- 
try actually gains more than a million dollars a day, and that immigration 
within the last twenty-five years has increased the national wealth more than 
five thousand million dollars. 

2S^ 



2' CHARLES A. ELDRIDGE. 

But immigration has done and is doing vastly more than this for the United 
States. It should not be overlooked that as the vast tide flows on from the 
Atlantic to the Pacific it leaves here and there and all along the stout-hearted 
farmer and the sturdy and industrious mechanic, whose labor and enterprise 
are adding other millions to the taxable property and wealth of the country. 
The forests fall, and dwellings of comfort and luxury are raised up every- 
where as if by magic, and fruitful, productive, and luxuriant immigrants' farms 
cover the broad prairies, the valleys, and the mountain sides from one ocean to 
the other, the value of which no man can count. And this is not all. The im- 
migrant is a part of the body-politic. He is not l)ecoming, liut he has already 
become, a part of ourselves. He is everywhere 'among us. He is in every 
department of the Government, filling positions in the States and in the Repub- 
lic the most delicate, the most responsible, the most honoralile, and the most 
sacred. He is of the skilled workmen, the teachers, the scholars, the poets, the 
historians, the men of science, the doctors, the lawyers, the clergy, the philoso- 
phers, and the statesmen. He fights our liattles, commands our armies, makes 
our laws. He is here on the floor of this House and in the Senate. He gives 
impetus to thought, and energy and enteq^rise to science. He facilitates the 
execution of eveiy species of private and public work. There is not a man 
here or elsewhere throughout all the land who does not feel his power; whose 
mind and heart have not been moved and influenced, whose moral, intellectual, 
and physical life has not been swayed and shaped by this contact, this meeting 
and mingling of nationalities on the American Continent. All these things are 
not susceiDtil)le of valuatifm. 

The airivals thus far indicate a large increase of this over former years. 
Ireland especially seems moved by a new impulse. Every vessel from there 
comes freighted with her hardy and stalwart sons, fleeing from sorrows and 
oppressions which they \\ill no longer endure. Not content with sending her 
thousands, it seems as though she had made up her mind to come herself 
Other countries on the Continent present similar indications of a large increase. 
So that with no new impediments thrown in the way, with no unlriendliness on 
our part, or hostile legislation to check or change the ciuTcnt as it is now setting 
in, we may well anticipate a most prosperous future in that regard. 

Speaking in o])])osition to the Senate amendments to the Judi- 
ciary Bill, Mr. Eldridge said that if they were agreed to, and the 
judges should be appointed as proposed, they must necessarily be 
a political court. "I hope," said he, "that we shall never be 
guilty of organizing the court upon any such principle." While 
the vote was being taken on a resolution proposed by Mr. Garfield, 
setting the seal of condemnation upon any proposition to repudiate 
the public debt, Mr. Eldridge said: "I am not a repudiator, and 
never expect to be one ; I pay ray debts as far as I can, and I think 
the nation should do the same." 



JOHX F. FARNSWORTH. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Fortj-first Congress Mr. Farnsworth was one of the 
most active and prominent members of the House. There was scarce- 
ly any important subject under consideration upon which he was not 
heard, always speaking forcibly and with the attention of the House. 

As Chairman of the Committee on the Post-Office and Post- 
Roads, Mr. Farnsworth introduced nmnerous bills, the most import- 
ant of whicli was tliat abolishing tlie franking privilege, which 
passed the House January 27, 1870, by a vote of 17-i yeas to li 
nays. In his speech to the House pending this Bill, Mr. Farns- 
worth said that he did not support the measure for the reasons 
given by the Postmaster-General, for he did not believe that the 
Department would make a saving of $5,000,000, or any thing like 
it, by the abolition of the franking privilege. He gave as his main 
reason that the effect of its abolition would be to do away with the 
stupendous amount of public printing which is now done by order 
of Congress. Thus members would be relieved from labor which 
does them no good, and which does very few of their constituents 
any good. 

As second on the Committee on Eeconstruction, Mr. Farnsworth 
took a prominent part in legislation on that subject, generally tak- 
ing a stand in opposition to the views of the Chairman of the Com- 
mittee, General Butler, M'ith whom he had numerous sharp personal 
controversies. The following is an instance, which involves how- 
ever, more pleasantry and less bitterness than some other of their 
rencounters : The first action which came from the Committee on 
Reconstruction in the Forty-first Congress was a joint resolution 
reported by Mr. Farnsworth, providing that removals from civil 
office in the provisional Government of Yirginia, which under a 
previous act would take place immediately, should not be made 
until after the lapse of thirty days. Mr. Farnsworth made a speech 
in favor of this measure, and General Butler spoke against it, ex- 
pressing his regret that "a sense of duty to the country" obliged 
liim to do so. Mr. Maynard made an inquiry whether this came as 
a Reconstruction measure based upon what was known and under- 
stood as the Republican idea of Reconstruction, or whether it was 



ZW 



2 JOHN F. FiVENSWORTH. 

based upon the Democratic idea of Reconstruction, wlien the fol- 
lowing conversation ensued : 

Mr. FarrtsiDorth. If the gentleman cannot make up liis mind upon the merits 
of the measure itself, I do not see how I can possibly relieve him of his embar- 
rassments, as there are Repul)licans on Ijoth sides of the question. The gentle- 
man will be obliged, I suppose, to decide upon the question for himself. The 
measure comes here as the report of the Reconstruction Committee. 

Mr. MaynnrJ. As the gentleman knows, I am a^ veiy decided pnrty man 
upon party questions, and I have a little curiosity in the point of view I have 
stated. 

Mr. Farnsicorth. I will tell my friend that I label this a Republican measure ; 
perhaps some other gentlemen may not do so. 

Mr. Butler, Of Massachusetts. I am opposing it as a Democratic measure. 
[Laughter.] 

Mr. Farnsworth. As I am an older Republican, my testimony is at least as 
good as that of mv friend from Massachusetts. 

3Ir. Butler, of Massachusetts. Nothing is judged better by age except wine 
and cheese. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Farnsworth. I believe I was a full-grown Republican when the gentle- 
man from Massachusetts was in his Republican swaddling clothes. [Laughter.] 

On the first day of the second session Mr. Farnsworth introduced 
a joint resolution for the immediate admission of Virginia without 
conditions, which was referred to the Committee on Reconstruction, 
On the 11th of January, 1870, Mr. Farnsworth presented as a priv- 
ileged report from the Committee a Bill to admit Yirginia to rep- 
resentation, which he remarked to the House was a "sort of 
compromise measure." This bill, after considerable discussion, in 
which Mr: Farnsworth bore an active part, passed the House, as 
modified by the Bingham amendment, January 14. Just one week 
later the bill passed the Senate with several amendments, wnth 
which Mr. Farnsworth moved that the House concur, although he 
thought "some of them bunglingly drawn," and likely to do more 
harm than good. He was unwilling to throw the question open to 
a sea of discussion again, and keep Virginia out from the represen- 
tation which she was entitled to in Congress, which, he asserted, 
" would be a greater evil than to adopt the amendments of the 
Senate and have an end of it." The bill having finally passed both 
Houses, was approved January 27, 1870, and Virginia was restored 
to her place in the Union. 

2SZ. 



ORANGE FERRISS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Ferriss having been re-elected to the Forty-first Congress by 
a largely increased niajorit}^ was appointed a member of the Com- 
mittee on Eevision of the Laws of the United States and of tlie 
Special Committee on tlie Postal Telegi-aph, and Chairman of the 
Committee on Mines and Mining, 

He took a deep interest in the project of draining the silver 
mines of Nevada, located on the Comstock lode, by means of tlie 
" Sutro Tunnel," This work, which had been commenced by 
Adolph Sutro and his associates under a law passed in 186G, had, 
from the magnitude of the undertaking, assumed a national impor- 
tance. The project was to drain the numerous mines on that cele- 
brated lode by means of a tunnel of sufficient capacity to allow the 
laj'ing down of a railway track, and the transportation through the 
tunnel of the ore from the base of the mines intersected into the 
valley of the Carson River, a distance of about five miles. The 
law of 1866 secured to the projectors of the enterprise, upon its 
completion, valuable rights. In the interest of lai-ge capitalists, 
who, as was alleged, had become part owners in several of the val- 
uable mines likely to be intersected, a bill was introduced in tlie 
House to repeal the law of 1866. Mr. Ferriss, as Chairman of the 
Mining Committee, strenuously and successfully opposed its pas- 
sage, leaving Mr. Sutro and his enterprising associates at liberty to 
prosecute to completion this great work, which it is believed will 
largely increase the mineral wealth and promote the mining inter- 
ests of the country, and as an initial enterprise will determine the 
feasibility and true mode of deep mining, which otherwise is likely 
to prove nnprofitable. 

Mr, ierriss continued throughout his congressional term a Ke- 
publican of the radical school. He deprecated in the strongest 
terms the growing policy of universal amnesty. 

Soon after the close of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Ferriss was 
appointed by the President one of the three Commissioners of 
Claims who w^ere to receive, examine, and consider the claims of 
Southern loyalists for stores or supplies taken or furnished for the 
Union army, and report their proceedings to Congress. 



THOMAS W. FERRY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Ferry, in the Forty-first Congress, was retained upon the 
Committees on Post-Offices and Post Roads and Naval Affairs, 
and served also on the Committee on the Rules. Pending the 
Indian Appropriation Bill Mr. Ferry addressed the House in an 
interesting speech, in tlie conclusion of which he remarked : 

" It is the verification of what is known to he true by those who 
best understand the habits and character of the Indian that, nat- 
urally hospitable, generous, and just, dividing with friends so long 
as they have any thing to share, they become shy, treacherous, and 
murderous when their hospitality is violated, their generosity out- 
raged, and the smoke of peace returned by cruelty and the torch 
of desolation. No wonder that such treatment causes the pipe to 
be changed into the tomahawk. Then the cry is, ' Indian treach- 
ery ! ' ' Wanton massacre ! ' to be succeeded by organized military 
forces for devastation and annihilation. This is no exaggeration, 
Mr. Speaker, but the recital of what very many know to be simple 
history. My experience of the Indians is (and I have been thrown 
somewhat among them) that, treated well and justly as human 
beings should be, citizen or Government would never have occasion 
to complain of or deal with Indian atrocities." 

In concluding his speech on the question of " Duty on Lumber " 
Mr. Ferry remarked : 

The past invites us to a proper liusl>andry of all those elements which enter 
into the strength of the nation. Whatever conserves this should be cultivated 
and jealously guarded. Lumbering pursuits stimulate invention and fertility 
of resource Avhich, with inseparable exposures to inclemencies of wind and 
water tending to harden and compact powers of endurance, eminently fit those 
thus employed for the perilous exigences of State, and the country called not 
in vain for their aid in her extremity. In our late struggle, in which the nation 
shook to the center in the throes of Rebellion, Michigan sent to the rescue 
twelve per cent, of her population, and her gallant sons were the honored van 
to capture the flying head of crushed conspiracy. 

'Havhig served six years in the Hoiise of Representatives, at the 
close of the Forty-first Congress Mr. Ferry was elected United 
States Senator Iron] Michigan for the term of six years beginning 
March 4, 1871. 



GUSTAYUS A. FI^KEL^BUEG. 



^^^^VSTAYITS A. FINKELKBITRG was born in Prussia, 

^^ near Cologne, April 6, 1837. Coming to this country in 

^^ early life, he received an academic education at St. Charles 

College, Missouri. He afterward studied law, graduating 

in the Law Department of Ohio University, Cincinnati, and was 

admitted to the Bar at St. Louis in I860. He served in the Union 

army for the suppression of the Rebellion. In 1864 he was elected 

as a Radical to the Missouri State Legislature, and re-elected in 1866. 

In 1868 he was elected, as a Republican, a Representative from 

Missouri to the Forty-first Congress, and on taking his seat in that 

body was assigned to the Committee on Commerce. He was an 

active member of the House, participating frequently in the current 

discussions. On the bill to revive navigation interests he expressed 

his views as follows : 

I realize the importance of reviving our commercial marine, but I am totally 
opposed to the Government Ijounties and subsidies proposed to be granted by 
the bill now pending before the House. The true remedy, in my opinion, is not 
to be found in increased taxation, but rather in reducing the burdens which 
already depress this as well as every other interest in the coimtry. To l)e sure, 
we can have a commercial marine by paying every man for building a ship, and 
afterward by paying him for running it; )jut I am inclined to lielieve that such 
a system is neither profitable to the country at large, nor just to the people who 
are expected to settle the bill. 

In my own opinion the real evil which is destroying American shipping is to 
be found in an excess of that policy which we are asked by this bill still further 
to extend — the so-called policy of '' protection." Between the protection granted 
on the one hand to the manufacturer of material for ships, and upon the other 
hand to the ship-builder, the shipping interest itself has been crushed as it were 
between two mill-stones. . . . Whenever the laws of nature are infringed by over- 
wise legislation, attempting to improve tlie natural order of things by arbitrary 
regulations, those laws always revenge themselves. . . . Where shall we stop? 
If we go on protecting one industry from the protection of another until we 
have protected every thing to death, the epitajih will be, " Here lie American 
industry and commerce. Died of too much protection." 



JOH^ FISHER. 




^OHN FISHER was born in Londonderry, Xew Hamp- 
shire, March 13, 1806. His youth was spent, as with most 
New England boys of that day, in working on his father's 
farm, his Labor being occasionally interrupted by brief 
terms of attendance upon the common schools. He subsequently 
engaged in mercantile pursuits ; but soon seeing a favorable open- 
ino- for business in Hamilton, Canada, he went to that city, where 
he took charge of a manufacturing establishment. He was cordi- 
ally received by the people, and was chosen by them a member 
of the City Council, and subsequently mayor. 

After a residence of twenty-one years in Canada, in 185G Mr. 
Fisher returned to the United States, and settled in Batavia, New 
York. He was appointed State Commissioner to superintend the 
erection of the buildings for the New York State Institution for 
the Blind in Batavia. He was President of a Fire Insurance 
Company. 

Though he was not an aspirant for political honors, yet such was 
the high estimate which his fellow-citizens held of his honesty, in- 
tegrity, and judgment, that they induced him to become a candi- 
date for their suffrages, and he was in 1^68 elected a Representa- 
tive from New York to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, 
receiving 13,432 votes against 10,294 for Jackson, Democrat. 

On taking his seat in the House he was assigned to the Commit- 
tee on Agriculture. He made no speeches. He introduced a joint 
resolution, which passed both Houses, directing the Secretary of the 
Treasury to cause an inquiry to be made, for the information of 
Congress, relative to the extent and state of trade between the 
United States and the dependencies of Great Britain in North 
America. 





ITGH 



THOMAS FITOH, 



^^IIOMAS FITCH M-as bom in New York Citj January 



il 



M 27, 1838. He comes of an old Connecticut family, bis 
r^l|S ancestors for several generations having lived near Nor- 
wich, in that State. His father emigrated to Charleston, 
South Carolina, in 1812, and was a leading merchant in that city 
until 1838, when he returned to the North and settled in New 
York City. During the twenty-five years of his residence in 
Charleston he never sold a slave, and owned only three, all of 
whom he emancipated and sent to England. 

Thomas entered upon a course of liberal education at the Wes- 
leyan Academy, Massachusetts, but the business misfortunes of his 
father compelled him to leave school at the age of eleven years, 
after which he earned his own livelihood and was self-taught. 
Working on his father's small farm in Monmouth County, New 
Jersey, office boy and clerk in a dry-salter's store in New York 
City, sailor before the mast on a vessel plying between Liverpool 
and New Orleans, pushing from the Gulf of Mexico up to the 
" Gi'eat West," and clerking again in the city of Chicago, he was 
always adventurous, enexgetic, and eager for knowledge. The year 
1856 found Mr. Fitch, then in his nineteenth year, acting as cashier 
and bookkeeper for a large grain and forwarding house in Milwau- 
kee, Wisconsin. In this position he remained for three years, when 
with the savings of his salary he wended his way westward, and 
commenced business on his own account in the city of Saint Joseph, 
Missouri, then growing with great rapidity under the impetus of 
the construction of the Haiinibal and St. Joseph Railroad and the 
Pike's Peak excitement. A brief season of prosperity ensued ; but 
the Pike's Peak bubble burst, and Mr. Fitch saw his rising fortunes 
wrecked. He returned at once to his former home in Milwaukee, 

My 



2 THOMAS FITCH. 



XJ 



and, abandoning mercantile pursuits, engaged with Mr. Crounse, 
since Wasliington correspondent of the "Xew York Times," in edit- 
ing and publishing the " Milwaukee Free Democrat." The enterprise 
did not prove successful, and after a few months Mr. Fitch started 
for California, landing from the steerage of the "Uncle Sam" in 
San Francisco in August, 1860, with ten dollars in his pocket, and 
, without a friend or acquaintance on the coast. During several 
years before, by constant reading, by study at odd intervals, by 
practicing in debating societies, and by brief speaking at ward 
meetings, which he attended as reporter while connected with the 
" Free Democrat," Mr. Fitch had been cultivating a taste and talent 
for public speaking. Accident precipitated a political discussion in 
the steerage of the " Uncle Sam " on her upward trip from Pana- 
. ma, and Mr. Fitch made his maiden political speech under a trop- 
ical sky, to the accompaniment of the ocean's monotones. There 
chanced to be on board the steamer some returning delegates from 
the Chicago Kepublican Convention, who on their arrival in San 
Francisco reported the circumstance, hunted up the young orator, 
and introduced him to a California audience. He acquitted him- 
self so well that he was employed by the Republican State Central 
Committee to canvass the State, and traveled through California 
that year, making some seventy speeches in favor of Lincoln and 
Hamlin, evoking great enthusiasm wherever he went. Shortly 
after the close of the canvass Mr. Fitch returned East, and re- 
mained in Washington during the winter, where he formed the 
acquaintance of the leading Republicans, and was an especial 
favorite of Colonel E. D. Baker. 

Returning to San Francisco in April, 1861, Mr. Fitch engaged 
as editor of the " Times." He subsequently took the stump in favor 
of the Republican ticket, and after election was preparing to leave 
again for the East, at the request of Colonel Baker, to take a posi- 
tion on his staff, when the news arrived of the battle of Ball's Bluff, 
and the death of that gallant soldier and statesman. This changed 
the plans of Mr. Fitch, who then settled in Placerville and edited 
the " Republican," w'hich he continued for about a year. 



THOMAS FITCH. 3 

After a determined opposition, and against a bitter personal con- 
test, Mr. Fitch was elected to the California Assembly of 1862-63 
from El Dorado County. In that body he was on the Committees on 
the Judiciary and Indian Affairs, and served with credit to himself. 
On the conclusion of his terra in June, 1863, he crossed the Sierras 
and settled in Virginia City, Nevada, where he was engaged as 
chief editor of the "Yirginia Union," then a flourishing daily paper. 
In the fall of tliat year he Avas admitted to the bar of the Supreme 
Court of the Territory, but continued in charge of the paper until 
the spring of 1864, when he was elected from Storey County to the 
Convention which framed the Nevada State Constitution. He 
manifested in that body great parliamentary ability and power as a 
debater, and left the impress of his thoughts upon the Constitution. 

Mr. Fitch soon after settled in Washoe City for the practice of 
law. He at once took a leading position at the bar of that district, 
and met with remarkable an.d almost unvarying success as a lawyer 
and advocate, especially before juries. A vacancy occurring in the 
office of District Attorney in August, 1865, Mr. Fitch was appoint- 
, ed to the position, which he held until the expiration of his term 
in January, 1867. Sliortly after that time he was nominated for 
Representative fr(5in Nevada to the Forty-first Congress, and was 
elected by a large majority. 

On taking his seat in the House of Representatives Mr. Fitch 
was assigned to the Committees on Public Lands and the Post- 
Office and Post-Roads. His voice soon came to be heard with 
special interest in the debates of the House. His principal speech 
of the first session was on the Bill for the Reconstruction of 
Mississippi. Early in the second session, on the evening of Decem- 
ber 16, he delivered his masterly speech on the affairs of Cuba. 
Two or three days afterward he was heard briefly on the Georgia 
Reconstruction Bill. January 1-1, 1871, he spoke at length on the 
bill to admit Virginia to representation. About a month follow- 
ing this was his speech on the bill for the enforcement of the laws 
in Utah, and subsequently his speech on the Sutro Tunnel Bill. 
He spoke also on the Joint Resolution relative to the Cuban con- 



4 THOMAS FITCH. 

test, on Chinese Emigration and Suffrage, on the resolution. to 
defray expenses of Indian Delegations, on General Amnesty, and 
various other subjects. 

To Mr. Fitcli, as well as to other leading speakers in Congress, 
it is difficult to do justice in brief paragraphs taken from elab- 
orate and well-sustained speeches ; yet an extract or two must be 
indulged illustrative of the style characterizing an orator who made 
no ordinary impression upon the House and the country during his 
short service in Congress. In his speech on the admission of Vir- 
ginia Mr. Fitch thus eloquently sets forth the real objects of the 
late war : 

Have not some of us forgotten or failed to realize and appreciate the real 
object of the late war and of the reconstruction legislation which followed that 
war ? He must be blind indeed to the sources of human motive who does not 
understand that the reigning animating jiurpose of the American people was 
essentially to preserve the geographical integrity and political unity of the 
United States of America. And to this was added, as an outgrowth of the war, 
the not less lofty determination to extend the scepter of freedom over every 
human being dwelling beneath the shelter of its flag. Sir, to accomplish this 
result war was made upon a gigantic scale ; and never before was war made 
with so pure, so just, so generous a purpose. Our people did not fight for 
power, for conquest, or for vengeance ; not to extend our boundaries, not to 
obtain conunercial advantages, not to punish those who assailed us; but for the 
grand and patriotic purpose of preserving the Government our fathers founded, 
and making this the free nation of which our fathers dreamed. 

On the subject of Chinese immigration and suffrage Mr. Fitch 
thus forcibly expressed his views: 

I do not believe in the cheap laVior which supplants contented and well-paid 
toil, nor in that social theory which would force the Caucasian to rival the 
domestic economy of the Asiatic. I do not believe in the policy of introducing 
extensively into this country a race who have a distinct civilization, religion, hab- 
its, and language of their own ; a race who are alike incapable and unworthy 
of assimilation with ours ; a race with whom polygamy is a practice and female 
chastity is not a virtue; a race who are thrifty in habit, yet slothful in thought ; 
apt, yet retrogressive ; educated, yet without newspapers ; courageous, yet without 
self res]u'ct; honest in monetary aftairs, yet without moral principle ; faithful to 
obligations, yet utterly destitute of any regard for the truth ; a race which rears 
no families and acquires no landed property among us, possesses no past and 
hopes for no future in common with our civilization, and whose members are 
of their own will perpetual strangers in this land, where they never design to 
remain, and from which they contract to have even tlieir dead bodies exported. 



JOHN FOX. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-lirst Congress Mr. Fox served on tlie Com- 
mittees on Post-Offices and Post- Roads, Mileage, and Enrolled 
Bills. He made no formal speeches. His most extended remarks 
occurred in a colloquy pending the discussion of the bill for the 
enforcement of the Fifteenth Amendment. 

" The gentleman from Massachusetts," said Mr. Fox, referring to 
Mr. Butler, " very kindly rose in his place to give us some informa- 
tion, and that information was that the city of Richmond had been 
carried by four hundred majority for the Republican ticket. I de- 
sire to give the other side of the House some information. The 
full vote cast at the late election in the State of New York has 
been declared, and there was a majority of ninety-one thousand 
for the Democratic ticket. I think the passage of this bill to 
enforce the Fifteenth Amendment will increase that majority." 

" Allow me a single word," responded Mr. Butler, " and that is, 
that if they had needed more votes in New York they could have 
got them." 

" The Democratic majority outside of the city of New York is 
thirty thousand," continued Mr. Fox. 

" I want to say," interposed Mr. Garfield, " that there are eighty- 
eight thousand illiterate people in the State of New York : men 
who cannot read or write." 

" What is to prevent you," asked Mr. Lynch, " from making a 
majority as large as you please without the Fifteenth Amendment?" 
Pending the consideration, in Committee of the Whole, of the 
Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill, the clerk read as follows : 

For fuel, lights, and water for public buildings under the control of the 
Treasury Department, #225,000. 

Thereupon Mr. Fox moved to amend this clause by striking out 
the word " fuel," and added : 

In the city of New York the poor people are now freezing almost to death 
for want of fuel. This is caused by the legislation of the Republican party in 
this House. I do not see the necessity of making this enormous expenditure 
for the purj^ose of toasting the shins of Government employes m this city, friends 
of the Republican party in this House. Hence I move this aniendmeut. 



1 • JAMES A. GARFIELD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Garfield was Chairman of the 
Committee on Bankino- and Currency, and a member of the Select 
Committee on the Xintli Census. By this Committee he was 
charged with drafting a new bill for taking the census. The 
Committee sat more than two months during the summer recess, 
and tlie bill framed by Mr. Garfield was presented to the House 
on the third day of the ensuing session. The framer of the bill 
had the charge of it, ably presenting, explaining, and defending its 
several features, and after being discussed during eleven days, it 
passed the House by a large majority. The bill failed, however, 
in the Senate — a failure which was very generally regretted. In 
connection with the Census Bill Mr. Garfield prepared an extended 
report of one hundred and twenty pages, embracing the whole 
history of census-taking among ancient and modern peoples, and 
particularly its origin and history in this country. 

As Chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, Mr. 
Garfield conducted the Gold Panic investigation, giving forty days' 
labor to this subject, and writing out the Report, which covers 
twenty-three printed octavo pages, which, together with the testi- 
mony and appendices, makes a volume of four hundred and eighty- 
three pages. 

Mr. Garfield had charge of a bill, which became the law of July 
12, 1870, establishing free banking on a gold basis, and providing 
for the witlidrawal of the Three per cent. Certificates and the issue 
of national bank-notes in their place. In support of this bill he 
made two able speeches. He also participated in the debate in the 
matter of difference between tlie two Houses on the rig^ht to on'o-i- 
nate revenue bills, and made an elaborate speech on that subject. 
He also made a speech on the McGarrahan claim. 

On December 16, 1869, Mr. Garfield submitted to the House a 
resolution that "the proposition, direct or indirect, to repudiate 
any portion of the debt of the United States is unworthy of the 
honor and good name of the nation ; and that this House, without 
distinction of party, hereby sets its seal of condemnation upon any 
and all sucli propositions." This resolution was at once adopted 



^^-2^ 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 2 

by a vote of one hundred and twenty-four against one — eighty-six 
members being absent or not voting. 

In his speech on the Georgia question Mr. Garfield sympathized 
with the Bingham amendment, requiring a new election in Geor- 
gia in the fall of 1870, insisting that the right of extending the 
existing offices two years implied the right to extend them in- 
definitely. 

Mr. Garfield, pending the consideration of the Tax Bill, favored 
the continuance of the Income Tax, but somewhat modified ; and 
he proposed an amendment whose effect would be to abolish all 
that portion of this tax which relates to business — the making of 
money by engaging in work ; so that the whole weight of the 
income tax might fall upon realized wealth. " I desire," said he, 
" to remove the burden of this income tax from labor that it may 
rest exclusively upon capital." He stated the effect to be, that 
"whenever any man terminates his active career in life, and be- 
comes a mere capitalist living upon the profits of his wealth in- 
vested in some permanent form, that man's income will pay a tax. 
But whenever a man enters into a business, whenever he is a pro- 
ducer of wealth, whenever by his labor he makes use of his capital 
to increase the wealth of the nation, then he is to be exempted 
from the income tax." 

Mr, Garfield favored the retention of the Civil Tenure Law with 
modification. " In an hour of great emergency," said he, "to meet 
a great necessity of the nation, Congress enacted the Civil Tenure 
Law. I am one of those who not only voted for it, but believed 
that we were laying upon the President of the United States a 
restriction warranted by the Constitution. ... I think that the 
law is too rigorous. . . . Bat, sir, I shall not consent to the sur- 
render of the great Constitutional power that the Senate of the 
United States has over the appointments to, and removals from, 
office." In a speech on the bill to revive the navigation and com- 
mercial interests of the United States, Mr. Garfield maintained 
that the difficulty should not be obviated by subsidies, which are 

" odious to the American people." 

18 

/ 



J. LAWRENCE GETZ. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Getz continued to serve on the 
Committee on Public Expenditm'es, and he was also a member of 
the Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds. 

In a speech on the Internal Tax Bill he opposed the continuance 
of the income tax. and for the reasons following : 



o 



1. It is vexatious and inquisitorial in its character; it exposes every man's 
l)rivate affairs to the public gaze; it is unequal and unjust in its operation, and 
a fruitful source of perjury and fraud. 2. Its assessment is expensive, and ne- 
cessitates the retention in office of a vast army of assistant assessors or Govern- 
ment spies, who are as great a plague to the people and as voracious consumers 
of their substance as were the locusts of Egypt. 3. When this tax was imposed 
Congress gave a solemn pledge to the country that it should not be continued 
or renewed. . . . 

This tax, therefore, has expired by limitation of law. It was originally im- 
posed as a war tax. To re-enact it now, five years after the war has ceased, 
would be in effect imposing a new tax upon tlie people. To do this, at a time 
when the cry conies up to us from every part of the country for a reduction of 
the burdens of taxation, would be so gross an injustice to the patient and long- 
suffering tax-payers of the country that I cannot conceive how any gentleman 
who regards the honor of the Government or the duty he owes to his constitu- 
ents can be persuaded to record his vote in the athrmative. 

Mr. Getz addressed the House during this Congress on the 
Georgia Reconstruction Bill, and several other subjects. We ex- 
tract the following from his memorial speech on occasion of the 
death of Mr. Covode : 

Untiring industry, indomitable energy, frugality without parsimony, an in- 
tellect quick to apprehend, and a judgment remarkably acute to apjily the 
knowledge he acquired in his intercourse with men, were the elements that 
coml)ined to make his life, in a worUlly point ol view, a success. . . . 

John Covode had his faults, as who of us lias not? But whatever may be 
recorded against him in the great book of God's remembrance, there will also 
be entered to his credit many an act of kindness, many a generous deed, many 
a work of charity, many a token of pure friendship. His death was sudden ; 
so sudden and startling tliat when the intelligence first reached this city it was 
hardly credited. It was a surprise to all, and may I not say tliat none who 
knew him heard it confirmed without a pang of sorrow ? Like tlie great states- 
man of Kentucky, no man had warmer friends, and none more bitter enemies. 
Now that he has gone to "the undiscovered country, from whose bourne no 
traveler returns," the latter may properly imitate the magnanimity of Henry 
Clay, who, when it was expected that he would rejoice at the death of his life- 
long foe, bowed his head in sorrow and feelingly exclaimed, " When God lays 
his hand upon my enemy I take mine off." 



JAMES K. GIBSOK 



^^^AMES KIIS^G GIBSON was born in Abingdon, Virginia, 
^^ February 18, 1812. He received a common school educa- 
X^I tion, but before this had conducted him far in the learning 
of books he entered upon a course of practical business 
trainino- as clerk in a store. He went to Limestone County, Ala- 
bama, in 1833, and engaged in mercantile pursuits, but after re- 
maining a few years he returned to his native place, not to be lured 
away again in search of fortune elsewliere. 

He entered into mercantile pursuits in Abingdon, and continued 
to be thus engaged until 1840. Two years previous to this time 
he had been appointed Post-master by President Van Buren, and, 
Abington becoming a distributing office, his official duties became 
so arduous as to necessitate his retiring from his private business. 
He continued to be Post-master by re-appointments of Presidents 
Tyler and Polk until the close of the administration of the latter. 
He was appointed teller and clerk in the branch of the Exchange 
Bank of Virginia at Abington in 1849. He was also a Notary 
Public. He held both of these positions until after the war, when 
he became a farmer. 

He was elected a Eepresentative from Virginia to the Forty-first 
Congress as a Democrat, receiving M,508 votes against 5,960 for 
Smith, Ptepublican. His disabilities having been removed by act 
of Congress, he was sworn in January 28, 1870, taking the modi- 
fied oath prescribed by the act of July 11, 1868. He was ap- 
pointed a member of the Committee on Agriculture. He made no 
speeches, but otherwise deported himself as a faitlitW and efficient 
representative during his brief fragmentary term of service. 



OALYI^ W. GILFILLAK 




'ALYIN W. GILFILLAlSr was bom near Xew Castle, 
Pennsylvania, February 20, 1832, His parents were both 
American born, his father of Scotch and his mother of 
Irish descent. Being in humble circumstances, they 
could only give their son a common-'^school education, re-inforced 
by such home instruction as only Christian parents can give. He 
labored on the farm until eighteen years of age, preparing himself 
for teaching, principally by private study at home, with little help 
from schools. By, teaching school he provided himself with the 
means of pursuing a liberal course of study at Westminster Col- 
lege, Pennsylvania. For two years after completing his collegiate 
studies he was employed in teaching in an Academy, and in 1857 he 
was elected Superintendent of Public Schools for Mercer County, 
Pa. He studied law in the office of Hon. William Stewart, of 
Mercer, Pa., and was admitted to the Bar in the spring of 1859, 
and ser^'ed during a part of that year as transcribing clerk in the 
State House of Representatives, In 1861 he was appointed Dis- 
trict Attorney for Venango County, and was elected to the same 
position, and held the office for the term of three years. He con- 
tinued in the practice of his profession until 1868, when he was 
elected on the Republican ticket as Representative from Pennsyl- 
vania for the Forty-first Congress. 

Taking his seat as a member of that body March 4, 1869, he 
was appointed on the Committee on the District of Columbia and 
the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and War of 1812, 
Mr. Gilfillan made several speeches in the House, principally on 
financial subjects, one of which advocated the policy of funding 
the public debt. 





^PESSX'IlftlT.TS ?RGL'I PS1C^ISYL";?^S7 



JOHN A. GEISWOLD. 




^OHN A. GPJSWOLD was born in Greene County, New 



' j^ York, in 1827. He entered the profession of law, and in 



Ij^} 1856 was elected District Attorney of Greene County, 
which position he held for three years. In 186-1 he was elected 
County Judge, and continued in the otfice four years. In 1868 he 
was elected a Representative from New York to the Forty-first 
Congress as a Democrat. He served on the Committee on Coin- 
age, Weights, and Measures, and the Committee on Expenditures 
on the Public Buildings. 

In a speech delivered June 3, 1870, Mr. Griswold opposed the 
Income Tax, presenting an objection to its revival or continuance, 
which had not been distinctly raised during the debate: 

" By the third clause of section two, article one, of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, it is declared that — 

"Representatives and direct taxes shall be ajjportioned among tlie several 
States wWcb may be included within this Union according to their resjiective 
numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free 
persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other i)ersons. 

" From the provision of the Constitution referred to it is plain that 
all direct taxes imposed by the General Government must be appor- 
tioned among the several States of the Union as the Representa- 
tives in this House are apportioned, that is, according to the last 
census or enumeration of the inhabitants of all the States, to be 
determined on the basis of that provision. . . . This being a provision 
of the organic law of the Government prescribing the basis and 
limiting the manner of imposing direct taxes by this Government, 
of course any other mode or basis of imposing such taxes by Con- 
gress is without authority and in violation of the Constitution." 



1 CHAKLES HAIGHT. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Haiglit served on the Committee 
on Naval Aifairs. Among his speeches in this Congress was a plea 
in behalf of American citizens held as political prisoners under 
English authority. He complained that not only were citizens thus 
treated who had been tried and convicted, but such as had never 
been placed on trial, and were, therefore, presumed to be innocent 
of any offense whatever. He deprecated the tendency to make 
this a party question, and added : 

I do not propose, nor do I consider that tliis is tbe time, jjlace, or occasion, to 
indulge in language of commendation of our adopted citizens ; yet I am none 
the less sensible of the fact that the greatness, wealth, and prosperity of this 
nation, and the development of om- immense material resources, is, in a great 
degree, owing to the vast immigration to our shores of men of foreign birth, and 
the energy, zeal, and industry which our adopted citizens have always displayed. 
Our great works of internal improvement, our vast net of railroads that encom- 
pass the whole country, would not have been completed v/ithout this aid. But 
above and beyond uU this, in the hour of the nation's j)eril they were as true to 
the land of their adoption as the magnet to the pole. 

Another of the speeches of Mr. Haight favored a Government 
appropriation for improving the navigation of the Delaware river, 
and other rivers within the limits of New Jersey. Setting forth 
that tlie obstructions in the Delaware between Philadelphia and 
Trenton have materially diminished the commerce between the two 
cities, and that a removal of the obstructions to navigation was 
highly necessary to the prosperity of important manutacturing 
interests. 

In another speech, pending the question of the Tariff, Mr. Haight 

presented an interesting view of the potteries of the United States, 

and particularly of New Jersey, by which it appeared that this was 

the banner State in respect to this special branch of manufactures, 

Trenton alone numbering fifty-seven kilns : 

These potteries represent in real estate, stocks of ware and materials, and bills 
and accounts receivable, a capital of about $1,500,000. If worked to thek full 
capacity each of the above kilns ought to produce annually ware to the value of 
$35,000. Thus worked there would be consumed 30,000 tons of coal and 30,000 
tons of prepared clay. . . . They (the potteiies) have capacity to employ from 
twelve to fifteen hundred hands, to whom would be paid a weekly amount of 
wages of $10,000. 



CHARLES IIAIGHT. 2 

Eeferring to these and the potteries of the country generally, and 
to their rapid increase in number and capacity, Mr. Ilaiglit con- 
cluded that, if they should be protected by an adequate taritf, the 
United States would be no longer dependent upon England for 
her supply of earthen-ware. " It is stated," said he, " to be a fact 
that many of the American potteries are now producing white ware 
equal if not superior to English of the same grade. Every ingre- 
dient necessary is now being developed here, and we are, in tact, 
now using American clays, flint, spar, lead, and all the other articles 
used in its production, except the one article of boracic acid." 

One of the most interesting of Mr. Haight's speeches was that in 
support of an amendment submitted by him to the Sundry Civil 
Appropriation Bill. The proposed amendment provided for the 
pay of six experienced surfmen to man each of the boats at the life- 
saving stations on the Xew Jersey coast from December 1 to 
March 1. In his speech advocating this amendment he illustrated 
the inadequacy of the provisions already made for saving life on 
that coast. " The severe storms," he said, " occur generally in the 
winter season. My amendment is intended to have assistance at 
hand and aid ready at this most dangerous and doubtful period. 
It not only proposes to have aid, but it provides for the best and 
most efficient ; it provides that they shall be surfmen— men who 
live on the shore and are familiar with it. . . . These fishermen 
and surfmen, it is true, are not millionaires, nor do they live in 
ease or luxury. They maintain and support themselves and their 
families from the wealth of the waters ; but they are as brave, as 
o-allant, and self-sacrificing a set of men as ever lived. Without 
fee or reward, and in many cases with taunt and calumny as then- 
only' remuneration, they face danger, and in many cases death, to 
rescue the suffering and the dying from a premature grave. These 
men are often designated in the public journals as 'Barnegat pirates.' 
Those who thus characterize them do not know their worth, nor can 
they appreciate the services they render to the shipwrecked." . . . 

^71 



EIOHAED J. HALDEMA]^. 




'^ICHAKD J. HALDEMAK was born in Harrisburg, 



Pennsylvania, May 19, 1831. He studied at Captain Par- 
tridge's military scliool at Harrisburg, and graduated at 
Yale College, Connecticut, in 1851. The same year he 
visited Europe, and studied a short time in the Universities of 
Berlin and Heidelberg. In 1853 he went with Hon. John Y. 
Mason, United States Minister to France, as attache of legation 
in Paris, and later accompanied Hon. Thomas H. Seymour in a 
similar capacity to St. Petersburg. He traveled extensively 
throughout Scandinavia, Central and Southern Europe, and the 
far East. In 1857 he purchased the Harrisburg Daily Patriot 
and Union, and edited it until 1860. In that year he was elected 
a Delegate to the Charleston and Baltimore Convention. In 1868 
he was elected a Representative from Pennsylvania to the Forty- 
first Congress as a Democrat. Subsequently to his election to 
Congress he married a daughter of Hon. Simon Cameron. 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Haldeman served on the Select 
Committee on the Ninth Census. His first speech was on the bill 
for taking the Ninth Census, in which he said : 

I had hoped that it would be deemed i^racticable to make a de facto and 
actual enumeration of this people, and on one clay. It is the recommendation 
of statistical congresses of Europe, composed of the ablest statists of their re- 
spective countries, and is strongly urged by such men as Baron Quctelet, Mon- 
sieur Legoyt of France, Dr. Farr of London, and Dr. Engel of Berlin. It is the 
accurate and scientific method by which you obtain an enumeration of the 
people as they are on a fixed day, arresting as it were the wheels of individual 
and national life, photographing the nation with its vital and material forces, 
with its pursuits and industries, with its aggregate weaUh and its aggregate 
income. 

Z&2> 







c 





EuaE:NrE hale, 






I^IUGENE HALE was bora id Turner, Oxford County, 
^^^ Maine, Jmie 9, 1836. He studied law, was admitted to 
<^&;f the Bar, and commenced practice in 185T. He was for 
nine years Attorney for Hancock County, He was a 
member of the Leo;islature of Maine in 186T and 1868. He was 
subseqnentl}'- elected a Representative from Maine to the Forty-first 
Congress, and taking his seat March 4, 1869, he served on the Com- 
mittees on Elections, Naval Affairs, and Expenditures in the State 
Department. 

Mr. Hale's first speech in the House was on the occasion of the 
announcement of the death of Mr. Fessenden, when, after speaking 
of the loss wliicli the elder statesmen had sustained by this event, 
he added : 



But to tlie young men wlio are just entering public life the deprivation is 
even greater. Tliat life with its temptations and seducements is all before us. 
There are tricks and shams and intimidations that are set as pitfalls in our 
paths. With much that is noble and inspiring about us, there are manifold 
inclinations to sloth, to fickleness, and it may be to corruption. Who can tell 
whether he has not akeady set his feet in the way that leads down to moral 
death ? We need the tones of that voice which never directed the coward's 
retreat; the splendid calm of that clear face that kept its serenity when the bat- 
tle around him was at its thickest ; we need the actual sight of and associa- 
tion with him, and all such as he was, who by example and precept elevate our 
aims, establish our character, and make us truly pul)lic servants for the public 
good. And for him who, connected with public alKiirs, seeks to build up an 
honorable reputation, what better course can be given than to emulate the 
steadfastness, the sobriety, the justice of William Pitt Fessenden ? 

In a speech on the apportionment of representation, January 17, 
1870, Mr. Hale argued with much ability that the number of mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives should not be enlarged. 



SAMUEL HAMBLETOIS^. 




^AMUEL HAMBLETOI^r is a native of Talbot County, 
Maryland, and was born in 1812. He still resides in the 

(A^ home of his ancestors, who were among the early settlers 
of Maryland. He was educated at the county academy, 
which afforded excellent facilities for liberal literary culture. He 
studied law, and was admitted to practice in 1833. 

Great political questions were at that time agitating the public 
mind, and excitement running very high was felt among all classes. 
It is not strange that the young lawyer, whose home was so near 
the national capital, the source of political power for the country, 
should be affected by the pervading influence, and we find him in 
the State House of Delegates in 1831. He served in the same 
body the next year, and again nearly twenty years later. In 
1844 he was a Presidential Elector, and at the same time was 
elected to a seat in the State Senate, in which he served until 1850. 

For many years succeeding he was out of political office, devoted 
to professional duties, which were interrupted, however, by some 
two years of service as President of the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. 
After many years of successful participation in business and legis- 
lation in his native State, he first entered actively into national 
politics in 1868, when he was elected a Kepresentative from the 
first district of Maryland as a Democi-at, receiving a majority of 
8,097 votes. During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Hambleton 
served on the Committees on Territories and Expenditures on the 
Public Buildings. Though attentive to his duties as a legislator, 
and careful of the interests of his constituents, he made no speeches 
durino- his first term in Congress. He was re-elected to the Forty- 
second Congress, receiving a majority of 3,966 votes. 



PATRICK HAMILL. 



^^\ ATRICK HAMILL was born in Green Glades, Alle- 
ghany County, Maryland, April 28, 1817. He was educated 
J^/ at the private schools of the country, and engaged in agri- 
cultural and mercantile pursuits. In 1841 and 1812 he 
served as collector of taxes, and at the close of his term in this 
office he was elected a member of the Maryland House of Delegates, 
in which he served two years. He was appointed, and served three 
years as Judge of the Orphans' Court of Alleghany County, and 
was then elected to the same office for four years more. In 1867 
he was elected Chief Judge of the same Court. 

In 1868 Mr. Ilamill was elected a Eepresentative from Maryland 
to the Forty-first Congress as a Democrat, receiving 12,239 votes 
against 11,653 votes for Weisel, Republican. When he presented 
himself to take the oath, March 4, 1869, objection was made that 
" at the beginning of the Rebellion he furnished aid and comfort to 
the enemies of the United States ; that he persuaded men to enter 
the Confederate service ; that he loaned a horse to a Confederate 
officer for that purpose ; and that he conducted himself as an enemy 
to the country and its institutions and laws, and to such an extent 
that he severed his relations with his Church for the purpose of 
joining a southern organization." 

It seemed, however, that the charges were groundless, as a, let- 
ter was introduced from the opposing candidate, who bad instituted 
an investigation with a view to contesting the seat, stating that he 
found nothing which impeached the loyalty of Mr. Hamill. He 
was sworn in on the 5th of March, 1869, and was assigned to serv- 
ice on the Committees on .Public Expenditures and ExiJenditures 
in the Navy Department. 



CHARLES M. HAMILTON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mr. Hamilton served on the 
Committee for the District of Colnmbia and the Committee on 
Education and Labor. True to his position as a member of these 
committees, and the representative of a Southern constituency, he 
labored to ameliorate the condition of the colored people. His first 
speech in this Congress was on the bill for the relief of the poor of 
the District of Columbia, of which the following is an extract : 

Mr. Chairman, is it not the religions duty of the Government, whicli has ex- 
clusive control of the affairs of the District of Columbia, to provide for the 
helpless and needy whom misfortune finds within its borders? Does it matter 
how they came here ? If it does, then a greater reason can be found why the 
General Government should hasten to make this essential provision for their aid, 
comfort, and support. They are not properly the poor of Washington, nor of 
the District, but are the poor of the nation, whom the dangers and calamities 
of war impelled hither. Thousands of them, white and black alike, came from 
Maryland, from Virginia, and from all parts of the South, driven by the armies, 
escaping from the chains of slavery, fleeing from the terrors of rebellion here to 
the home of safety and freedom. Where else should they, could they, flee than 
to the capital of their country ? It was by no choice, possibly, of their omi that 
they came; it is by no choice, possibly, of their own that they remain here. 
Numbers of them are indigent, helpless, friendless, and cannot get away, and 
desire to pass the few remaining years of a weary pilgrimage in the nation's 
Mecca. The summer of their lives was spent in the compulsory, unrequited 
service of others, else they had laid up support against this day of want. AVe 
may complain that those among them who are physically able to help them- 
selves should call upon the Government for assistance. Hundreds are ready and 
willing to earn their livelihood, but cannot find emiiloyment. There are no 
mills or factories, and but limited public works in operation here, and their 
want of employment is as great as their want of the absolute necessities of life. 
They call for both. Their cry for food is loud. Shall they call in vain ? We 
are told that starvation stares them in the face. Shall the Government be less 
benevolent than individuals ? The city, owning but one half of the property of 
the District, is doing its duty to them; and shall the Government, owning the 
other half, on which it pays no taxes, fail in the equal duty it owes to its needy 
citizens? Where else than here, under the very shade of the Capitol, are such 
meao-er provisions made for the amelioration of the condition of the indigent ? 
Let us blot out this reproach by a unanimous passage of this bill for the relief 
of the poor at the seat of Govemment. Unless gentlemen have visited the 
Island, and places without the city l)Ut within the District— the environs of the 
city— they can have no knowledge of the extent of the destitution or the lament- 
able condition of the poor people here, hundreds of whom are totally physically 
unable to earn their daily bread. Illy supplied with clothing and fuel, it is 
fortunate for them, and fortunate for the consciences of the authorities, that the 
winter has been so gentle. 




..sFiJar' 



itl 




CJt^ ^^vi^i^^^'C^ 



GEOEGE E. HAERIS. 



^^EOKGE E. HAERIS was born in Orange County, North 
^^ Carolina, January 8, 1827. In 1830 Lis parents removed 
%JX to Carroll County, Tennessee, where his father, a man of 
very limited means, engaged in planting. At the age of 
seventeen his rising ambition and desire to see the world induced 
him to leave his home. "Working his way southward, he arrived 
near Hernando, De Soto County, Mississijjpi, without money, 
friends, or education, and commenced life fur himself, working 
on a farm two years for small wages. He then commenced 
planting on a small farm when the country contained but a 
sparse population and was almost a wilderness. By energy 
and industry he soon acquired a limited English education, and 
commenced teaching a country school, and continued to teach and 
study for three years. He then commenced reading the law with- 
out a preceptor, and at the age of twenty-seven he was admitted to 
the bar to practice in the Courts of the State. His practice 
steadily increased, and his kindness of manner and promptness and 
attention to business, whether for the orphan, the widow, or the 
poor, and whether they had money or not, gave him a sufficient 
practice to sustain himself at the bar and to support his family 
until the breaking out of the late war. Having been an Old Line 
Whig and a stanch Union man, he persisted in his love for the 
Union until his State went out and the war became sectional, then 
he went into the Confederate Army, and there remained until tlie 
surrender, when he saw his predictions fulfilled in the defeat of the 
Confederate cause. At the close of the war in 1865 he was elected 
District Attorney of the Seventh Judicial District of Mississippi, 
receiving a plurality vote over five opposing candidates of known 
ability and popularity, and was re-elected in the fall of 1866 by a 



2 GEORGE E. HARRIS. 

handsome majority. In this position he had to prosecute with a 
heavy calendar of crime, and to meet and combat the combined 
talent of the bar of North Mississippi, which has but few 
superiors in America. He held the office until February, ISGO, 
when the Act of Congress removing all officers who could not take 
the " test oath " of 1862 couipelled him to relinquish the position, 
to the regret of his many friends, but to the satisfaction of evil- 
doers, to whom he had so long been a terror. 

In March, 1869, he received from Brevet Major-General Gillem 
(then Commander of the District) the appointment of Circuit Judge 
of his Judicial District, but, being unable to take the oath, did not 
accept. 

On the 20th of October, 1869, he received the nomination from 
the Eepublican party as candidate for Congress for the unexpired 
term of the Forty-first and full term of the Forty-second Congress, 
as provided by the State Constitution. He did not seek the nomi- 
nation, attend the Convention, or promise to accept; but, in his 
absence, Hon. J. W. Yance, of Hernando, and the Chairman of the 
Nominating Convention, in pledging to the Convention tlie accept- 
ance of Mr. Harris, paid him the following tribute : " In pledging 
you the acceptance of Colonel Harris of the honor of being your 
standard-bearer, I am proud to say to you that in long years past 
I have been intimately associated with him in personal and busi- 
ness relations. I know him to be a man of spotless honor, pure 
integrity and morality, a noble and honest gentleman, whose elec- 
tion will reflect credit to our party and do honor to our selection." 
After a brief and exciting canvass he was elected by nearly four 
thousand majority. 

Taking his seat as a Kepresentative from Mississippi in the 
Forty-first Congress February 23, 18Y0, Mr. Harris wa# assigned 
to the Committee on Kailways and Canals and the Committee on 
Freedmen's Aifairs. He took an active part in all the legislation 
of that Congress that promised good for his section of the country, 
especially the general amnesty of the citizens and the construction 
of the Southern Pacific Kailroad. 



JOIIN B. HAWLEY. 




'Oim B. IIAWLEY was born in Fairfield County, Con- 
necticut, February 9, 1831, and went to Illinois Math his 
parents when quite young. He studied law, and on cora- 
ino; to the bar in 1852 settled in Rock Island. In 1856 he 
was elected State Attorney, serving four years. In 1861 he en- 
tered the Union army as Captain, and took an active part in the 
battles of Forts Henrj^ and Donelson, receiving injuries in the last 
engagement which made it necessary for him to retire from mili- 
tary duty in 1862. In 1865 he was appointed by President Lin- 
coln postmaster of Rock Island, and was removed the year follow- 
ing by President Johnson, 

He was elected a Representative from Illinois to the Forty-first 
Congress as a Republican, and entering upon his duties as such 
March 4, 1869, he was appointed to the Committee on Pulilic 
Lands and the Committee on Freedmen's Afiiiirs. His first 
speech, delivered January 1-4, 1870, was on the admission of Vir- 
ginia, of which the following are the closing paragraphs : 

Virginia, desiring to cliange the likeness of God in human form into a tiling 
of traffic, and forever to bind the slave with fetters so strong that they could 
not be broken, made war upon this nation, and fought until her strength was 
exliausted. Then, and not till then, did she submit, when she fought us until 
she could fight no more ; and now, covered with the scars of war that treason 
has made, she comes with naught but violated oaths upon her lips, and the 
blood of Union soldiers upon her hands. You ask me to trust her implicitly; 
you ask me to receive her again and welcome her with joy, without a pledge or 
a guarantee for the future which she may not break. 

Sir, I hope Virginia will fulfill the highest expectations of her most sanguine 
friends upon this floor. I hope the day will come when the wounds the war 
has made will all be healed, and when the South, clothed in the fair garments 
of universal liberty and equal political rights to all men, shall fully redeem and 
keep the pledge she has made. As a nation, the future, with all its possibilities, 
is before us. In our hands, to a great degree, is uow placed its present and its 
future welfare. . . . 



JOH]^ B. HAY. 




OIIN B. HAY was born in Belleville, Illinois, January 8, 
1834. lie received a common-school education, worked on 
«> a farm, and in his sixteenth year became a printer. He 
subsequently studied law, and devoted himself to the pro- 
fession in his native town. He was for eight years State's Attorney 
for the Twenty-fourth Judicial District of Illinois, and subsequently 
served in the Union army during the war for the suppression of 
the Bebellion. He was elected a Eepresentative from Illinois to 
the Forty-first Congress as a Republican. Taking his seat in Con- 
gress March 4, 1869, Mr. Hay was assigned to the Committees on 
Invalid Pensions and Expenditures in the Post-Office Department. 
His first speech in the House was during the discussion of the reso- 
lution to print the Report of Mr. Wells, Commissioner of the 
Revenue, January 20, 1870, on which occasion, half a minute of 
time having been allowed him, he said : " I sanction and indorse 
all that has been said here to-day against the high protective tariff 
which is now oppressing the energies of the American people, and 
doing more to impoverish this nation than any thing else that has 
ever taken the shape of legislation." 

On the 26th of March following Mr. Hay had an opportunity of 
more full}' discussing the tariff question, which he did in an able 
and elaborate speech occupying twenty-five columns of the Co7i- 
gressional Olobe. The following brief quotation comprehensively 
sets forth his views : 

I am therefore in favor of the reduction of taxation, both of tariff and ioter- 
nal taxes, to the lowest amount consistent with raising revenue sufficient to 
meet the expenses of the Government, to discharge the interest of the national 
debt, and to maintain the national credit. And, sir, this reduction should 
reach at least $80,000,000 ; and $40,000,000 of this reduction, I hold, should be 
applied to the reduction of tariff" taxation. . . . 

7 ST 



CHAELES HATS. 




iHARLES HAYS was born in Greene County, Alabama, 
February 2, 1834 ; lie was educated at the University of 
Georgia and at the University of Virginia. lie devoted 
himself entirely to agricultural pursuits, and became one 
of the largest planters in Alabama. He was elected to the Con- 
stitutional Convention of Alabama in 1867, and \vas one of the 
framers of the present Constitution of that State. He was elected 
to the State Senate of Alabama in 1868, and while a member 
of that body was elected a Eepresentative to the Forty-lirst Con- 
gress as a Republican, receiving 17,213 votes against 5,228 votes 
for his opponent. 

Mr. Havs was admitted to his seat December 7, 1870, on taking 
the special oath prescribed by the act of July 11, 1868, and was 
assigned to the Committee on Naval Aifairs. His first speech in 
the House, March 21, 1870, was on the Tariff, and was especially 
interesting as presenting the views of the southern planters. He 
afiirmed his " adherence to the old principle that, with economy in 
the public expenditures, revenue should be the object, and protec- 
tion only the incident," and added : 

Presupposing the fact that the industrial and productive interests of the 
South are matters of as much moment and concern as those of any other sec- 
tion, -when it is considered that we produce in the single item of cotton an 
annual crop to the value of $300,000,000, I feel warranted in stating that the 
public sentiment in the planting States is utterly opjjosed to any policy of pro- 
tection that will operate unequally. I am warranted also in urging that the 
planting States do not object to a reasonable tariff from which a fair revenue 
may be derived wherewith to support an economical Government, but they 
seriously disagree with any policy of protection which forces them to pay large 
prices for certain commodities and necessaries when the only competition in 
the market is that which, close corporations may see fit to extend. 

19 



EGBERT S. HEFLIE". 



5^5i?OBERT S. HEFLIN was born near Madison, Georgia, 
^^^C April 15, 1815. He enioved the advantages of an aca- 
ti^^M demic education. On the breaking out of hostilities with 
'^^'^ the Creeks in 1836 he volunteered, and did efficient service 
ao-ainst the hostile Indians. He was elected Clerk of the Superior 
Court of Fayette County, Georgia, in 1836, and served four years, 
having been re-elected in 1838, He studied law, and was admitted 
to the bar in 1810, and served in the State Senate of Georgia dur- 
ing that and the following year. In 1844: he removed to Randolph 
County, Alabama. He was a member of the House of Representa- 
tives of Alabama in 1849, and of the State Senate in 1857, 

Mr. Heflin was an uncompromising Union man during the War 
of the Rebellion, and was compelled to leave his home to save his 
life. He passed through the lines to the Union army at Rome, 
Georgia, and subsequently accompanied General Sherman's com- 
mand to Savannah. He was appointed Judge of Probate in 1865 
by Provisional Governor Parsons, and was subsequently elected to 
that office, which he held until the State was admitted into the 
Union. He was a Republican elector for the Third Congressional 
District, and as such aided in casting the vote of Georgia for Grant 
and Colfax. 

Mr. Heflin was elected a Representative from Alabama to the 
Forty-iirst Congress as a Republican. He served on the Commit- 
tee on Invalid Pensions, from which he reported numerous bills for 
the action of the House. He introduced a general bill for the 
removal of disabilities from the people of Alabama, and, failing to 
secure its passage, he proposed numerous special bills for the same 
purpose. His most elaborate speech, made during the Forty-first 
Congress, was in advocacy of the removal of political disabilities. 



2f^ 



JOHN HILL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Hill served on the Committee 
on Post-Offices and Post-Roads, and on the Committee on Coin- 
age, AYeights, and Measures. On the 2d of June, 1870, he made 
a speech on the Income Tax in which he said : 

Wlien the income tax was first imposed it was in time of war, at a time and 
under circumstances that called for immediate help to meet the expenses of the 
Government, and the citizens of our country resiaonded cheerfully to the call 
made upon them by this tax ; but the great necessity for the continuation of 
the'tax has passed away, and the continued drain on the people by taxation, 
so far as the income tax is concerned, is now imcalied for. The people have been 
willing to pay liberally for the support of the Government and the reduction 
of the debt. They now ask to be relieved of these heavy taxes, especially the 
income tax, and ask that the next generation help to bear some of the burdens 
of taxation. The country is growing rajjidly, its resources are fast being devel- 
oped, and in twenty-five or thirty years, with an increased population and gen- 
eral prosperity, which we have every reason to anticipate, the burdens will bear 
lightly, and our debt can be much more easily paid than at the present time. 

As it now stands, it bears directly and indirectly very hard on the working- 
man and the mechanic, skilled or unskilled, engineers, clerks, book-keepers, 
doctors, teachers, professors, lawyers, and clergymen, and a vast number of 
men of moderate means whose income depends on bodily and mental labor. 
It is unfair that they should be taxed like tiiose whose income is derived from 
invested wealth. With the former class death and sickness cuts off the in- 
come, leaving the family dependent, while with the latter it continues after 
death for the benefit of the family. 

It is contended that the tax is a popular one because the revenue it produces 
comes from the ricli and wealthy. The gentlemen who use such arguments 
forget that most of the rich and wealthy men who have incomes to retui'n 
receive them from the jDrotits of their business; and in the end a greater por- 
tion of it comes directly and indirectly from the workiugmen, mechanics, 
clerks, and others in their emj^loy, who in many instances are paid less Aages 
in order that these taxes can be met and paid. Therefore I hold that the in- 
come tax bears unjustly and hard on this most worthy and industrious class of 
citizens. I ask the gentlemen of this House to take a broad view of this matter, 
looking over the whole country, and the general bearmg of the income tax on all 
the peojjle, and impose no tax-law the tendency of which would be to create 
bad feeling against the Government because of its unequal and unjust pro- 
visions. 

In a speech delivered January 27, 1870, Mr. Hill advocated the 
abolition of the Franking Privilege, a measure which he said would 
"save millions of dollars and lead to other economies in expendi- 
ture, and, better than all, pave the way eventually for the adoption 
of that great boon to the people, popular penny postage." 



TPvUMAlsr H. HOAG. 



• 
l^c^K^ RUMAK II. HOAG belonged to that class known as 
"substantial business men." His life was mainly de- 
voted to mercantile pursuits, with the success that capac- 
ity, industry, good health, and unblemished integrity 
seldom fail to achieve. Though decided in his political opinions 
he was not a politician, nor did he aspire to political distinction. 
The only office he ever held was that of Eepresentative in Con 
gress,.and that was thrust upon him. In a district in which his 
political opponents largely predominated he was elected by over 
nine hundred majority. This result was owing more to the esteem 
felt for him by his neighbors, and their confidence in his sound 
ludo-ment and untarnished character, than to any other cause. He 
was, indeed, a man worthy of their trust and affection ; punctual 
and faithful in all he undertook, clear-sighted and resolute in the 
discharge of his duties, yet singularly modest, and wholly devoid 
of affectation. 

Mr. Hoag was born near Syracuse, Xew York, April 9, 1816. 
In 1848 he removed to Toledo, Ohio, where he ever after resided. 
He took his seat in Congress on the 4th of March last. He came 
to Washington at the commencement of the present session, appar- 
ently in the most perfect health. No member of his age seemed 
to have a fairer prospect of a long and happy life. Blessed with 
health, cheerfulness, competency, friends, and a loving and be- 
loved wife and children, his pathway of life lay bright and beauti- 
ful before him ; but in an instant, as if to show what shadows we 
are, he was struck down by disease, and after lingering nearly 
seven weeks, retaining his mental faculties all the time, and suffer- 
ino- no pain, he calmly and quietly sank into the embraces of 
^Q2^i\i,—Ee7nar]i8 of Hon. A. G. Thurman in the United States 
Senate on the announcement of the death of Mr. Hoag. 



GEOEGE F. HOAR 




'EORGE F. HOAK was born in Concord, Massachusetts, 
August 29, 1826, Having pursued his preparatory stud- 

^.jJ> ies at Concord Academy, he entered Harvard College, in 
which he took high rank as a student, graduating at twenty 
years of age. He adopted the profession of law, and, graduating at 
the Dane Law School, Harvard University, he made his residence 
at Worcester, where he practiced successfull_y. 

Being fnlly occupied with his professional duties for many years, 
Mr. Hoar did no office-seeking and little office-holding. His neigh- 
bors, however, availed themselves of his services, so far as they could 
be secured, by sending him to the State House of Representatives 
in 1852, and tlie Senate of Massachusetts in 1857. 

In 1868 Mr. Hoar was elected a Representative from Massachu- 
setts to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, receiving 14,307 
votes, against 4,974 for Stevens, Democrat. As a candidate for re- 
election to the Forty-second Congress Mr. Hoar received 8,487 
votes, against 4,277 for Cook, Democrat, 1,734 for Johnson, Labor- 
Reformer, and 566 for Walker. Prohibitionist. The fallino- off in 
the aggregate illustrates the difference in the interest which the 
people take in the election in the Presidential campaign and the 
" off-year." The divided vote shows how little the intelligent peo- 
ple of Massachusetts allow their political position to be defined by 
party lines. 

Taking his seat as a member of the Forty-first Congress, Mr. 
Hoar was appointed on the Committee on Education and Labor 
and the Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the United 
States. He took an exceedingly active and efficient part in the 
business of legislation. In the bills and resolutions proposed bj- 



2 GEOEG^ F. HOAR. 

him, and in his speeches, he gave evidence of a philosophical states- 
manship, and a wise disposition to establish legislation on fnnda- 
mental principles. 

Mr. Hoar's principal efforts in the Fortj-first Congress were 
directed to securing the adoption of a measure to secure a system 
of national education. On the 26th of February, 18Y0, he intro- 
duced a bill to that effect, which was referred to the Committee on 
Education and Labor. He advocated this important measure in a 
speech of much ability on the 6th of June following. It was not, 
however, until near the close of this Congress, in January, 1871, 
that this measure, having been reported from the committee, came 
regularly before the House for consideration. In answer to an 
objection urged by Mr. Bird, Mr. Hoar thus set forth the object of 
the bill : 

There is no purpose in the mind of any man, so fur as I have heard, to remove 
from the State, from the township, or from the school district, the valuable and 
precious privilege of regulating their own institutions for education in their 
own way. Nobody proposes, as the gentleman from New Jersey seems to sup- 
l^ose, not to permit the States of this Union to educate their jjeople. But what 
is jjro loosed is not to permit them not to do it. That is all. This bill declares 
that whenever a State desires to establish and put in force a school system rea- 
sonably sufficient for the education of its children of school age, the matter of 
so doing shall be left to the entire and exclusive charge of that community. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, there are in this country to-day sixteen States which for 
the next ten years are to elect thirty-two Senators and ninety Reiiresentatives, 
in which there are receiving an education at all — including even those who go 
to school for a single week in tlie year — about one million three hundred thou- 
sand children against three million live hundred and seventy-five thousand of 
school age who arc receiving no sort of education whatever. 

In answer to Mr. M'Neely, who asked whence came the consti- 
tutional power to do as provided in the pending bill, Mr. Hoar 
cited the clause authorizing Congress to " make all laws which shall 
be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing 
powers," and then added : " Now I declare that there is not a 
power vested by this instrument either in the Congress or in the 
people toward the exercise and accomplishment of which the edu- 
cation of the people is not the surest, the most direct, and the 
cheapest way." 




"^-^^^iV 5W#2/"to^-^^ ■ 




HCN.S.L.HOGE 

lPRESENTATIVE from south CAROLINA 



'jp, BARNES ►"ISTORVOF CONGRESS 



SOLOMOK L. HOGE. 



"^I^^VjLOMON L. IIOGE was born July 11, 1836, of Yirginia 

^^ parentage, his father, Dr. Solomon G. Hoge, having been 

^i,4^ long a resident of Loudon County, Virginia, and his 

mother being a member of the Janney family, well known 

in the social and political circles of the Old Dominion. 

Soon after the breaking out of the war Mr. Hoge entered the 
Eiffhtv-second Regiment of Ohio Volunteers as First Lieutenant, 
and in May,' 1862, was promoted to a captaincy. Lie served under 
General Schenck in West Virginia, and participated in the battles 
of McDowell, Cross Keys, and Cedar Creek. He subsequently 
fought under General Pope at Freeman's Ford and White Sulphur 
Springs. In the second battle of Manassas he held an advanced 
position under a most destructive fire, by which he lost two-thirds 
of his men, the remainder of the re2;iment havino; meanwhile fallen 
some four hundred yards to the reai\ In this battle Captain Hoge 
was severely wounded in the neck and left shoulder. For gallant 
conduct he was brevetted Major. 

At the close of the war he was ordered South, and was placed on 
dutv at Charleston as Judi>;e of a Militarv Commission. Ho took 
an active part in the reconstruction of South Carolina, and after 
the adoption of the new State Constitution he was elected by the 
General Assembly Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. 

While on the bench he was elected a Representative from South 
Carolina to the Forty-first Congress from the District formerly 
represented by John C. Calhoun. He served on the Committee 
on Military Affairs. It being his duty to appoint a cadet to the 
Military Academy at West Point, he selected a promising colored 
youth, who, as the first of his race to enter that Institution, passed 
through a severe ordeal of persecution. 



WILLIAM S. HOLMAN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Holnian served on the 
Committees on Claims, on Commerce, and on tlie Causes of the 
Eeduction of American Tonnage. Pie earnestly advocated the 
principles of a Eevenue Tariff in opposition to the policy of Pro- 
tection. He was distinguished for his opposition to granting lands 
to corporations, and for his advocacy of the policy of holding them 
for the exclusive purpose of securing homesteads for actual settlers. 
His views on this subject are embodied in. the following resolution, 
which was offered by him and adopted by the House : 

Eeaoh-ed, Tliat in the judgment of tliis House the policy of granting subsi- 
dies in public lands to railroad and cither corporations ought to be discontinued ; 
and that every consideration of public policy and equal justice to the whole 
people requires that the public lands of the United States should be held for 
the exclusive purpose of securing homesteads to actual settlers under the home- 
stead and pre-emption laws, subject to reasonable appropriations of such lands 
for the purposes of education. 

He repeatedly advocated the passage of different bills proposing 
the repeal of all laws authorizing the disposition of the public lands 
except the homestead and pre-emption laws. On the 29tli of 
April, 1870, he delivered a speech on "Land Monopoly," of which 
the following is an extract : 

I protest against this monopoly of the public lands in the name of every 
laboring man in America. I protest against it in the name of every laboring 
man who comes with his wife and children to our shores, fleeing from the 
curse of land monopoly in the Old "World to rest under the shelter of equal 
laws in the New. I protest against this policy in the name of the shadowy 
future, the generations that are crowding upon us, for whom your policy will 
ripen like the fruit upon the Dead Sea, giving them a land teeming with opu- 
lence—opulence and corrupting luxury for the few; for the great multitude 
poverty and wretchedness— the melancholy lesson of history again repeated. I 
know that your policy will increase the wealth of this coimtry. If it were not 
so these lobl)vists would not be here. You will increase the aggregate of the 
wealth of the nation, but it will be the wealth which builds palaces, and fills 
the whole land with the sigh of labor struggling for relief. The true wealth 
of a nation and its only glory is a virtuous, laborious, and contented people. 

I protest against this policy because it is at war with every just idea of re- 
pu1)lican goveniment. It strikes a subtle and fatal blow at the just equality of 
our people ; it is appropriating to individual citizens what belongs to a whole 
people ; it is robbing the laboring man of his rightful heritage ; it closes upon 
him the door to a career of honoral)le ambition. . . . 



CHARLES H. nOLMES. 




'%IAELES II. HOLMES was born at Albion, Orleans 



County, New York, October 24, 1837. After receiving a 
y^ liberal edncation he studied law, and having been admit- 
ted to the bar he practiced his profession successfully in his 
native town, where he continues to reside. 

On the resignation of the Hon. ISToah Davis as Representative of 
the Twenty-eighth New York District in the Forty-first Congress 
Mr. Iluhnes was elected to fill the vacancy, receiving abont 2,300 
majority over the Democratic candidate. He took his seat in the 
House of Representatives on the first day of the third session of 
this Congress, December 6, 1870. He served on the Committee on 
Banking and Currency. He oftered a resolution providing for the 
printing of extra copies of the report on the trade between the 
States and the Provinces. He presented a petition from certain 
disabled soldiers, praying an amendment to the Homestead Bill, so 
that in the case of soldiers actual settlement shall not be necessary 
to a grant. Mr. Holmes also presented the petition of sixty-six 
survivors of the War of 1812, representing that they have never 
been granted any pensions for services in such war ; further repre- 
senting that such soldiers are of the average age of seventv-five 
years ; that many are suffering from sickness and want ; that all 
are more or less disabled by age ; that many are the occupants of 
poor-houses, etc. ; and praying that pensions be granted to all such 
soldiers and their widows. Tliis, the petition says, is not asked as 
a dole of charity, but as an honorable reward for services rendered 
in the defense of their country. During the brief remainder of the 
Forty-first Congress but little opportunity was aff'orded for a new 
Representative to do prominent service, yet Mr. Holmes served his 
constituents with faithfulness. 



SAMUEL HOOPER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr, Hooper was a member of the 
Committee of Ways and Means, of which he became Chairman 
after the resignation of Mr. Schenck, appointed Minister to 
Eno-land. He was also a member of the Committee on Coinage, 
Weights, and Measures. In a speech on the subject of Interna- 
tional Coinage Mr. Hooper presented much valuable information 
relating to this important reform : 

Two schemes or plans have been submitted, and are now under consideration 
in the Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures, which I will designate, 
for the purpose of easy reference, as follows : 

The French or franc scheme, recommended by the United States Commis- 
sioner at the Paris Conference in 1867, Hon. Samuel B. Ruggles, which proi3oses 
that the weight of the half eagle, or gold coin of the United States, shall be 
arte hundred and twenty-four and nineteen-twentieths Troy grains, for the pur- 
pose of making the half eagle conform to a French gold coin of twenty-five 
francs. 

The German or dollar scheme, which was so ably advocated by the gentleman 
from Philadelphia, [Mr. Kelley,] proposing that the gold dollar of the United 
States shall contain one and one-half grams of fine gold, and weigh one and 
two-third grams of standard gold, so that two dollars shall contain three grams 
of fine gold, and th»ee 'dollars in standard gold shall weigh precisely five 

grams. . . . 

The concurrence of Great Britain and of the United States is the requisite 
antecedent to the adoption of the French or franc scheme, and the concurrence 
of Great Britain and France is requisite to secure unification of coinage as pre- 
sented by the German or dollar scheme. 

In view of the political and commercial relations and predominance of Great 
Britain and the United States, uniformity in their coinage is of the greatest im- 
portance to tliose two nations; and there is reason to believe that any system 
that secured that conformity would be soon adopted by Prussia, and probably 
by the other nations of Northern Europe. 

The whole question, therefore, appears to demand that an attempt should be 
made to arrive at some agreement with Great Britain for an international coin- 
ao-e in which the narions of Continental Europe could be reasonably expected 

to 

to ioin at no distant period. 

A common coinage, if adopted, would produce great good. It would minis- 
ter greatly to human convenience. The merchant especially would feel the 
change; so would the traveler; so also would tlie emigrant. It will furnish 
facilities that will quicken commerce, travel, and emigration. The coinage of 
each country would then be cosmopolitan and enjoy universal citizenship. But 
this great good cannot be accomplished without efi'ort, without something even 
of sacrifice. Old habits must be abandoned. Prejudices must be given up. 
It remains to be seen which of the nations will take the lead in a generous sur- 
render to accomplish this desirable object. 



GILES W. HOTCHKISS. 



^pILES W. HOTCHKISS was bora in Windsor, Broome 
^^ County, New York, October 25, 1815. He received a 
^^ common-school education, and entered the profession of 
law, which he practiced in Bingharaton. He was elected 
as a Eepresentative from I^ew' York to the Thirty-eighth Con- 
gress, and was re-elected to the Thirty-ninth and Forty-Hrst 
Congresses. 

Taking his seat in Congress for the third time on the ttth of 
March, 1869, Mr. Hotchkiss was assigned to the Committee of 
Claims, and the Select Committee on the causes of the reduction of 
American Tonnage. His first speech in the Forty-first Congress 
was in opposition to a bill to relieve certain persons from legal and 
political disabilities, in which he said : 

I am for a general bill that sliall i^rescribe terras upon which every man may- 
be restored who cau comply with those terms. I lavor such a measure, not be- 
cause these men deserve it. not because I have any special aflection for rebels; 
but the people of these States now have the responsibility of self-government 
thrown upon tliem, and it will be a matter of convenience to them that they be 
allowed to select their own officers without having any obstacles in the shape 
of disabilities thrown in the way. They can juilge better there when men are 
proposed for office of their fitness for the positions for which they are offered 
than we can judge here. Let us go right at the subject at once, so that the 
people may be at liberty to select any man who can conform to the regulations 
we prescribe. 

Now, we want all the friends of what is called amnesty here to vote together ; 
for in any event we have to have two-thirds of this House to adopt any such 
measure. Do not let us begin by satisfying the clauns of A, and then the claims 
of B ; for just as fast as we satisfy these men they have no further interest in the 
subject. Let us block the wheels of legislation upon this subject until we can 
act once for all, and have it out of the way. This has been a staple in politics 
long enough. I, for one, am tired of it. 

^99 



EBON C. INGERSOLL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. IngersoU was Chairman of the 
Committee on Railways and Canals, and a member of the Com- 
mittee on Commerce. On the 9th of June, 1870, Mr, IngersoU 
delivered an elaborate speech on Finance, in which he advocated 
an expansion of the currency, adducing the lessons of history in 
support of his position as follows : 

There is no fact better attested by liistory than this : tliat that nation which 
from the earliest period to the present day has shown the greatest amount of 
public and individual enterprise has been that nation whicli has had the largest 
araoinit of circulating medium. . . . During all the period of the growth of the 
lloman Enipire there was a constant expansion of the currency ; of course I mean 
a coin currency, as a paper cuiTcncy was unknown at that time. There was no 
such thing known as a contraction of the circulating medium until the com- 
mencement of the decline of the Roman power. Under the reign of the Cesars, 
wheu the Roman Emjjire had reached the very acme of its power and grandeur, 
we find, upon the best authorities, that the coin circulation of the civilized 
world was between eighteen and nineteen hundred million dollars. This was 
in the year 14 ; and about this time the mines of Spain and Greece, which had 
p]-iucipally sui:)plied the world with coin, became exhausted, and a period of 
contraction set in, and with this contraction commenced the decline of the 
Roman Eoij)ii"e. 

The historian, Sir Arcliibald Alison, attriliutes the decline and lall of Rome 
to the falling oft" of the supply of the precious metals more than to all other 
causes combined. Rome owed more to the fact that she controlled the gold 
and silver mines of the world, and hence the coining of money, for her growth 
and iDower than to any and all other Causes. For many centuries Rome was the 
center of civilization, as she was the center of exchanges. She controlled the 
trade and commerce of other nations, as London does now, only to a greater 
degree, and for the same reason — by reason of her money power. 

At the period when contraction set in commenced at the same time the con- 
traction of her power. The contraction of money and the contraction of power 
kept pace with each other until the once grand and all-powerful Roman Emiju-e 
became extinct. At this period the circulating medium of the then civilized 
world hatl so far disappeared that Imt about one-tenth of the amount in circu- 
lation under the Cesars remained, not exceeding in amount $200,000,000. 

Now, Mr. Speaker, what was the effect of this contraction ujion the condition 
of Europe during that long period? That jjeriod included what is known as 
the " dark ages." Can any thing be more deplorable than was the condition 
of the human iamily during that long jjeriod of darkness and gloom ! Igno- 
rance and superstition were supreme; slavery and suffering were universal. The 
23eople sank down under the weight of their woes w'ithout ambition and with- 
out hope. The world literally slejjt, except when disturbed by some horrible 
nightmare of war having for its object the plunder and enslavement of a 
people. 



^ 



THOMAS A. JENCKES. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Jenckes served on five commit- 
tees, being Chairman of the Committee on Patents, of the Com- 
mittee on the Keorganization of the Civil Service of the United 
States, and of the House branch of the Joint Committee on 
Yentihition, and a member of the Committee on Retrenchment, 
and tlie Committee on the Revision of the Laws of the United 
States. 

He continued to devote much attention to the great work of 
reforming the civil service, with which he was so prominently 
identified in the preceding Congress. In the first session of this 
Congress be introduced the Civil Service Bill, and snpported it in a 
very able speech on the 5th of April, 1SG9. In the second session 
he reported the bill from the select committee on the civil service, 
and after three days' debate, in the morning hour, it was recom- 
mitted with several proposed amendments. He modified the bill 
to suit the recommendations of the President in his message to the 
third session, and caused it to be reported from the committee in 
the shape of a joint resolution. This resolution was ofiered by Mr. 
Trumbull in the Senate on the last night of tlie session as an 
amendment to the Civil Appropriation Bill, and was adopted. 
The effect of it is to give to the President the power of establishing 
reo-ulations for the admission of persons into the civil service, and 
to govern their conduct when admitted, thus giving him power to 
do all that was contemplated by the Civil Service Bill itself if it 
had become a law. 

Mr. Jenckes introduced a bill to establish a Department of 
Justice, which was referred to the Committee on Retrenchment, 
and was reported from that committee by him in April, 1870, be- 
coming a law substantially as reported. The scope of the bill and 
the reasons for its passage were very succinctly presented by him 
in his remarks opening the debate. 

He presented at the second session of this Congress a bill to 
revise, consolidate, and amend the patent and copyright laws. 
This bill was reported from the Committee on Patents in April, 
18T0. That portion of the bill M'hich relates to "trade marks" is 



2 THOMAS A. JENCKES. 

entirely new, and was drafted by Mr. Jenckes. In tlie course of 
the debate on this subject he addressed to the House a speech full 
of learning and eloquence. " Under the beneficent provisions of 
these laws," said he, " the result,s of the inventive genius of our 
people have developed and are now being developed in almost 
geometrical progression. . . . The rise of this inventive genius is 
not like that of the tide, which must reach its limits and recede, 
but like the increase and swelling of a river, which will not dimin- 
ish while its course, which is that of time itself, shall continue. 
There is nothing of M'hich this nation may be more justly proud 
than its jirogress in the industrial and useful arts. 'No greater and 
more beneficial results to mankind have been attained in the whole 
history of the race than have been accomplished within the last 
three quarters of a century and within this country. If we look 
liack over the whole history of invention we are surprised to see 
how meager and barren it is compared with what has been 
achieved almost within our time." 

Mr. Jenckes gave his efficient support on the floor of the House 
to the bill for the printing and distribution of the complete records 
of the Patent-Office, which was reported from the Committee on 
Printing. He made brief but pertinent and telling speeches on 
the subject of the revision of the laws, and on the salaries of the 
judges. 

As Chairman of the House branch of the Joint Committee on 
Yentllation, Mr. Jenckes made an elaborate report on that subject, 
containing a number of valuable reports and suggestions from en- 
gineers and others on the science of ventilation. 

At the close of his long and useful term of congressional service, 
at the termination of the Forty-first Congress, Mr. Jenckes had 
■the satisfaction of seeing that all th^ important measures of which 
he had had charge had become laws. The Bankrupt Law, the 
Department of Justice, the Eevislon of the Patent and Copyright 
Laws, and the reform in the civil service with which the President 
is now charged, are all statutory monuments to the wisdom and 
the statesmanship of Mr. Jenckes. 

3o^ 



JA5IES A. JOHNSON. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty -first Congress Mr. Johnson served on the Commit- 
tee on the Revision of the Laws and the Committee on Patents. 
Early in the first session he asked leave to offer a resolntion that in 
passing the resolution for the Fifteenth Amendment the House 
never intended tliat Chinese or Mongolians should become voters, 
which was refused by vote of 106 to 42. Pending the discussion 
of the Indian Appropriation Bill, Mr. Johnson gave the House 
some interesting statements concerning Indian reservations, three 
of which were in his own district : 

The Indians of California are a liarmless set of people. They are not warlike, 
as the Indians out npon the plains are, but when allowed to roam abroad they 
are like other Indians. They commit depredations upon the settlers ; that is, 
the Indians who are not settled upon reservations. They constantly commit 
depredations upon the settlers, and are all the time involving our fi'ontiers in 
war. I see by the papers received only this morning from California that in 
Humboldt and Trinity Counties, both of which are iu my district, the citizens 
have to keep up an armed force at their own expense for the puipose of keep- 
ing the Indians there in subjection. Last year I tried to get Congress to give us 
another reservation for the purpose of collecting these Indians who are now war- 
like, in order tliat we might make them, as the other Indians there ai'e, a peace^ 
ful and harmless people ; but in that eflfort I failed. 

In regard to the three reservations now kept up by the Government I will 
state this : that they cost less, in my judgment, than any other Indian reserva- 
tions that the Government has established anywhere iu the United States. 

It is true, as stated by my colleague, that these Indians are good farm hands, 
and that when the grapes are being gathered they will work in the harvest- 
fields. They will pick grapes, and are as useful a^ other hands upon a farm; 
but as soon as their labor ceases, unless there is some one to care for them, be- 
cause they are an ignorant people, they lapse back into vagrancy, and go about 
the country depredating upon the peojjle's stock, and become a perfect nuisance. 
Under the present system you will see by the appropriations for these reserva- 
tions in the j^ast few years that they are becoming almost self-sustaining. At 
the reservati<ms of Round Valley and Hoopa Valley they raise more grain than 
they need, and they sell it in large quantities to the settlers and the military 
posts near by. We have on these reservations, for the care of the young Indians, 
schools and churches ; and, taking the rejiort of the Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs at California, you will see that the Indians between the ages of six, seven, 
eight, and eighteen are in a fair way of becoming civilized. The proposition to 
do away with these reservations and to turn these Indians adrift ujjon the peo- 
ple of California, after we have got along with them so well under this system, 
is a monstrous idea in my judgment. I trust the House will not for one 
moment entertain the proposition to strike out these ajipropriations for the pur- 
pose of overthrowing the Indian reservation system in the State of California. 

Ms 



2 JAMES A. JOHNSON. 

On the twenty-third of March, 1S70, during the consideration of 
the Tariff* question, Mr. Johnson endeavored to secure more liberal 
legislation in behalf of the wine-growing interests of California. 
His speech on this occasion contains some interesting facts in 
relation to the productions of his State. The following are some 
of the more rhetorical portions of the speech : 

Among the best gifts to man is generous wine. It elevates bira to a level 
with the gods, and lie " dwells in mansions in the skies." In all ages of the 
world, to sit down in peace vmder the vine and fig-tree has been the ambition 
of those wishing happy repose. The fig-tree, like the olive, is said to be em- 
blematical of peace and plenty, health and strength, freedom of thought, and 
happiness in religion ; but it is only so when coupled with the vine. Of itself 
it blesses not peace and plenty, it gives not health and strength, it has nothing 
to do with freedom of thought or with religion. But the vine, so beautifid to 
look upon, with its blossoms or its clusters of luscious bunches hanging on its 
branches, adorns the farmer's home, makes the fiither and mother happy, 
cheerful, and contented, while the oflspring, when scattered through the world, 
look back to the old home as the most sacred spot on earth. Our home associ- 
ations, more than all things else, have filled our country with men of greatness. 
Let us aid them in every way to stamp a never-fading picture of the old family 
home upon the heart of every child in America. ... No man with soul can 
pass through the vine districts of California during that balmy, hazy season 
when the vines are rendering all nature mirthful and joyous, with their yellow, 
red, and golden vestments, and their rich clusters of luscious bunches, without 
thinking of the gods, and of tlie great blessings given to man by the one God 
supreme. . . . The grape-field is a joyous play-ground for children, remembered 
always with pleasurable emotions. For struggling manhood it has its charms; 
1)Ut for old age it has its greatest attractions in rustling leaves, shady bowers, 
the busy hum aliout the wine-press, the music of l)irds as their notes of praise 
eddy away upon the air made sweet by a world in bloom. Amid such scenes 
cheerful old age rises while the dew of heaven is still watering the flowers, and 
renders thanks continually all the day for the blessings of prosperous and 
smiling peace. . . . No one can have a conception of the Garden of Eden with- 
out first having seen our orchards and vineyards in bloom, and then seen them 
straining under their delicious biurdeus of fruit. Still it would appear from our 
legislation to be the deliljerate intention of the Congress to turn these beau- 
tiful and happy homes to hovels, the vineyards and orchards into desolate 
wastes. It is the hope of all who love California, notwithstanding the hostility 
of the Committee of Ways and Means, yet to see every farmer in the State 
devote a portion of his land to the growing of vines. The very nature of our 
soil and climate invited the farmer to do so until all were beginning to divide 
their grounds into vineyards, orchards, and grain-fields. But finally the farmer 
was notified that Congress had passed a law absolutely forbidding him to re- 
ceive any benefit from his grapes or other fruits over what he could eat. 



ALEXANDER II. JONES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty-first Congress Mi-. Jones was a member of the 
Committee on Revolution ar\' Claims and Public Expenditures. 
On the 1st of April, 1869, pending the bill for the reconstruction 
of Mississippi, feeling that he could not remain longer silent 
" without a keen remorse of conscience," he made a speech calling 
" the attention of Congress to the ill-fated class of Southern Union- 
ists." The following is an extract from the latter portion of this 
speech : 

Every effort of tlie Goverument should, without one hour's delay, be directed 
toward the casting out from our midst of this disgraceful murder system. We 
have cast out slavery, let us cast out manslaugliter. There is more humanity iji 
this work, and much more true glory, than in any other we have engaged in 
since the close of the war. The Government would have deserved infiuitcly 
more glory if the money and troojis that were employed last year in chasing 
and lighting the Indians had been employed in ferreting out and destroying 
the professional murderers of the truest ©f its citizens. That would have been 
a work acceptable to God and all honest men all the woild over. Now is the 
time to take the decisive step. The means at hand are more than ample, only 
the will seems to be wanting. Why allow gratuitously one single hour to em- 
bitter the existence of the Union women and children of the South ? Shall we 
wait for still fresher victims, or can it be that the protection of the Union ele- 
ment is a task l)cyond the power of the Government ? If so, let us say so un- 
disguisedly, and put an end to the deceptions of hope. . . . 

I heard a gentleman in this House endeavor to secure the sympathy of the 
Government for tlie Cretans, fighting against the Turks ; another honorable 
member eloquently recommended our protection to the people of San Domingo. 
Let me state that, with all due deference for the opinions and motives of these 
gentlemen, I, with my heart set on the woeful state of our Union brothers in 
many sections of the South, could not lielp feeling a kind of surprise in seeing 
such distant objects of sympathy introduced in this House. Nor could I ex- 
plain it by any other method than the common saying, that the things lying 
nearest to our eyes are frequently the least seen. It was but the other day that 
honorable gentlemen in the other House were earnestly discussing the c^uestion 
of protecting the furred animals of Alaska. Thrice happy quadrupeds ! But 
yesterday added to the household of Uncle Sam, and known to us only by 
tradition, and already you are subjects of particular solicitude I Whatever the 
real condition of these distant iceborn furred animals be, and whether they 
want our protection or not, one thing is very apparent to my mind, and that is 
that they have not to contend against such a savage, overbearing, cold-blooded, 
fiendish, and relentless foe as the Union-hating Ijanditti commonly called the 
Ku-Klux. I appeal to this Congress and to the Executive to hasten to the res- 
cue of our own kin and neighbors, to the rescue of those with whose miseries 
we are or ought to be fully acquainted, and whom we see being cut off day by 
day. 

20 



THOMAS LAURENS JONES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Jones served on the Committee 
on Banking and Currency, from which Committee he, with Hon. 
S. S. Cox, made the minority report on the " Causes of the Gold 
Panic." Mr. Jones was an earnest advocate of universal amnesty. 
Yery early in this Congress he offered a resolution designed to pro- 
mote this end, and his last act in Congress was to oifer, abont ten 
minutes before the final adjournment, a resolution for the removal 
of all political disabilities imposed by the Fifteenth Amendment of 
the Constitution. In support of the first resolution he made an 
elaborate speech, from which we make the following extract : 

The war is ended, the experiment fought out, secession dead, and the Union 
cemented in brothers' blood. Can you not appropriate the fame of these fallen 
heroes to increase the strength and splendor of the Union ? Can you not rise 
to the gi'andeur of forgiveness and perfect amnesty to their sons and followers, 
and all the survivors of this dreadful intestine war? Suppose, for a moment, 
that they had b^u the victors; can you imagine yourselves supiiliants for par- 
don and amnesty, and they requiring you to humble yourselves at their feet and 
kiss the rod that smote you? But in the glory of triumph, rich iji treasure, 
mighty in power, and on the high tide of boundless fortune, can you longer 
ojjpress and ostracize men of your own race who would be your brothers and 
build up your renown ? They are men like yourselves ; and if you expect them 
to acknowledge themselves traitors and felons, and come with suppliant knee 
and penitential reverence ; if you expect them to ignore the credit of their great 
struggle to themselves, their surviving brethren, or their dead chieftains, and 
cease to praise the valor and lament the loss in freedom's battle of their fathers, 
sons, and brothers, you will be mistaken. You might as well expect the waters 
of the Potomac to roll back to the mountains, or carry the mountains to the 
sea. No ; you may put their heads on the block, their bodies on the scaffold, 
or pluck their hearts Irom their bosoms, but you cannot make them forget their 
pride of race and manhood. Neither can they forget the achievements of their 
heroes or the fields of their glory. No, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen, treat them 
like men, make them your ti-iends by an act of perfect amnesty and grace, which 
shall be more beneficent in its influence than all your deeds of arms. Let them 
no longer pine in alienage and oppression. Give them not reason to exclaim, 

"But 'tis past, and though blazoned, in story 

The name of our victors may be, 
Accursed is the march of that glory 

Which treads o'er the hearts of tlie free." 

Mr. Speaker, the opportunity of the American Congress to restore a great 
brotherhood, to lift up and lighten heavy hearts, to reunite forty millions of 
people in interests, afiection, and joint eflbrts to promote the well-regulated 
liberty of our common country, is at hand and invites our embrace. 



NORMAN B. JUDD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Jiuld in the Fortj-first Congress served on the Committee 
on Banking and Currency and the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 
In discussing the bill for taking the Ninth Census Mr. Judd said: 

" The history of the past eight years shows how important accu- 
rate statistics of the wealth of the country and of all its material 
resources would have l)een to the legislator called upon suddeidy 
to devise and adopt a system of internal taxation necessary to the 
preservation of the credit, and I might say the life, of the country. 
Want of such information caused him to seize upon any means of 
devising a revenue, and it was not so much a question of equality 
in distribution as the amount that could be obtained. To-day our 
ci"edit, which has stood in the balance, is improving. The basis of 
that credit is our national wealth ; and a full and complete exhibi- 
tion of that national wealth will show, not only to the legislators 
who must levy the taxes to meet our indebtedness, but also to our 
creditors and to others, the means we have to meet our oblio-ations. 

"If the system proposed by this bill shall be faithfully carried 
out. Congress will have the information to enable it to deal justly 
with all the varied interests — relieving those that are oppressed by 
taxation, and making the burdens fall upon those that can most 
easily bear them. The national importance of this measure being 
conceded by every gentleman upon this floor, the question arises. 
In what manner can the facts and statistics be most accurately and 
successfully gathered and spread before the people, and before our 
creditors and others interested in the welfare of this country ? 
When such results are sought is the question to be made whether a 
few thousand dollars more or less should be expended to produce 
them? With a due regard to the interests of our country, and a 
proper and just economy, we should rather take the chance of 
expending a few dollars in excess of what a strict economy might 
seem to require than to jeopardize for one moment the accuracy 
and thoroughness of the statistics that are to be obtained by this 
enumeration of the population and wealth of the country." 

Mr. Judd advocated a new organization of officials for this espe- 
cial purpose, whose attention should not be called off to other duties. 

^'7 



GEORGE W. JULIAN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Julian in the Forty-first Congress was again appointed to the 
chairmanship of the Committee on Public Lands, and he was also 
placed upon the Select Committee on Tleconstruction. As Chair- 
man of the former Committee he reported back to the House a bill, 
with a recommendation that it pass, to confirm to two settlers in 
the Yosemite Valley their pre-emption claims there. Mr. Julian 
presented the case as follows: 

In 1804 the Congress of the United States granted to the State of California 
the Yosemite Valley in that State in perpetual reservation as a i)leasnre ground 
and a spectacle of wonder. This valley is a deep gorge in the Sierra Nevada 
Mountains, some nine or ten miles long, and not exceeding three miles in its 
greatest width. Over the granite walls of this valley, which are nearly jjerpen- 
dicular, the waters of the Mercer River foil from thirty-five to fifty-five hundred 
feet in the grandest cascades in the known world. And on account of its mar- 
velous beauty and grandeur Congress thought it wise to dedicate the valley, not 
to the use of settlers, but for the purposes I have mentioned, for all time. After 
the enactment of this law, however, it was found that two settlers were in the 
valley claiming the right of pre-emption under the laws of tlie United States ; 
that they had Imilt their houses there, j^lanted their orchards and vineyards, 
and expended some thousands of dollars in money in making homes for them- 
selves. On ascertaining these facts the Legislature of California provided by 
law that, under the circumstances, one hundred and sixty acres of land should 
be reserved to each of these settlers. . . . This bill is simply to confirm the acts 
of the Legislature of California. 

The bill, after some discussion, was by a large majority laid upon 
the table. Just previous to the presentation of the above bill, on 
the same day, Mr. Julian, for the same committee, presented a bill 
providing that any settler complying with the provisions of the 
pre-emption laws shall be deemed to have a vested right in the land 
upon which he settles. Being asked if that was not the law already, 
Mr. Julian replied that he always supposed so, and it was so under- 
stood by the whole country ; and he proceeded with a brief speech 
denouncing a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
States controverting such a theory : 

One of the new things under the sun occasioning the necessity for the passage 
of this bill is a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States to the 
efiect thiit settlers on the public lands have no rights at all, and are mere tenants 
at will. . . . But I assert, and I submit it to every lawyer who hears me, that it 
is an opinion that would do no honor to any judge of a county court. . . . 



WILLIAM D. KELLEY. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Kelley served durino; the Fortj-first Congress as a member 
of the Committee of Ways and Means, and as Chairman of the 
Committee on Coinage, Weights, and Measures, xls a member of 
the Committee of Ways and Means lie participated largely in dis- 
cussions relating to finance and revenue. He was a leading advo- 
cate of a protective tariff, making. numerous and able speeches on 
this subject. Among these was his elaborate speech delivered 
March 25, 1870, entitled "Pennsylvania: her Relations to the 
Industries of the Counti-y." In this speech he maintained with 
much learning and logical ability the propositions that "Protection 
cheapens commodities;" that "the Internal Revenue System is 
expensive and inquisitorial and should be abolished at the earliest 
possible day;" that "Free Trade means low wages and limited 
market for grain ; " that " Protective Duties are not a tax ; " that 
" England is a hideous monopoly, and Free Trade supports it • " 
that " Protection stimulates Immigration ; " that " skilled workmen 
are the most valual)le commodity we can import," and that " the 
present law should be revised, not overthrown." The followino- is 
the closing paragraph of this able speech : 

Now, Mr. Chairman, in conclusion, I plead with the gentlemen of the Com- 
mittee to forget tlieir sectional feelings to put aside party strife, to remember 
that the glory and the power of their country depend on the prosperity intelli- 
gence, and aspmng hopes of the laboring people and their cliiklreu' I be<^ 
them, as I know they all love their country, to stand bv her industries and to 
aid the poor and oppressed laborers of other lands to escape from a 'diet of 
"rye and potatoes" to a land of tree schools and Hberal wages, in which the 
daily fare of the f unily wil! be of wheat, mutton, beef, or pork, with the vege- 
tables and the fruits of all the States of our broad and then assuredly prosper- 
ous country. . j i ^i 

Mr. Kelley 's labors as Chairman of the Committee on Coinage, 
Weights, and Measures promise to be of great benefit to the coun- 
try in promoting the adoption of a system of international coinage. 
He proposed a bill looking to the adoption of our dollar as the unit 
for international coinage, which occasioned much favorable com- 
ment in Europe, and called forth a number of pamphlets in forei^ni 
languages. On the 13th of April, 1870, he delivered a speech "n 



2 WILLIAM D. KELLEY. 

the House on this subject, in which he gave the reasons why Amer- 
ica should lead in this great reform : 

We were the &st nation to establish a decimal coinage. More than three 
years after the fathers of the country had adopted the dollar, divisible into dec- 
imal and cental fractions, France followed the example. And recently Canada 
has adopted our entire system of coinage, at least our dollar and cent. So, sir, 
I believe the nations will, as they are adopting the metric system of weights, 
gradually come to adopt our system of coinage, which is simple, and so easy of 
calculation that the method of reducing or multiplying it can be made familiar 
to the children of all countries. 

Again, sir, we were the first to suggest to tiie nations the advantages to 
result from, the establishment of an international coinage. Among the many 
able papers prepared by John Quincy Adams, none was, in my judgment, 
marked by greater ability or originality than his report on international coin- 
age, made in 1823, while he was Secretary of State, and addressed to all the 
Governments near which we had representatives. And still again, and with 
even greater emphasis, sir. the commanding relations we are soon to hold to the 
world's commerce demand that we marshal this reform. Our country, before 
this generation shall expire, is to be the center of the monetary exchanges of the 
world. To-day London, Paris, and Frankfort are the great money centers, and 
our population numbers about forty millions. Twenty years hence we shall be 
eighty million people, in the fullest enjoyment of steam and telegraphic com- 
munication with the two hundred and fifty million people on the other side of 
the Atlantic, and with the more than one thousand million of equally busy peo- 
ple on the other side of the Pacific, who are emerging from the isolation of the 
past and taking their place among the commercial nations of the world, and 
between them our railroads will be the principal highways. Twenty years 
hence we shall be eighty million people, and at the close of the century one 
hundred million. Our wealth more than quadruples while our population 
doubles, and at the end of this century San Francisco and New York, l)ound by 
telegraphic communication, and with bankers and merchants doing business in 
both cities, will constitute the money centers of the world, and then the calcu- 
lations of its commerce and the settlement of balances will be made in our dol- 
lar. To it, wath its simple decimal divisions and its simple relation to the 
accepted unit of coinage and postal weight, England, France, and the six 
States that have allied themselves with France must come. Indeed, sir, the day 
for this consummation approaches more rapidly than we api'-reciate. At this 
time Russia, Germany, Spain, and other nations, including more than two hun- 
dred million people, use coins which are in almost absolute harmony with our 
own; while the Latin league, as the countries which have engaged by treaty to 
use the French system till 1880 are called, embrace at most but eighty-six mill- 
ion people— the number being probably less than eighty millions. 

Mr. Kelley opposed tlie registry of foreign -built ships, which was 
uro-ed in view of the breaking out of the Franco-Prussian war. 
He delivered a speech advocating the acquisition of San Domingo. 




J 'ja^SaUfSins SZ?^'^' 



.nSrl^"^ 




HOX STEPHEX ^!l KEELC 



p,EFPjj:ss:sTAr:vE y3.CM coiws[ecticiit. 



// -. B^ = 



STEPHEI^ W. KELLOGG. 




TEPHEN W. KELLOGG was born at Sbelbiirne, Massa- 
cbusetts, April 5, 1822 ; graduated at Yale College in 1846 ; 
studied law, was admitted to tbe Bar, and bas since 1854 
practiced at Waterbiiry ; was Clerk of tbe State Senate of 
Connecticut in 1851 ; was a member of tbe State Senate in 1853, 
and of tbe State House of Kepresentatives in 1856 ; was Judge of 
tbe New Haven Comity Court in 1854; was elected Judge of Pro- 
bate in 1854, and beld tbe office six years ; and was a delegate to 
tbe National Pvepublican Conventions of 1860 and 1868. 

He was elected a Representative from Connecticut to tbe Forty- 
first Conc-ress as a Republican from a District that bad given 2,700 
Democratic majority at tbe last previous State election, and, taking 
bis seat April b, 1869, was appointed a member of tbe Committee 
on tbe Judiciary. He was active in bis opposition to tbe income 
tax, having introduced tbe first bill in tbe House for its reduction 
or repeal. Tbe following is an extract from one of his speeches on 
tbe tax bill, delivered June 2, 1870 : 

I trust the House will strike out all these provisions for the continuance of 
the income tax, and end the obnoxious thing forever. The people demand at 
our hands a reduction of taxation, and they demand it now. They ask that 
its burdens be llo-htened, and they ask that it be done now. It is of vastly 
more importance to the business of the country that taxation should be moder- 
ately reduced, than it is to pay off large amounts of the public debt speedily. 
Enough of taxation should be retained for the expenses of the Government, the 
payment of l)ounties and pensions, the interest of ihe public debt, and enough 
of the principal to strengthen the public credit, and give assurance of the con- 
stant reduction and final payment of the debt. But when the statement of the 
public debt for June 1, as sent to us yesterday by the Secretary of the Treasury, 
sliows that the reduction of the debt during the month of May has been the 
enormous sum of $14,301,963 57, or nearly half a million a day drained from 
the channels of the business of the country, and that the whole reduction of the 

hi 



2 STEPHEN W. KELLOGG. 

debt since March 1, 1870, has been $31,706,105 39, I ask the distinguished 
Chairman of the Committee on "Ways and Means if lie does not think the 
business of the country deserves a little more relief than liis projjosed reduction 
of taxation of only about tliirty-thne million dollars annually. 

The history of this tax in Great Britain was given yesterday by my honorable 
friend fiom New York. The statesmen of that country had exhausted every 
other source of taxation nefore Mr. Pitt ventured upon this measure, in the 
struggle that was then going on for the supremacy, if not for the existence of 
her power. Every other species of taxation had long before been exercised, 
and this was the last devilish invention. She had had taxes upon marriages, 
taxes upon births, and taxes upon burials. A duke had formerly paid fifty 
pounds tax on his marriage, and thirty pounds tax on the birth of his eldest son. 
There liad been special taxes on bachelors over twenty-five, and I know my friend 
from JMaine [^h: Hale] and others here would object to that provision in our 
law. There had also been special taxes on widowers who had no chihlrcn. 
The old story of lur all pervading system of taxation is familiar ; it was like 
the plague of Egypt, that entered even their dwellings, their bed-chamliers, and 
their kneading-trouglis. They taxed every thing but God's own sunshine, and 
they even taxed that, for they had their "window tax ; " and according to the 
number of panes of glass was the light taxed that entered cottage or palace. 
But yet this income tax of Mr. Pitt was so un2)opular that when it exiiired, six 
months after the close of the war, there was a general cry of joy and relief all 
over the realm. 

The following is an extract from the speech of Mr. Kellogg in 
the House, February 18, 1871, on the M'Garrahan case : 

From the cominencement of the hearing the friends of M'Garrahan have 
enveloped the committee, as with clouds, with all sorts of charges of fraud and 
rascality upon the courts. The highest and purest judicial ofiicers in the land, 
the Attorneys-General in a line f r the last twelve years, including such men as 
Black. Stanton, and Edward Bates, the living and the dead, have been alike 
subject to their remoiseless and scandalous charges ; no character so high as 
to escape their vilification; no man, living or dead, so pure, who has stood in 
their way, as to avoid their charges of infamy and corruption. Of course it 
would follow that all sorts of charges might be expected against the officers 
in the Interior Department when the iiatc-nt did not issue. . . . 

Sir, when all things that are pure, all things that are lovely, and all things 
that are of good report and reputaticm, are swept over and besmeared with 
wholesale charges of fraud and corruption from a single source, it is time to look 
a little at the purity of the fountain from which these charges spring. The 
frauds and perjuries that have been proved in court, and are fast fixed upon its 
records, are those of Gomez and his fellow-consi)irators to secure this land, and 
his corrupt tool, Pacificus Ord. The cry of " stop thief " is heard sometimes 
ir. the committee-rooms, and upon the floor of Congress, as well as u^jou the 
sidewalk and on the highway. 



WILLIAM H. KELSEY. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Kelsey served on tlie Committee 
on Appropriations and Accounts. He occupied but little of the 
time of the House with speech-making. His most extended re- 
marks were made in defense of the Committee on Appropriations 
of the preceding Congress : 

" There was an earnest effoi-t made by that committee to reduce 
the expenses in the different departments of the Government by 
reducing the appropriations, and in one of the bills a provision was 
inserted that no greater amount should be expended by tlie De- 
partments than was appropriated by the bill ; but the men who 
had charge of the expenditures of this money disregarded entirely 
that provision of law. They have never endeavored at all to con- 
form their expenses to the specific amounts appropriated, have 
never tried to carry out the views of the Committee on Appropria- 
tions and the action of Congress in appropriating money for the 
expenses of the departments. They have gone on just as though 
no direction had been made by Congress ; they have utterly disre- 
garded the action of Congress, and it is because they have done so 
• that the introduction of this bill is rendered necessary. 

" When the Committee on Appropriations of the last Congress 
were exerting themselves to reduce the expenditures of the Govern- 
ment in all its branches they were encouraged in the course they 
took by the action of both Houses of Congress ; but now it seems, 
because men in the departments who have assumed the right to 
expend more money than was appropriated, so as to cause a defi- 
ciency, and because they now come in and ask that further appro- 
priations be made, and the Committee on Appropriations are will- 
ing to give it to them, now it seems that the Committee on Appro- 
priations 01 the last Congress are to be arraigned and denounced 

for it. 

" Now I insist that the efforts made by the Committee on Ap- 
propriations of the last Congress were made in good faith to reduce 
the expenditures of the Government. Perhaps their efforts were 
not always made in the wisest manner, but, such as those efforts 
were, they were sanctioned by both Houses of Congress." 



MICHAEL C. KEER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Kerr served during the Forty-first Congress on the Commit- 
tee on the Judiciary and the Committee on Elections. He made 
many able speeches on election cases, and on subjects relating to 
reconstruction and the judiciary. On the 29th of March, 18G9, he 
addressed the House on the Bill to amend the Judiciary : 

If there is one institution in our "country which more than any other should 
challenge the vigilant and affectionate solicitude of every citizen for its integ- 
rity smd protection it is our Federal judiciary. In that department, if its 
absolute purity and indejiendence be properly maintained, is the surest anchor- 
age of our system of government against the encroachments of the other depart- 
ments. In it is the highest safety of the citizen against the invasions of power 
upon the riglits of property and the liberties of tlie people. We should look 
with distrust upon any proposition materially to change it. 

Of the pending bill he said : 

The first objection is that it undertakes, as a pioneer measure, as an initial 
enactment, to introduce into our system of government the practice of pension- 
ing retired officers. It proposes to pension judges not only of the Supreme 
Court, but of the circuit and district courts, whether State or territorial; to 
pension all of them after they have served in a judicial capacity for ten years. 
It is the first attempt, so for as I know, to organize in this country a civil list, a 
pension list of i-etired officers, and that, too, upon full pay. I think it is in- 
trinsically a pernicious and a vicious proposition. I think it is not in harmony 
with the principles of our Government, with the principle of representative, 
elective, republican government. . . . Once establish the practice of retiring 
and pensioning officers, although now limited to the judiciary, and it will be 
speedily extended to numerous other classes and will soon become a great 
source of additional expenditure, and, in my judgment, a very great evil. 
Establish the principle and its rapid growth will be assured. ... 

We should carefully avoid every measure that may tend to erect an aristoc- 
racy of office-holders in our country. We need no sucli evil, and it will come 
soon enough without the aid of legislation. The country can poorly resist the 
assaults of its army of office-seekers and their corrupting influences upon the 
Government and people. But if you encourage the multitude of men in office 
on the approach of age to enter into a struggle and form cinnbinations to relieve 
themselvc^ of the discbarge of official duties, and yet retain the rewards and 
emoluments of office, you very greatly increase all these evils. 

After Mr. Mungen had made his speech in favor of Eepudiation, 
Mr. Kerr entered his disclaimer : 

I think it is an act of duty to myself and those I represent, and I believe— 
and I say it with becoming modesty— to the whole Democratic party of this 
country, to say that I do not indorse repudiation in any form, and that I do not 
believe that that great and honorable party of which 1 have the honor to be an 
humble member indorses any such theory. 






y^^/Zi< 



CHARLES KI^APP. 



'^^IJHAELES KNAPP was bom in Colchester, Delaware 
^^ County, IN'ew York, October 8, 1797. His opportunities 
^^^j foi' education were slender; yet struggling by the aid of 
such scanty facilities as the settlement afforded, and 
closely applying himself to his books, though without a teacher, 
he became qualified to serve as one of the schoolmasters of the 
town. He taught school through several terms, giving all his 
wages to aid his ftither, wlio had become involved in pecuniary 
embarrassments. In 1825 he engaged in merchandise and lumber- 
ing, continuing tlie business with varied success till 1818, when, 
" with a well-earned and deserved competence," he removed to 
Deposit, where he established his permanent residence. During 
his long residence at Colch^^ter lie filled with fidelity almost every 
office in the gift of its people, and in 1841 was sent by the county 
to the State Legislature, serving there with honor to Jiiniself and 
credit to his constituents. A few vears after his chanffe of resi- 
dence he engaged in the business of banking, which he has ever 
since prosecuted with much and continued prosperity. " Of the 
character of Mr. Knapp," writes one, " we need say nothing to 
those who know him. Among the thousand hills of Delaware he 
is known as a man of plain, invincible integrity and honesty, in 
whom the people have confidence ; and so all along the banks of 
the noble river that Delaware sends from its mountains to the sea, 
his name is known to every raftsman as the synonym of business 
ability, financial safety, and personal worth." 

In the great struggle from 1848 to 1856 Mr. Knapp was a 
Free-soiler, and hence was found in the j-anks of the Eepublicans 
when that great party assumed the helm of national affairs. Hav- 



CHARLES KNAPP. 



ing been uiianimonsly iiominated for the Forty-first Congress, it 
was represented of him that "from the time when treason struck 
its deadly fangs at the heart of freedom, Mr. Knapp has been a 
true man ; and he stands to-day. entirely worthy of the high honor 
of representing his ])atriotic district in the halls of Congress." 
"Though somewhat advanced in years,'' says another, "he is in 
the full and vigorous exercise of fine natural powers, the result of 
a life of industry, frugality, and temperance. His early history 
was marked by those vicissitudes which develop and strengthen 
the American character, and make men fit for any branch of pub- 
lic service to which they may be called. Yet another testimony 
presents Mr. Knapp as a man in every sense of the word capable 
for the position of a National Representative: "As an ardent 
Republican, the principles of the party are safe in his hands. As 
a man, his character is unblemished; as one of the people, he will 
ever be devoted to their interests. As Grant and Colfax and Gris- 
wold are self-made men, men rising up from the humble walks of 
life by pure native genius and inborn talent, so is Mr. Knapp-. 
Once a raftsman, now a banker; once poor and toiling, the. labors 
of his hands and the sweat of his brow have gained him an emi- 
nence of wealth and distinction ; and amid the crowning glories of 
his life's eftorts he is not unmindful of those who make up the bone 
and sinew of the nation. Elected to the important position of 
Cono-ressman, it will be his sole aim to give strength and propul- 
sion to the principles of a pure democracy, and the interests of his 
constituents will ever be safe in his hands." 

Mr. Knapp was elected by a handsome majority, and took his 
seat in the House March 4, 1869. He was placed on the Commit- 
tees on Public Expenditures and Revolutionary Pensions. JS'ot a 
man of many words or speeches, Mr. Knapp sustained, however, 
as a member of the House of Representatives, his high character as 
a true and wise man of inflexible integrity. A resolution passed 
by a Convention of his District indicated that the fidelity and 
ability with which he discharged his congressional duties were 
fully appreciated by his constituents. 



J. PROCTOR KNOTT. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Knott served during tlie Fortj-fii-st Congress on the Com- 
mittees of the District of Cohimbia and Private Land Chiims. His 
speeches are remarkable for their wit and hnmor. No speech de- 
livered in eitlier House during the Forty-first Congress attracted 
more attention than that of Mr. Knott, delivered January 2Y, 1871, 
on the St. Croix and Bayfield Kailroad, of which the following 
extracts are given : 

Years ago, when I &-st heard that there was somewheve in the vast terra in- 
cognita^ somewhere in the lileak regions of the great North-west, a stream of 
w^ater known to the nomadic inliabitants of the neighborliood as the river St. 
Croix, I became satisfied that tlie construction of a raiboad from that raging 
torrent to some point in the civilized world was essential to the luq^piness and 
prosperity of tlie American people, if not absolutely indispensable to the perpe- 
tuity of republican institutions on this continent. [Great laughter.] I felt in- 
stinctively that the boundless resources of that prolific region of sand and pine 
shrubbery would never be fully developed without a railroad constructed and 
equipped at the expense of the Government, and perhaps not then. [Laughter.] 
I had an abiding presentiment that some day or other the people of tliis whole 
country, irrespective of party affiliations, regardless of sectional prejudices, and 
"without distinction of race, color, or previous condition of servitude," would 
rise in their majesty and demand an outlet for the enormous agricultural pro- 
ductions of those vast and fertile pine ]:)arrens, drained in the rainy season by 
the surging waters of the tmbid St. Croix. [Great laughter.] . . . 

I was utterly at a loss to determine where the terminus of this great and 
indispensable road should be until I accidentally overheard some gentleman the 
other day mention the name of " Duluth." [Great laughter.] Dulutli ! The 
word fell upon my ear with a peculiar and indescribable charm, like the gentle 
mm-mur of a low fountain stealing forth in the midst of roses, or the soft, sweet 
accents of an angel's whisper in the bright, joyous dream of sleeping innocence. 
Duluth ! 'Twas the name for which my soul had panted for years, as the hart 
panteth for the water-brooks. [Renewed laughter.] But where was Duluth ? 
Never in all my limited reading had my vision been gladdened by seeing the 
cek'stial word in print. [Laughter.] And I felt a profounder hmniliation in 
my ignorance that its dulcet syllables had never before ravished my delighted 
ear. [Roars of laughter.] I was certain the draughtsman of this bill had never 
heard of it, or it would have been designated as one of the termini of this road. 
I asked my friends about it, but they knew nothing of it. I rushed to the 
library and examined all the maps I could find. [Laughter.] I discovered in 
one of them a delicate, hair-like line, diverging from the Mississippi near a 
place marked Prescott, which I supposed was intended to represent the river 
St. Croix, but I could nowhere find Duluth. 

Nevertheless I was confident it existed somewhere, and that its discovery 
would constitute the crowning glory of the present century if not of all modern 
times. [Laughter.] I knew it was bound to exist in the very nature of things; 



2 J. PROCTOR KNOTT. 

that the symmetry and perfection of our planetary system would be incomplete 
without it, [renewed laughter ;] that the elements of material nature would long 
since have resolved tliemselves back into original chaos if there had been such 
a hiatus in creation as would have resulted from leaving out Duluth. [Roars 
of laugliter.] . . . 

But, thanks to the beneficence of that band of ministering angels who have 
their Ijriglit abodes in the far- off capital of Minnesota, just as the agony of my 
anxiety was about to culminate in the frenzy of despair, this blessed map was 
placed in my hands, and as I unfolded it a resplendent scene of inefiiible glory 
opened before me, such as I imagine l)urst upon the enraptured vision of the 
wandering Peri through the opening gates of paradise. [Renewed laughter.] 
There, there, for the first time, my enchanted eye rested upon the ravishing word 
" Duluth." 

This map, sir, is intended, as it appears from its title, to illustrate the posi- 
tion of Duluth in the United States ; but if gentlemen will e.vamine it, I think 
they will concur with me in the opinion that it is far too modest in its preten- 
sions. It not only illustrates the position of Duluth in the United States, liut 
exhibits its relations with all created things. It even goes further than this. 
It lifts the shadowy veil of futurity, ana afibrds us a view of the golden jjros- 
l^ects of Duluth far along the dim vista of ages yet to come. 

If gentlemen will examine it they will find Duluth not only in the center of 
the map, but represented in the center of a series of concentric circles one hun- 
dred miles a])art, and some of them as much as four thousand miles in diameter, 
embracing alike in their tremendous sweep the fragrant savannas of the sunlit 
South and the eternal solitudes of snow that mantle the ice-bound North. 
[Laughter.] How these circles were produced is perhaps one of those j)rimor- 
dial mysteries that the most skillful paleologist will never be able to explain. 
[Renewed laughter.] But the fact is, sir, Duluth is pre-eminently a central 
jjlace, for I am told by gentlemen who have been so reckless of their own iier- 
sonal safety as to venture away into those awful regions where Duluth is sup- 
posed to be, that it is so exactly in the center of the visible universe that the 
sky comes down at precisely the same distance all around it. [Roars of 
laughter.] ... 

I think every geiitlenian on this floor is as well satisfied as I am that Duluth 
is destined to become the commercial metropolis of the universe, and that this 
road should be built at once. . . . Nevertheless, sir, it grieves my very soul to be 
compelled to say that I cannot vote for the grant of lands provided in this bill. 
. . , These lands which I am asked to give away, silas ! are not mine to bestow ! 
My relation to them is simply that of trustee to an express trust, and shall I 
ever betray that trust ? Never, sir ! Rather perish Duluth. [Shouts of laugh- 
ter.] Perish the paragon of cities. Rather let the freezing cyclones of the 
bleak North-west bury it forever beneath the eddying sands of the raging St, 
Croix. [Great laughter.], 



3/9 



ADDISON H. LAFLIN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Fortj-first Congress Mr. Laflin was Chairman of the 
Committee on Printing, and a member of tlie Select Committee on 
the N"inth Census. During the discussion in the House of the bill 
to abolish the Franking Privilege, it having been stated that the 
adoption of the measure would have the effect greatly to lessen the 
cost of public printing, Mr. Laflin made a statement of some in- 
teresting facts and figures : 

I am not prepared to sanction by ray vote a statement tliat shall go forth to 
tbe country that we are to s;iye millions of dollars, or anvwhere near sucli a sum 
ot money even m the public printing, by the abolition of the Franking Privilege 
Year m and year out every now and then, in papers respectable in their charac- 
ter, luglily mfluential, regarded as the very first authority, I see statements cir- 
culated that the cost of tlie congressional printing amounts to millions of dol- 
lars. If I had at n)y hand, as I have at my room, a copy of perhaps the most 
influential journal in the United States, pul)lished in the city of New York 
recognized as good Republican authority at least, I might quote from that 
paper and show that there is a statement therein that while the Government 
rnntuig Office years ago only cost $200,000, it now costs over $2,000,000 
These are very easy statements to make, not verv flattering to Con-n-ess' but 
nevertheless they are not sustained by tacts and the record. ^ If there^'has been 
any tendency to extravagance in the public printing it certainly does not apply 
to tlie last three Congresses; and I want to sav here in behalf of my associates 
in behalt ol Congresses in whose reputation and character I have a little at stake' 
tliat we are bemg held responsible all over this country for expenditures that 
are made beyond and outside of the votes which we cast here in favor of these 
expenditures. And now that we may know just exactly the cost of the public 
printing of the House of Representatives and Senate, who esteem the privilege 
of sending out these public documents so highly, I quote from the last report 
ol the Congressional Printer, submitted to this House : 

the'Sonrnf R^ "^ printing, bindi^ng, lithographing, and engra^^ng ordered bv 
the House of Representatives for the last year was $440,422 88." 

And in explaining this amount I want the country to understand that over 
three hundred and flfty thousand dollars of this amount was expended upon 
tbree books: first, the Agricultural Report, costing a little over one hundred 
thousand dollars ; second, the Mechanical Report, costing a little over two hun- 
dred thousand dollars ; and the balance was applied to the GMe. 

Of the amount I have stated over one hundred thousand dollars were ex- 
pended for the Agricultural Report, and that report, bound and executed as it is 
costs the Government just about fifty-two cents a volume. 

Now I want to know how many larmers there are, economical thougli they 
may be, who will say that this Congress is extravagant, even though it must 
make a discrimination in sending out these books, in giving the information 
contained in these books to the people at a cost of only fifty-two cents a volume. 



?-/ 



7 



1 WILLIAM LAWRENCE. 

(Continued fi-oni the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill tlie Forty -"first Congress Mr. Lawrence was a member of the 
Committee on Appropriations, the Committee on Reconstruction, 
and the Committee on the Postal Telegraph. 

As Chairman of a Select Committee in the preceding Congress 
he had made a voluminous Report on the election frauds in the 
City and State of New York, recommending the enactment of laws 
to secure the rights of naturalized foreigners but to prevent 
naturalization frauds, providing for a uniform day throughout the 
United States-for the election of Representatives in Congress, and 
proposing an amendment to the Constitution providing for the 
election of Presidential Electors in single districts. 

The Act of July 14, 1870, in relation to naturalization, and the 
Act of May 31, 1870, to enforce the right of citizens to vote, were, 
in essential and important provisions, copied from this Report. A 
bill for the election of Representatives on a uniform day passed 
both Houses of Congress, but only failed to become a law by reason 
of a disagreement as to an apportionment of Representatives. 
The proposition for an Amendment of the Constitution was urged 
in an able paper, read by Hon. Charles Francis Adams, Jr., before 
the American Association of Social Science at 'New York, October 
27, 1869. 

The Act of June 22, 1870, to establish a Department of Justice, 
a measure which saves more than $100,0u0 annually in expendi- 
tures for law services to the Government, was, in most of its pro- 
visions, the work of Mr. Lawrence. He is the author of that 
provision of the Act of July 15, 1870, which gives soldiers a home- 
stead of one hundred and sixty acres in the alternate reserved 
sections of land in railroad grants, under which they have secured 
so many homes. In behalf of education for colored citizens he 
secured an appropriation, in the Act of July 15, 1870, of $25,000 
for the Wilberforce University in Ohio. As a member of the 
Reconstruction Committee, he was among the most earnest and 
efficient in procuring enactments in the Reconstruction Laws 
securing equal political privileges regardless of race or color. 

He made earnest efforts to procure the enactment of a law to 



WILLIAM LAWRENCE. 2 

pay pensions, in the county where pensioners reside, bi-monthly, 
and, though this failed, the result of the discussions was that the 
system was so changed as to pay quarterly instead of semi-annually, 
and to relieve pensioners from the payment of Pension Agents' 
fees, and to prohibit Claim Agents' charges. This has been a vast 
saving annually to pensioners, and they owe Mr. Lawrence a debt 
of gratitude for his persistent efforts to secure these reforms. 

Among the last of the measures he advocated in Congress was a 
bill giving a right of action in the District of Columbia and in the 
Territories to wives, parents, etc., against persons. who, by selling 
intoxicating liquor, cause the intoxication of husbands, children, 
etc., resulting in damage. This measure met the approval of the 
House, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading by a 
decisive vote, but failed for want of time. In a speech advocating 
this measure Mr. Lawrence said : 

The evils of intemperance are daily manifest and appalling. And sliall no 
voice be raised to stay the evil by law ? I have not even j)roposed to interfere 
with the liqnor traffic. But when husl)ands are destroyed by intoxicating 
drinks, shall wives have no remedy by law for the wrongs and injuries cloi>e 
them ? Shall little children, robbed of the means of sui^port, and turned over 
to beggary by the ruin of a fathei-, have no redress, no riglit of action against 
the destroyer for his wrongs upon them ? 

Mr. Lawrence introduced a bill " To secure to the citizens of the 
United States the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and in relation 
to the commercial intercourse with Canada." He advocated this 
measure in an elaborate speech, of which the following is the open- 
ing paragraph : 

The measure now submitted is one especially involving the interests of the 
States boi'dering on and tributary to the great lakes, and to some extent those 
of the whole country. I do not jjropose to enter into a discussion of the gen- 
eral policy of free trade or of a tariff, because with the increased revenues ren- 
dered necessary by the rebellion absolute fi-ee trade is utterly impracticable. 
We must raise revenues by a tariff, or increase internal revenues and levy taxes 
for the national Government on lands, neither of which the people can endure. 
But in regulating trade on this Continent, as well as with the nations of Europe 
and Asia, we should not overlook the great interests of the producing and 
laboring portion of our citizens. It is in their interest that I have submitted 
this measure. 

21 



JOSEPH H. LEWIS. 



^^^OSEPH H. LEWIS was born in Barren County, Kentucky, 
Ij; October 29, 1824. He graduated in 1843 at Center Col- 
%^'i lege, Danville, Kentucky, and studied and practiced law. 
He wa8 elected to the Kentucky House of Kepresentatives 
in 1850, 1851, 1852, and 1869. During the war of the Rebellion he 
served as an officer in the army of the " Confederate States." He 
served with distinction in that unhappy struggle, reaching the rank 
of BnVadier-General, 

In April, 1870, Mr, Lewis was elected a representative from 
Kentucky to the Forty-first Congress, in place of J. S. Golladay. 
The Committee on Military Affairs having been instructed by the 
House to inquire into the alleged sale of appointments to the mili- 
tary and naval academies by members of Congress, Mr. Golladay 
notified the Speaker of the House that be had " tendei-ed his resig- 
nation to the State of Kentucky as a member of Congress." The 
Governor of Kentucky refused to accept the resignation, and a 
resolution w^as proposed that Mr. Golladay be permitted to resume 
his seat. Tlie House, however, refused to entertain the resolution, 
and the Speaker gave it as his opinion that Mr. Golladay was "no 
more a member of the House than any stranger in the gallery." 

Mr. Lewis having been elected to the seat thus made vacant, and 
having been relieved of political disabilities imposed by the third 
section of the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution, was 
sworn in March 10, 1870, taking the oath in such case provided. 
He was appointed a member of the Committee on Coinage, Weights, 
and Measures. During his service of less than a year in the Forty- 
first Congress he found but little opportunity for prominent par- 
ticipation, and made no speeches to the House. He was re-elected 
to the Forty-second Congress. 



JOHN A. LOGAN. 1 

(Cpntinued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Logan was Chairman of tlic 
Committee on Military Affairs, and a member of the Committee 
on the Pacific Eaih'oad. The measure with which Mr. Logan was 
most prominently identified was that for the Eednction of the 
Arm}'. " We propose," said he, in explanation of this measure, 
" to reduce the number of ofiicers in the army by mustering out a 
number equal to the number who are now without commands, to 
reduce the rank of some officers, and to change the law as it now 
exists in reference to the army in many respects." The following 
extracts from his elaborate speech of March 10, 1S70, in explana- 
tion and advocacy of this measure, are of ijeneral interest : 

Let me call the attention of the House to a comparison between the 
number of officers and men in the Array before the war of 1861 and the present 
peace establishment. 

In 1860 how many generals had we in the Army of the United States ? There 
was no General of the Army, no Lieutenant-General. There were but one major- 
general, three brigadier-generals, and one Iwigadier-general of the staff. 

In 1860 tliere were, I believe, eighteen reuimeuts in the Army, with 12,931 
men. How is it to-day ? In 1869 and 1870 we have an army of 37,909 men 
and officers. What is the jiroportioii of officers to men in 1870? There are 
now, as I said, 37,909 men, one General, one Lieutenant-General, five major- 
generals, eight brigadier-generals now in service, and two vacancies, making ten 
brigadier-generals authorized by law, besides eight brigadier-generals on the 
stall", and eight or ten major-generals and brigadier-generals on the retired list: 
making in all, not counting these retired officers, eighteen brigadier-generals in 
our Army, five major-generals, one Lieutenant-General, and one General. Such 
is the condition of things at this time. 

Now let us compare this ratio of officers to men with what it was la 1860. 
In the latter year the Army was organized on a certain basis, with a force num- 
bering say 13,000 men, and the proportion of generals was one to five and four- 
ninths i-egiments. To-day it is one general to one and two-thirds regiments. 

In 1860 we had but one general officer to 3,233 men; in 1870 we have erne 
general officer to 1,630 men. That is the proportion of generals to men. Now 
let me call the attention of the House to the staif corps of the Array. I assert 
here to-day, and I can prove it from the records, that the staft' of our Army, 
consisting of 37,000 men, is as large as tlie French Government lias with an 
army of 500,000, or the Russian Government with an army of 800,000. In 1860 
there were thirteen officers in the Adjutant-General's Department ; in 1870 there 
are twenty officers, or a difterencc of seven. In 1860 there were two officers in 
the Inspector-General's Department; in 1869 and 1870 we liave nine officers, or 
a diflerence of seven. In 1860 there was one officer in the Bureau of Military 
Justice; in 1870 we have ten officers in that bureau,' or a diff"erence of nine. 



2 JOHN A. LOGAN. 

In 1860 there were f(>rty-four officers in tlie Quartermaster-General's Depart- 
ment ; in 1869 and 1870 we have eighty-six officers in that department, or a 
difference of ibrty-two. In 1860 there were eleven officers in the Subsistence 
Department; in 1870 we have twenty-nine in that department, or a difference 
of eighteen. In 1860 there were one hundred and seven officers in the Medical 
Department; in 1869 and 1870 we have two hundred and twenty-two in that 
department, or a difference of one hundred and fifteen. In the Pay Depart- 
ment in 1860 tliere were twenty-eight paymasters ; in the same department in 
1869 we have sixty -five paymasters, making a difference of thirty-seven. In 
the Engineer Corjjs in 1860 we had eighty-nine officers; in the engineer staff 
of 1870 we have one hundred and fourteen. In the Ordnance Department in 
1860 tliere were fifty-five officers; in that department in 1870 we have seventy- 
seven, making a difference of twenty-two. Of post chaplains we have thirty, 
where in 1860 there were none. Tliere is the difference. 

Now there is a staff corps numbering how many ? The stafl' of our Army in 
• 1860 amounted to three hundred and fifty officers; in 1869 it amounts to six 
hunrlred and sixty-three, being an addition of three liundred and thirteen. 

Now let me give you the rank of the staft" corps of the Army. In 1860 we 
had tme brigadier-general ; in 1869 we have eight — a difterence of seven. Of 
colonels in the staff corps we had, in 1860, eleven; in 1809 we have twenty- 
nine — a difference of eighteen. Of lieutenant-colonels we had ten ; now we 
have forty-two — a difference of thirty-two. Of majors there were, in 1860, sev- 
enty-five ; in 1869 we have two hundred, making a difference of one hundred 
and twenty-five. In 18G0 we had one hundred and sixty captains ; in 1869 
there are one hundred and thirty-four. Strange to say, there are fewer cajitaiiis 
in the staff" corps to-day than there were when our Army was much smaller. 
The exi^lanation is, that the difference is made up liy the number of surplus 
majors, lieutenant-colonels, colonels, and brigadier-generals. In 1860 we had 
thirty lieutenants in the staff' corps; in 1869 there are twenty-five. There are 
fewer lieutenants, as well as captains, now than we had in 1860 ; but the num- 
ber of brigadier-generals, colonels, and majors are increased to make up for the 
difference. 

I want to call the attention of the country to this matter, because the figures 
I am now giving have probably never been given to the House or the country 
before. I am giving them from the record. I want to call attention to this 
enormous staff corps and the manner in which our Army is organized, so that 
the House may decide whether some measure of reduction is not urgently de- 
manded. 

What is the proportion of the officers of the Army as compared with the 
number of the men ? There is one commissioned officer to every ten men, and 
one non-commissioned officer to every six men. You have either a general, a 
colonel, a captain, a major, or some other commissioned olficer over eveiy ten 
men belonging to the Army of the United States. Who ever heard of such a 
thing before ? You may take the French army, the English anny, the Prussian 
jii-my — you may take all the armies of the world — and I tell you that in none of 
them will you find any fewer than twenty men to a commissioned officer. That 
is tlic least number in any army in the world except our own. 



J^V 



JEFFERSOX F. LONG. 



^S^^EFFERSOX F. LOXG was born in Crawford County, 



a-/^^ 



Georo'ia, March 3, 1830. lie educated himself, and went 
%^5 into business as a merchant tailor in Macon, Georiria. 
He was elected a Representative from Georgia, as a Re- 
publican, to the Forty-first Congress by a majority of nine hun- 
dred over Lawton, Democrat. He was admitted to his seat 
January 16, 1871. His only public participation in the proceed- 
ings of Congress was the delivery of the following speech, February 
1, 1871, on the bill prescribing an oath of office. 

" Mr. Speaker, the object of the bill before the House is to modify 
the test-oath. As a citizen of the South, living in Georgia, born 
and raised in that State, having been there during the war and up 
to the present time, I know the condition of aifairs in that State. 
jSTow, sir, we propose here to-day to modify the test-oath, and to 
eive to those men in the rebel States who are disloyal to-day to the 
Government this favor. We propose, sir, to remove political dis- 
abilities from the very men who were the leaders of the Ku-Klux, 
and who have conniiitted midnight outrages in that State. 

" What do those men say ? Before their disabilities are removed 
they say, 'We will remain quiet until all of our disabilities are 
removed, and then we shall again take the lead.' Why, Mr. 
Speaker, in my State since emancipation there have been over 
five hundred loyal men shot down by the disloyal men there, and 
not one of those who took part in committing those outrages has 
ever been brought to justice. Do we, then, really propose here to- 
day, when the country is not rftady for it, when those disloyal 
people still hate this Government, when loyal men dare not carry 
the ' stars and stripes ' through our streets — for if they do they 
will be turned out of employment— to relieve from political disability 



2 JEFFERSON F. LONG. 

the very men who have committed these Kii-Klux outrages? 
I think that I am doing my duty to my constituents and my duty 
to my country when I vote against any such proposition. 

"Yes, sir; I do mean that murders and outrages are being com- 
mitted there, I received no longer ago than this morning a letter 
from a man in my State, a loyal man who was appointed post- 
master by the President, stating that he was beaten in the streets a 
few days ago. I have also received information from the lower 
part of Georgia that disloyal men went in the midnight disguised, 
and took a loyal man out and shot him ; and not one of them has 
been brought to justice. Loyal men are constantly being cruelly 
beaten. When we take the men who commit these outrages before 
judges and juries we find that they are in the hands of the very 
Ku-Klux themselves, who protect them. 

" Mr. Speaker, I propose, as a man raised as a slave, my mother 
a slave before me, and my ancestry slaves as far back as I can trace 
them, yet holding no animosity to the law-abiding people of my 
State, and those who are willing to stand by the Government, 
while I am willing to remove the disabilities of all such who will 
support the Government, still I propose fur one, knowing the 
condition of things there in Georgia, not to vote for any modifica- 
tion of the test-oath in favor of disloyal men. 

" Gentlemen on the other side of the House have complimented 
men on this side. I hope the blood of the Ku-Klux has not got 
upon this side ; I hope not. If this House removes the disabilities 
of disloyal men by modifying the test-oath, I venture to prophesy 
you will again have trouble from the very same men who gave 
you trouble before." 



2>l(o 



WILLIAM LOUGHRIDGE. 

(Continued from the Forlieth Congress.) 

In the Fortv-fii'st Coni'Tess Mr. Loiio;hnd2:e served on the Com- 
mittee on Agriculture and the Committee on the Judiciary. He 
was recognized as one of the most advanced of the "radical" 
school of statesmen in Congress — -favorins a chano;e in the Consti- 
tution whereby women would be admitted to the right of sufi'rage. 
He made a number of able speeches, one of his tirst efforts being in 
advocacy of education in the District of Columbia. He eloquently 
maintained that the common school system is " the great safe- 
guard of our free institutions, and the sheet-anchor of the liberties 
of the people." He expressed liis belief that for our success 
against the late rebellion and " our safe deliverance from the perils 
that surrounded us, we are indebted under God to the common 
schools of the land more than to any other agency." He insti- 
tuted an interesting comparison between " South Carolina as a 
representative of the Southern anti-free-school section, and Iowa as 
a fair representative of the free-school section : " 

Soutli Carolina has had the advantage of Iowa both in age and in popula- 
tion. In 18G0 she exceeded Iowa in population more than thirty thousand. 
From 1810 to 1840, a peiiod of thirty years, the whole approijriation of South 
Carolina for common schools was $40,000 2>er annum; and frona 1840 to 1860, 
the entire yearly expenditures for common sdiools amounted to from forty to 
eighty thousand dollars, the latter being the maximum. In 1858 there were iu 
South Carolina 114,283 children of school age; of these only 19,132 attended 
any school. 

I turn now to Iowa, a State the territory of which had in 1830 but 10,000 in- 
habitants, and which was admitted into the Union iu December, 184(>, just 
twenty-five years since. That State has a permanent school fund, at interest 
amounting- to $2,500,000, from which accrues annually $240,000, to be apjiro- 
priated to the support of common scho(jls, being thus a permanent income of 
three times the highest amount that South Carolina ever raised for schools in 
one year. Tlie extent to which the people of that State carry taxation for 
common schools may be inferred from the fact that the amount of tax levied 
and collected for school i)urposes in each year exceeds the total of that collected 
for all other purposes. One county in the district I represent, which had in 
1847 but 500 inhabitants, and which liad but 8,000 inhabitants in 1860, levied 
and collected by direct taxation for school purposes iu 1860 more than two 
thirds as much as the entire amount collected in South Carolina for that year, 
and more than the annual average amount collected in the entire State of South 
Carolina from 1810 to 1860. . . . The one State took the lead in the rebellion, 
and her people were mad with treason; the other brought its whole power and 
strength to the defense of the Government. 



JOHN LYNCH. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty -first Congress Mr. Lyncli was a member of the 
Cojnmittees on Banking and Currency and tlie Pacific Railroad, 
and Chairman of the Select Committee on the Causes of the Re- 
duction of American Tonnage, and the Committee on Expenditures 
in the Navy Department. 

As a member of the Committee on Banking and Currency the 
labors of Mr. Lynch were efiicient and important in their bearing 
npon legislation. Early in the Forty -first Congress he introduced 
bills to provide for the gradual resumption of specie payments, 
to provide against undue expansions and contractions of the cur- 
rency, and to amend the National Currency Act. He addressed 
the House on several occasions upon financial subjects. 

His most noteworthy labors, however, were those in relation to 
the decline of the commercial and navigation interests of the 
Unite'd States. On the 22d of March, 1869, he introduced a reso- 
lution for a select committee of nine to inquii'e into and report 
the cause of the reduction of American Tonnage and the deprecia- 
tion of the navigation interests of the country. This resolution 
having passed, Mr. Lynch was appointed chairman of the com- 
mittee therein provided for. He subsequently introduced a reso- 
lution authorizing the Committee to sit during the recess at such 
times and places as they might deem advisable for the purpose of 
examining witnesses and taking testimonj^ The Committee gave 
much time and labor to this investigation, and on the 17th of 
February, 1870, Mr. Lynch submitted an able and exhaustiv^e 
report, which, as published by order of Congress, forms a volume 
of much interest and of great value. On the same day he sub- 
mitted a bill to revive the navigation and commercial interests of 
the United States. The bill was discussed at considerable length, 
amended, and finally, on the 31st of May, 1870, recommitted to 
the Committee with which it originated. On the second day of 
the last session of this Congress Mr. Lynch introduced another 
bill on the same subject, which was referred to his Committee, but 
the subject was not reached for further action during the session. 



JOHI^ MAI^^I^G, JUK 




"'^OTIN MANNING, JuN., was born at Edenton, North 



Carolina, July 3, 1830, He received his early education 
tj^J' at the academy in Norfolk, Virginia, and graduated at the 

University of North Carolina in June, 1850. He removed 
to Pittsborough, North Carolina, in November, 1851, and began 
the study of law. He was licensed to practice law in 1853, and 
has followed that profession since. He was a member of the North 
Carolina Convention of 1801. In November, 1870, he was elected 
a Kepresentative from North Carolina to the Forty-first Congress 
as a Democrat in place of John T. Deweese, resigned. Taking his 
seat in the House December 7, 1870, Mr, Manning was appointed 
on the Committee on Mines and Mining. His first speech was 
delivered on the bill for " full and general grace, amnesty, and 
oblivion of all wrongful acts, doings, or omissions of all persons 
eno-ao-ed in the war of the late Rebellion." The following is an 
extract : 

It is now nearly six years since a Confederate soldier fired a gun in defense 
of the "lost cause" and against the Federal Union. Amnesty by this bill is 
proclaimed to the great mass of the southern people, and yet, to serve some 
puipose or otlier, the leading men throughout the South are not permitted to 
enter these halls. If this proscription is intended as a punishment to them it 
does not amount to much, for the people among whom they live, as they are 
singled out from among them for punishment on accoimt of their prominence 
in the late Rebellion— a prominence to which they had been elevated by their 
votes, wear tliem in their hearts — and enshrine them higher and higher in their 
atfections. By this course you but increase their influence and heighten their 
importance. In a party point of view the majority in this House gain nothing, 
for while we may thus be prevented from sending our ablest and our best men 
to help you in raising this stupendous edifice of constitutional liberty, resting it 
firmly upon the broad foundation of equal rights and just laws, the South can 
and will send men who upon party questions will be just as sure to give party 
votes, and will know just as well how to pronounce the party shibboleth. 

3:M? 



1 SAMUEL S. MARSHALL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Durino- the Fortv-fii'st Congress Mr. Marshall served on the Com- 
mittee of Ways and Means. He was distingnished as one of the 
ablest champions of Revenue Reform. On the 31st of March, 
1870, he introduced into the House resolutions on the Tariff which 
embodied very distinctly the views of those who opposed the prin- 
ciple of protection in tariff legislation. The vote thereon attracted 
very general attention throughout the country as developing a 
streno-th amono; the tariff or revenue reformers which had not been 
suspected. On the 29th of March Mr. Marshall had prepared the 
way for the introduction of these resolutions by a most able and 
elaborate argument, in which the whole subject of protection and 
free trade was fully considered and thoroughly discussed. He 
argued that Congress should confine its action to the preparation 
of a tariff for revenue exclusively, and that '" the duty on no arti- 
cle should be greater than that which will give the maximum of 
revenue on said article." ISTear the conclusion of this speecli Mr. 
Marshall said : 

I have piiri^osely avoided all party allusions for the reason that I wish to see 
this question rise above party. The cause for which I plead here to-day is the 
cause of civilization, of humanity, and of progress. In the name of justice I 
demand tlie emancipation of hibor from unnecessary and unjust taxation; that 
monopoly shall cease; that capital shall loosen its grasp upon the throats of the 
people; that Government shall no longer be used as a mere instrument to rob 
and impoverish the humble and the lowly ; that the barbarous system of legis- 
lation for the benefit of classes and sections shall be abnmloned. I demand 
equal and just laws; that the necessary revenues may i)e raised without oppres- 
sion to any class or section, and with the least possible impediment to the prog- 
ress of national industry and prosperity. 

At a later date, June 6, 1870, Mr. Marshall presented to the 
House further views on the same general subject in a speech which 
has been published under the title of " The Iron and Steel Swin- 
dle," in which he protested against the tariff legislation attempted 
to be engrafted upon the pending bill " to reduce internal taxes," 
and expressed the " indignation which," said he, " I think will be 
echoed by the great body of the people at this attempt now, when 
the revenues are more than one hundred million dollars in excess 
of the wants of the Government, to add in the most grievous and 

33c 



SAMUEL S. MARSHALL. 2 

inexcusable manner to the burdens of the producing classes of tlie 
country." He graphically depicts the evils resulting from a par- 
ticular item of protection : 

The retention of the present duty on steel rails, amounting, with freights, to 
tifty-five per cent, ad vnlorem, is a most consummate, inexcusable folly. The 
increase now proposed is a crime which language fiiils me projjerly to charac- 
terize. It means further oppression of the peojile; it means an increased num- 
ber of railroad accidents ; it means more liorroirs, the news of which, borne to 
us on the lightning's wing, so often makes the blood curdle; it means more 
murdering, n^angling, and maiming ; it means less wheat exported, fewer acres 
cultivated, and a perpetual tax on harvests. But no matter; amid all this 
calamity the ring will thrive, and the great princijjle of " protection " has 
triumphed. 

Mr. Marshall lias always been known as an enemy to " Protec- 
tion," regarding it as a system for robbing the people of the West, 
and ill support of his views has made numerous speeches upon the 
stump as well as in Congress. His ability and reputation as an 
advocate of this cause called forth an invitation from the American 
Free-Trade League to address the merchants' free-trade meeting to 
be held in the Stock Exchange, New York. In his letter express- 
ing regret at his inability to comply with this invitation Mr. Mar- 
shall said : 

Nature and circumstances have done every thing for this favored land, but 
the hand of legislation has defeated the gracious designs of Providence. With 
our wonderful natural advantages we ought to be the freest, happiest, most 
prosperous and self-reliant people on earth. What spectacle do we, in fact, 
present to the gaze of the civilized world ? For folly and the grossest blunder- 
ing our revenue and financial legislation has no parallel in the annals of the 
world. "With thousands of miles of sea-board and unsurpassed harbors, our 
commerce is perishing from the seas, and our ship-building interests lie in hope- 
less decay. With mountains groaning with their gold and silver treasui-es, we 
never see a dollar of either among our people. 

Such is tlie influence of malign legislation that these precious metals, as soon 
as they come forth from their hiding-places, take the wings of the morning and 
fly to the uttermost parts of the earth. W^ith a broad expanse of the most fer- 
tile lands on earth, the agricultural interests, borne down with their heavy bur- 
dens, are threatened with bankruptcy and ruin. With iron, coal, and all the 
valualjle minerals spread all over our land, we proclaim our inability to use 
these precious gifts beneath our very feet, and, with superlative folly, convert 
them into a curse by using their presence as an argument for increasing enor- 
mously our taxation. . . . 

13/ . 



STEPHEN L. MAYIIAM. 



\i^ TEPIIEN L. MAYHAM was born at Blenheim, Sclioharie 
^^ County, 'New York, October 8, 1825 ; received an aca- 
'^^ deniic education ; studied law, and came to the bar in 
184:8. In 1857 he was elected Supervisor of Blenheim, and 
was re-elected three times. In 1859 he was elected District At- 
torney for Schoharie County for three years, and was a member of 
the State Assembly in 1863, He was elected a Kepresentative from 
New York to the Forty-first Congress as a Democrat, and was 
appointed to the Committees on Private Land Claims and Ex- 
penditures in the Post-Office Department, His first formal speech 
in Congress was delivered January 14, 1870, on the bill to admit 
Virginia to representation. The following is one of the opening 
paragraphs : 

This Avliole subject of reconstruction of a State of the Federal Union is to me 
an incomprehensible enigma. I have never been able to comprehend how the crea- 
ture could reconstruct or recreate the creator; how the Federal Union, which 
is but the creation of the States, and the emanation and oft'shoot of powei's be- 
longing to and conferred by the State, could reconstruct or recreate the States 
from which it derived all its powers, and even its very existence, and particu- 
larly so with regard to Virginia, which was one of the original States by which 
the Federal Union was formed. 

Mr. Mayhara closed his speech with the following summing up : 

I cannot vote for this bill because it makes unjust and unfair discriminations 
against the people of that State not required of other States; because it forever 
prohibits the people of that State from changing its public school system, while 
the experience of States show that the constant changes in the wants of society 
require constant chauges in their school systems, and because the people of 
that State can judge better of their wants in that regard than can Congress. I 
cannot vote for it because it imposes, in my judgment, unconstitutional test- 
oaths upon its citizens elected to office. 



HORACE MAYNARD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Maynard served on the Commit- 
tee on Ways and Means and the Committee on the Eeorganization 
of the Civil Service. He continned to take a prominent and effi- 
cient part in the business and debates of the House. During the 
discussion of the bill for the reconstruction of Mississippi, Mr. 
Maynard made a speech, of which the following are extracts : 

What lias been the experience of persons resident in the South during and 
since the war? How many know, to their sorrow, that it is oftentimes much 
.easier, much better, much safer, much more advantageous to have Ijecn a rebel 
than to have been loyal to the Government ? How often is the traitor honored, 
adorned, it may be, with official distinction, while the truly loyal are despised? 
Mr. Speaker, such a result ought not to be, and if we allo^v this to become gen- 
eral we shall commit something worse than a mistake; we shall be guilty of a 
great political crime. . . . 

We have been told correctly that all governments derive their just authority 
from the consent of the governed. That is an aphorism of the Declaration of 
Independence, and states a political principle. The consent of the governed 
was given in our case when the Government was first formed, and it is a total 
misapplication of the principle to hold that the consent thus given may be 
revolved at pleasure by such part of the governed as may become dissatisfied. 
That is anarchy. So far as governments are in existence to-day in the several 
States of the Union under the Constitution the principle is limited to this 
extent : the governed must consent to a republican form of government, and 
unless they do it is the duty of the United States to give it to them, to see that 
thev live under it, and to use such means as are necessary to that result. That 
is to say, each State must have, a government carried on by representatives 
elected by those, more or less, who represent the great body of the community 
at the ballot-box. That is a republican government, and under such govern- 
ments must the States in this Union live. I hold, Mr. Speaker, that in re- 
establishing governments in the Southern States the only safe, the only practical 
and reliable, method is to build uj^on what Mr. Lincoln called the sound mate- 
rial — to build them by the co operation of our friends, our well-known Union 
friends. To expect men who plotted the destruction of the Government for a 
• generation, men who occupied seats in this House year after year while conspir- 
ing the overthrow of our free institutions, to suj^pose that they are going to 
re-estal)lish loyal governments in those States is to suppose what will never 
happen. We owe it to ourselves, and not merely as a matter of policy, but to 
our friends in the South as a matter of justice and right, to see that they are 
protected by the governments mider which they are required to live. To do 
that we must put the governments into their hands. We must give them the 
creation and control of them. To compel those people to live under govern- 
ments formed and administered by men who despise them and hate them 
because of their- devotion to the Government is to treat them with an injustice 
which this Government cannot afford even if inclined. 

3SS 



DENNIS McCarthy. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. McCarthy was a member 
of the Committee of Ways and Means. On the 8th of February, 
1870, arising for a "personal explanation," Mr. McCarthy had the 
Clerk read from the desk a paragraph from an editorial in the 
JSTevv York Evening Post^ representing that lie was elected to 
Congress through the influence of a wealthy and powerful corpo- 
ration, in which he was a chief share-holder, whose interests he 
represented both in the House and in the Committee of Ways and 
Means, and that his single vote had saved salt in the Committee. 
Mr. McCarthy pronounced the whole statement untrue, and re- 
marked : 

In the first place, I am not a large share-holder of that corpoiatiou ; and in 
the next place, I am not a manufacturer of salt. I should not object if I were 
a large share-bolder, because there have been times in the history of that C(»i- 
poratiou when it made a large amount of money. How did it make it 'i It 
made it in 1863, 1863, and 1864, when the rel)el privateer Alabama swept t'le 
ocean of our ships, and when the salt-works upon the Kanawha were destroyed 
by the rebels, and when salt in consequence rose from two to five dollars a 
barrel. Of course, this was a cause outside, and not connected with the legiti- 
mate manufacture of salt. . . . Since 1805, during the last four years, that com- 
pany has not paid, nor has it earned, a dividend of even six per cent, on the 
capital invested in the manufacture of salt. So far for that. 

I defend the company because it is located in my district, and because it is 
one of the important industries of the country. On those grounds it so far has 
my suioport, and no further. It is not true that the company aided my 
election. They had no voice in my election. They had no counsel in my elec- 
tion. They had no action in my election. The majority of that company, the 
president, the secretary, the treasurer, and the controlling interest, are strong 
and leading Democrats. The article charges that I was put upon the Com- 
mittee through the influence of that Company. It is not true. Not a man 
interested in the Company in one way or another has ever appeared in this 
Capitol or around it on that account. ... 

Then this article says that my vote '• saved salt " in the Committee. I know 
not where the authors of this article got their information ; but we aU know 
that that Ccmimittec is composed of nuie members, and that it takes five to 
make a majority, and each one of those five members is responsible upon a test 
vote as much as any single one of them. I cannot say whether my vote or 
some others' saved salt. I can only say what the fiicts prove, that a majority 
of the Committee " kept salt cmt of the bill." 

I have sustained the tariff in that Committee from the beginning to the end 
because it has Ijeen the best tariff for revenue the country has ever had, and 
because it has been the most judicious in its protection to the industry of the 
country. -y <7 , 

33 ^ 



JAMES R. Mccormick. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. McCormick was a member of the 
Committee on Public Lands. On the 10th of February, 1870, he 
addressed the House in defense of the Democratic party, in reply to 
remarks made by Mr. Sargent, The following is an extract from 
this speech : 

Secession was a southern measure, adopted by the southern jjeople without 
regard to party, and was resisted by the northern people in the same way. 
Had northern Democrats taken no action for the sujjpression of tlie Rebellion, 
then, indeed, would it have proved a success, for the reason that, at the out- 
break of the Rebellion, the Government was in the hands of the Democratic 
party, the Army and Navy were commanded hj a Democratic President, and 
the popular vote had opposed the election of Mr. Lincoln by a majority of 
946,970 votes. And now, after the Rebellion has been suppressed, as much by 
Democratic valor as by Republican prowess, we find the gentleman from Cali- 
fornia denouncing that party but f >r whose assistance neither he nor his j^arty 
could wield the scepter of power, which they exercise with so little regard to 
the rights of those who oppose them, or the requirements of the Constitution, 
which is the paramovmt law of the land. 

In prosecuting this investigation I propose to institute a comparison of the 
efforts made for the suppression of the Rebellion as between Republican and 
Democratic States ; and tirst, let us compare Missouri with Massachusetts, the 
former in 1860 about as intensely Demociatic as the latter was Republican. 
Missouri in 1860 cast 147,518 votes for President, of which Mr. Lincoln received 
17,028 ; Massachusetts at the same time cast for President 169,533 votes, of 
which Mr. Lincoln received 106,533. Going ujjon the assumption of the gen- 
tleman from California, that Democrats f ivored the Rebellion, we would exjDect 
Massachusetts to furnish six times as many volunteers as did Missouri, from the 
fact that Massachusetts cast six times as many Republican votes as did Mis- 
souri ; Init was this the case ? Let the record answer. 

According to the Adjutant-General's Report, under the three first calls for 
volunteers the quota of Massachusetts was 55,508 men. That State furnished 
50,256 men, or 5,252 less than its quota ; while for the same calls the quota of 
Missouri was 51,936 men, and that State furnished 64,153 men, or 12,217 more 
than its quota. Notwithstanding the people of Missouri, at an election in 
February, 1861, declared against secession by a majority of 80,000 ; notwith- 
standing their alacrity in volunteering for the suppression of the Rebellion, 
furnishing more than five times as many men for the Army as there were 
Reijublican votes in the State in 1860, yet her people are denounced as having 
planned treason and inaugurated rebellion, and that, too, by men who never 
heard a rebel gun fire. It is true, many persons in Missouri embarked in 
rebellion without regard to party; but the great body of her people were true 
and faithful to the Constitution and the Union. . . . The States of Ohio, Indi- 
ana, and Illinois, which the Republican party in 1860 carried by small majorities, 
far outstripped the New England States in furnishing men for the sup]jressiou of 
the Rebellion, although the New England States were intensely Republican. 



GEOEGE W. M^CEAEY. 



^fei^EORGE W. McCEAKY was born near Evansville, Indi- 
^iM ana, Auo-ust 29. 1835. When he was but a few months 
^JX old his parents removed to Illinois, where they remained 
one year, and then went to that portion of Wisconsin Ter- 
ritory which now constitutes the State of Iowa, settling in Yan 
Buren County. Here the sul)ject of this sketch spent his earlier 
years upon a farm. Being thns npon the extreme borders of civili- 
zation, where schools were few and poor, and his parents being 
unable to educate him abroad, he obtained his education under 
many difficulties, generally working on the farm in summer and 
going to school in the winter. At about eighteen years of age, 
having acquired sufficient education for the purpose, he engaged in 
school-teaching, and for several years employed himself alternately 
in teaching and studying at an academical institution. 

In 1855 Mr. McCrary went to Keokuk and entered the office of 
Eankin & Miller as a student-at-law. In due course he was admit- 
ted to the bar, and commenced the practice of his profession in that 
citv. Of industrious habits, resolute and ambitious in spirit, he 
was successful from the start, and soon built up a good practice. 
He was noted for his assiduous attention to business, and the thor- 
ough preparation of his cases. Taking a lively interest in politics, 
his character, the universal esteem with which he was regarded, his 
talent and his sagacity, at once marked him out to his political 
associates as a man both available as a candidate, and valuable in 
the conduct of public affairs; consequently, in 1857, when only 
twenty-two years of age, he was elected by the Republican party a 
member of the Iowa House Of Eepresentatives from Lee County. 
He was the youngest member of thai body, and his extremely 

JJ4 




/ 6&-l^^/^ 



GEORGE W. MCCRARY. 2 

youthful -appearance excited mucli comment among strangers. He 
proved, however, an active and efficient member. In 1861 he was 
chosen to represent his county in the State Senate. Lee County 
was largely Democratic, but the Rebellion having just broken out, 
Mr. McCrary made a successful appeal to the people to forget all 
else and unite in the support of the Government and the Union. 
His speeches in that campaign, and at various other times during 
the war, in favor of fidelity to the country, a patriotic support of the 
war measures of the Government, and in denunciation of treason 
and rebellion, are spoken of as exceedingly forcible and eloquent. 
During the first two years of his senatorial term he was Chairman 
of the Committee on Military Aftairs, at that time the most important 
committee in that body, and he labored unceasingly and efiectually 
in behalf of the Iowa contingent to the Union Army. During the 
last two 3^ears of his term he was Chairman of the Committee on 
tlie Judiciary, and discharged the duties of the position with 
marked ability. 

In 1862 the Hon. Samuel F. Miller, who had been one of his 
legal preceptors, having been appointed a Judge of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, selected Mr. McCrary as his successor 
in the firm of Rankin & Miller. Ever since his connection with 
that firm his legal practice has perliaps not been inferior in extent 
or importance to that of any member of the bar in Iowa, and his 
success has amply justified the expectations of his friends and the 
judgment of his preceptor. 

In 1868 the Hon. James F. Wilson, who had for many years rep- 
resented that district in Congress, declined a re-nomination. From 
the moment of this announcement the general expectation and 
desire indicated that Mr. McCrary would succeed him. This was 
indeed a compliment to the young, but already experienced, politician 
of Keokuk, for the constituents of Mr. Wilson were much attached 
to him, and had a high opinion of his talents and public influence, 
and were consequently more than ordinarily considerate in the 
choice of his successor. He canvassed his district with great abil- 
ity and thoroughness, and was elected by a large majority. 

22 

3^7 



JAMES C. M'GEEW. 



^,t^^AMES C. M'GKEW was born in what is now Preston 
,%^ County, West Virginia, then a part of Monongalia County, 
Xi^^I' ^ii'gii^ia, September 14, 1813. He received a practical 
English education, and when not in school worked on his 
father's farm. At the age of twenty he engaged in mercantile 
pursuits, which he followed steadily and with success for thirty 
years, when he engaged in banking, which is his present business. 
He was a delegate to the Virginia State Convention in 1861, and 
a member of the Legislature of West Virginia in 1863, 1864, and 
1865. He was elected a Representative from West Virginia to the 
Forty-first Congress as a Republican, and was appointed a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Railways and Canals, and the Committee 
on Freednien's Affairs. 

Mr. M'Grew addressed the House February IT, 1871, in explana- 
tion of a statement made by Mr. Hoar, in a speech advocating his 
bill to establish a system of national education that " AVest Vir- 
ginia contemplates the destruction of her already successful free- 
school system." After having spoken of the system of free schools 
established in his State Mr. -M'Grew said : 

Mr. Speaker, this is a work and tlicse are results of which the citizens of 
West Virginia may justly be proud, and I trust the day is far distant when they 
will become so blind to their own best interests as to do any thing to mar this 
noble work. It is true, however, Mr. Speaker, thnt in West Virginia the friends 
of universal education have some cause of uneasiness, if not of alarm. 

At the recfnt State election the Democracy, for the first time in the history 
of the State, succeeded in getting the control of the' Legislature, and it is a fact 
to be deplored that the Democracy in West Virginia has manifested unmistak- 
able signs of hostility to the free-school system as it exists there ever since its 
introduction, and it is currently reported that the Democratic Legislature is 
about to call a convention to revise the State Constitution, and it is greatly 
feared by the friends of education that if successful in their project for a con- 
vention they will attempt to destroy the existing system of universal free 
education. 



GEOEGE O. M^KEE. 



£!|^^HE subject of this sketch is of Scotch-Irish descent. His 
fatlier, James McKee, was a native of Chester District, 
South Carolina. Being of very decided anti-shivery views, 
and not wishing that his growing family of children should 
be reared under the influences of slavery then surrounding them, 
he removed from the South to Illinois, where, at Joliet, on the 
2d of October, 1836, George C. McKee was born. He was edu- 
cated in the academic department at Knox College, and received a 
partial collegiate education at Lombard University. 

Before reaching his majority he was admitted to the bar, and took 
part as a Republican in the famous " Lincoln and Douglas canvass" 
of 1858 in Illinois. When twenty-one years of age he was elected 
City Attorney of Centralia, Illinois. He practiced law until the 
outbreak of the rebellion, when, at the first call for troops, he 
enlisted as a private in the first company (11th Illinois Infantry) 
that left Southern Illinois. At the conclusion of the three months' 
term of service, during which time he had served as first sergeant in 
South-east Missouri, the company re-enlisted and re-organized for the 
three years' service, and he was unanimously elected Captain. He 
was wounded at Fort Donelson, Shiloh, and Yicksburg. During 
the siege of Vicksburg he commanded a corps of three hundred 
picked men. He repulsed the rebel assault at Yazoo City, March 5, 
1864, although attacked by Generals Ross and Richardson with a 
force treble his own. After this he was ordered, as Brigadier- 
General, to equip four regiments of enrolled militia. 

At the close of the w\ar, having been continuously in Mississippi 
since 1862, he settled in that State at Yicksburg and resumed the 
practice of his profession, and also engaged in planting in Warren 
and Madison Counties, 



2 GEORGE C. M^KEE. 

He at once took a stand as an earnest-working Republican of 
liberal views. The Republican party of Mississippi was started 
and organized in liis law-office at Yicksburg. He was appointed 
Register in Bankruptcy in 1867, was a member of the Constitutional 
Convention of Mississippi from Warren County, and as Chairman 
of the Judiciary Committee framed the present judicial system of 
Mississippi, He was elected to the Fortieth Congress by 5,000 
majority, but the State was not admitted to representation by that 
Cono-ress, He was elected to the Fortv-first Cono-ress by 15,000 
majority, and on being admitted to his seat was appointed on the 
Committee on Reconstruction. In a speech delivered, December 
20, 1870, on tlie Amnesty Bill, Mr. McKee declared himself in 
favor of the most liberal policy : 

Mr. Speal\er, believing as I do in universal amnesty, I advocate the passage of 
this bill. It is not all I desire. If I had my own vfaj untrammelcd I would 
make it far broader than it is. But I believe this is the best we can get at this 
session, and, as a practical man, I will take what I can get. We rarely obtain 
all we desire at one cfl'ort ; and whatever may be done hereafter, believing in 
amnesty full and free, I will not, in behalf of my constituents who are to be 
benefited, reject the advantages of this bill liecanse it does not meet all the 
requirements of our case. I do not wish to grasp for all and lose every thing. 
This is a great step in the right direction, and so far as it goes I accei:)t it ; while 
I shall continue to vote as I have voted all along, for individual am.nesty, for 
special amnesty, for partial amnesty, and, whenever I can do so practically, I shall 
vote for universal amnesty. 

I wish to say in response to what has been said by the gentleman from Ten- 
nessee [Mr. Prosser] that it is undoubtedly true that in our section of the country, 
in Mississippi and in Tennessee, there are too many Ku-Klux outrages ; but I ask 
practical men if that is any good reason wliy disqualification should prevail ? 
Is it any reason, because men have been murdered, that punishment of the mur- 
derer should be disqualification from holding office? The punishment is too 
ludicrous ; it is too absurd to say if a man commits an outrage like that the 
gentleman has spoken of he shall not hold office under the United States. 

Nor do I believe like the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Duke,] that amnesty 
should be granted to the people of the South because they fought so bravely 
against the Government, even if they did believe they were right in so doing. 
Such lr)gic would acquit all great criminals, and punish the lesser ones only. It 
would be but holding out a premium for even bolder struggles against the Govern- 
ment in the future. It is enough, in all conscience, to give amnesty for dis 
loyalty, without asking that that amnesty shall be given as a meritorious reward 
for the very boldness and persistence of such disloyalty. . . . 





y^^^-e^ ^.^C '^'c? 




LEWIS IVrKEl^TZIE. 



I&WIS M'KENZIE was born at Alexandria, Va., October 
13, 1810, and received a common school education. He 
|r%^ left school when thirteen years of ago, and was engaged as 
clerk in one of the largest commission and shipping houses 
in Alexandria. He afterward engaged in business on his own ac- 
count as a member of the firm of Lambert & M'Kenzie, who were 
largely engaged in the West Indies and coastwise trade. He is 
now President of the First National Bank of Alexandria, and of 
the Wasliington and Ohio Railroad Company. He served for 
twenty years as a member of the Common Council of Alexandria ; 
was elected to the Legislature of Virginia from the County of 
Alexandria for three terms ; and was Mayor of Alexandria the 
first 3'ear of the Rebellion, elected by the Union people. He was 
elected to the Fortj^-first Congress as a Union Conservative, re- 
ceiving 15,878 votes against 11,073 for Whittlesey, Republican. 

During his early life Mr. M'Kenzie was an Old Line Whig, and 
a great admirer of Henry Clay. He has always been in favor of 
protecting American industry in preference to encouraging foreign 
importations ; he was always an antislavery man, and rejoiced 
when the institution had come to an end. 

Mr. M'Kenzie's right to a seat having been contested on the 
ground that he could not take the iron-clad oath, Mr, Farnsworth 
said of him : 

I wish to state that so far as Mi-. M'Kenzie is concerned he stands ready to 
take the oath. I will state further that I knew Mr. M'Kenzie very well during the 
war, and as early as the fall of 1861, and during the following winter. I sjient 
a portion of that winter in Alexandria with the regiuieot which I had raised, 
and which I was then commanding. Mr. M'Kenzie was then acting Mayor of 
Alexandria, and in my opinion as loyal a man as ever lived. He remained 



2 LEWIS M'KENZ IE. 

there true to the flag wlien tlie rebels fled. He was a true man, a great deal 
truer man tban some military officers. 

Mr. Majnard bore testimony to the same eifect, as follows : 

This question having been sprung upon the House in this manner, it is but 
just to the applicant, Mr. M'Kenzie, and but right in me, to state that I knew 
him intimately during pretty much all the time the late war was going on. 
Under an election which was held, or attempted to be held, in that part of 
Virginia under the auspices of what was called the " Wheeling Government," 
and which was afterward recognized by Congress, and representation allowed 
to Virginia in part under that election, Mr. M'Kenzie claimed to have been 
elected to this House. He came here and asked to be allowed to take his seat, 
but it was denied to him by the House. 

I have always recognized Mr. M'Kcnzie as a loyal man, as a Union man, co- 
operating with the forces of the government in the suppression of the rebellion, 
and as thoroughly identified with the government in feeling. As to the merits 
of the controversy concerning the seat I know nothing, and have heard nothing ; 
but in regard to the question of the personal loyalty of Mr. M'Kenzie I should 
be very much surprised to learn any thing that was inconsistent with thorough 
loyalty on his jsart. 

Mr. M'Kenzie was sworn in January 24, 1870, and was ap- 
pointed to the Committee on the District of Columbia. During 
the discussion of the Senate bill to relieve certain persons from 
legal and personal disabilities, February 21, 1870, Mr. M'Kenzie 
said : 

I am glad to see the House coming to a true consideration of this question. 
Why not give these people relief? They have sufi"ered greatly in this contest. 
I belong to the Republican party of the Commonwealth of Virginia, and I 
rejoice that the colored people there are free. I have been an antishivery man 
for years past ; was one long before many who occupy seats in this House ever 
took such a position. I am anxious that the people of the South should be 
relieved from their political disabilities. Why not, like a magnanimous govern- 
ment, relieve them ? It is true, what has been done in the South has not been 
done in the spirit in which I had hoped it would bo done ; still I hope this bill 
will be passed, and that the amendment that has been adopted by the House 
will be promptly acted on by the Senate. 

There was another person here for years past seeking to have his disabilities 
removed. On Saturday last he died, and it is of no consequence now to have 
his name included in this bill ; he has gone to a higher tribunal. I hojie this 
House will, by a unanimous vote, if possiI)le, pass this bill. These people have 
waited long and anxiously. Many of them are my friends, and I am willing to 
knock ofi" their shackles. The President has said, " Let us have peace ;" why 
should not the representatives of the people say so also ? 



THOMPSON W. IVr^EELY. 



^^^IIOMPSON W. M'NEELY was born in Jacksonville, 
ym Illinois, October 5, 1835. He^raduatecl at the Lombard 
r^p- University, Galesburgh, in 1856 ; studied law and came 
to the bar in 1857; and graduated at the Law University 
of Louisville, Kentucky, in 1859. He was a member of the Con- 
stitutional Convention of Illinois in 1862, and was elected a Kepre- 
sentative from Ilhnois to the Forty -first Congress as a Democrat. 
Mr. M'Neely was appointed to the Committee on Education and 
Labor and the Committee on Kevolutionary Claims. His first 
speech in the House, January 29, ISW, was a very able and elab- 
orate argument in support of the following resolution, which he 
had introduced a few days before : 

Besohed, That the Committee on Banking and Curi-ency be and they are 
hereby instructed to report at an early day a bill providing for withdrawing 
from circulation the national bank currency, and for issuing instead of such 
currency Treasury notes usually known as greenbacks. 

The following extract from the speech elucidates the policy of 
ex23ansion : 

Mr. Speaker, to still further facilitate and hasten the payment of the jDublic 
debt, and to answer the pressing demands of the people, I would cxj^and the 
circulation by the issue of $200,0(30,000 in United States legal-tender notes in 
addition to those now outstanding, and in addition to those I would substitute 
in the place of the national bank notes. In this I speak for myself; and having 
advocated this expansion in the canvass which I made previous to my election, 
I speak for the people whom I represent. By the term expansion I do not mean 
inflation, but simply such increase of circulation as the business wants of the 
people justify. This expansion, however, should be sufficiently gradual as 
would prevent any serious financial shock. Feeling the pulse of the business 
public, I would administer the relief as the patient could bear it. A glance at 
the condition of our currency and the business interest which employs it con- 
vinces me that we need more money. 



ULYSSES MERCUR. 

(Continued fiom the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Mercur served on the Commit- 
tee on the Judiciary and the Committee on Mileag-e. Pendinf; the 
discussion of the Amnesty Bill, he expressed his views in the fol- 
lowing speech : 

" The bill is a very comprehensive one. Amnesty, in the ordi- 
nary and proper acceptation of that term, constitutes but a small 
portion of its provisions. It professes to go further, and take from 
loyal citizens of the several States rights which they now have 
under the Constitution and,luws ; rights that they are now permit- 
ted to enforce in the courts of justice, and which some of them have 
proceeded to enforce and are now prosecuting in various courts of 
the nation. To my mind the provisions of the bill in this regard 
are exceedingly questionable. I will go further, and say I think 
they are wrong. I think it is wrong for Congress to pass a law by 
which loyal men shall be prohibited from enforcing their rights in 
the courts. 

" But apart from that, I auT now opposed to a general and sweep- 
ing amnesty. I say I am opposed to it now. The time may come 
when, in my judgment, such a measure will be proper ; but I think 
that time has not yet arrived. I have failed to see anything in the 
disposition and conduct of the people of the South who went into 
the Rebellion which can give assurance to my mind that they are 
now prepared for such a measure of amnesty. 

" I believe that when we adopted the Fourteenth Amendment to 
the Constitution we meant something by it. We adopted it not as 
a measure of ordinary legislation ; we established it as a part of the 
organic law of the land ; and it seems to me we are in fearful haste 
to w'ip.e out its provisions and destroy all the benefits which the 
nation expected to receive under its benign influence. Why, sir, 
the ink has scarcely dried on the statute-books where it is printed ; 
yet we are met here by members from all parts of the country ask- 
ing us to legislate it out of existence, to wipe it away. There is, I 
rejoice to see, some diversity of sentiment among members repre- 
sentinfj- the reconstructed States. We find there are still some of 
them who feel that repentance should precede pardon. 




■^^ %m{mfSon, ezr^''^'^^ 



'.^ 



WILLIAM MILl^ES, JE. 




'■ "^^ILLIAM MILNES, Jr., was born in Lancashire, En- 



o-Iand, December 8, 1827. When he was in liis second 
vear his parents emigrated to this country, and took up 
their residence in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, w^here the father 
engaged in mining and manufacturing, in which lie was very suc- 
cessful, leaving at his death, which occurred April 11, 1861, quite 
a lart»:e fortune. 

Young Mihies received a good education at the Pottsville 
Academy, which was in charge of C. AV. Pittman, Esq., an excel- 
lent teacher, and a gentleman of enlarged and liberal views, who 
afterward represented his district in Congress. Leaving the 
academy at the age of seventeen, Mr. Mihies decided to place 
himself beyond the reverses of fortune by learning a trade, 
although his father was wealthy, and needed his services in con- 
ducting his extensive business. lie apprenticed himself to a firm 
largely engaged in the machine and blacksmithing business, with 
whom he spent four years, becoming master of every branch of his 
trade. Li the business which he afterward pursued he found the 
knowledge gained during his apprenticeship of immense value. 
Soon after completing his trade he was employed, by the extensive 
firm of Milnes, Haywood, & Co., as agent for shipping their coal. 
He continued as such for two years, when he gave up tliis agency 
to take charge of the Pine Forest Colliery, owned by Snyder & 
Milnes, then one of tlie most extensive mines in the country. 
Here he remained for two years longer, conducting the large 
business intrusted to him to the entire satisfaction of his employers. 
About this time his father dissolved partnership with Snyder and 
purchased the Hickory Colliery, a very extensive mine, and took 
into partnership with him his sons William and John, and the 



2 WILLIAM MILNE S, JR. 

Eev. Jas. ]S"eill, under the firm name of William Milnes, Jr., & Co., 
at Pottsville, and Benjamin Milnes & Co., at Philadelphia. The 
subject of this sketch continued for eleven years as the senior part- 
ner of the Hickory Colliery firm, during which time the company 
mined and shipped over twelve hundred thousand tons of coal. 

On the death of his father he and his brother took entire charge 
of the business, and successfully conducted it up to the spring of 

1864, when they sold out to the Mammoth Yein Consolidated 
Coal Company. Mr. Milnes was employed as the superintendent 
of this company, in which capacity he continued until December, 

1865, when he removed to Virginia. He and his brother John, 
his father-in-law, Thomas Johns, and his cousin, John Fields, about 
this time purcliased the property known as the Shenandoah Iron 
Works.- This property is situated in the counties of Page and 
Rockingham, and comprises 35,000 acres of land, on which are 
two furnaces and one forge in successful operation. The entire 
property cost about $500,000, and is the most valuable of the kind 
in the State, perhaps in tlie Soutli. About 1,000 acres of this 
land is under cultivation, and is constantly being cleared up and 
improved. The most of it is beautifully and advantageously 
situated on the Shenandoah, by means of which river the bloom- 
iron is transported by flat-boats to Harper's Ferry, whence it is 
taken by rail to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and other eastern markets. 
On their farm and in their furnaces and mining operations the 
company employ about three hundred men. 

Mr. Milnes, during the greater part of his life having been 
heavily engaged in business pursuits, has had but little time to 
devote to politics. After earnest solicitation by his friends he con- 
sented to become a candidate for Congress only seven days before 
the election, and without making a speech or asking for a vote, he 
was elected by more than five thousand majority. Entering the 
Forty-first Congress as a Tiepresentative from Virginia, when 
the reconstruction of tliat State was consummated, January 27, 
1870, he served on the Committee on Railways and Canals and 
the Committee on Accounts. 

iy6 




-'i'Bkll^Sir.:: 




MOORE, 



^SPr-KSENTieTv-E F" 



"^CPAVE FOP EAP.MES h'lSrC.Y CF CCA'GREiS. 



ELIAIvIM H. MOORE. 







5f 



XIAKIM HASTINGS MOOEE was born in Boylston, 
Worcester County, Massachusetts, June 19, 1S12, and 
went with his father to Athens County, Ohio, in 1817. At 
that time educational advantages in the West were greatly 
limited. The subject of this sketch in his country home had access 
only to the poorest common schools, and to them only under the 
most trying circumstances— such as a walk of three miles through 
the snow to the rude log school-house. Yet he loved his books; 
and, thirsting for practical knowledge, made rapid advancement, 
and' was soon counted among the most proficient in the elementary 

branches there taught. 

Eminently positive in his character, he early formed decided 
opinions on the leading moral and political questions of the day. 
He joined the first temperance organization in 1828, and ever 
remained one of the most steadfast friends of the cause. Instinct- 
ively a hater of slavery in all its forms, he was confirmed in his 
opposition by witnessing many disgraceful and cruel scenes attend- 
ant upon the pursuit and recovery of fugitives by brutal masters 
and slave-hunters. He was in polities a AVhig until the formation 
of the Eepublican party, with which he has ever since acted. 

In the winter of 1834-35 he taught school, and at the same time 
studied surveying with Hon. S. B. Pruden, who in the spring of 
1836 introduced him to the public by appointing him deputy 
county surveyor. In 1838 he was elected county surveyor, and 
was re-elected in 1841 and 1844. In 1846 his familiarity with the 
subdivisions of the lands recommended him as a suitable person 
for county auditor, and he was elected by a hwge m.ajority as an 
independent candidate. So entirely to the satisfaction of the peo- 

/ 



2 ELIAKIMH. MOORE. 

pie did he perform the duties of his office that he was re-elected, 
with but slight oi)positioii and bj very large majorities, in '48, '50, 
'52, '54, '56, and '58. His private business having meanwhile 
largely accumulated, he then declined further service. 

During the war for the Union he supported it with unstinted 
contributions of time and money and personal influence, and. 
served as a member of the military committee of Athens County. 

When the system of internal revenue was adopted, he was 
appointed collector for tiio 15th District of Ohio ; but being polit- 
ically unacceptable to Andrew Johnson, he was removed in 1866. 

He was for, many years a director of the Athens Branch State 
Bank of Ohio, and, as its president, superintended its conversion 
into the First l^ational Bank of Athens, to which he now sustains 
the same official relations. He served for a long time as a director 
of the Marietta and Cincinnati Railroad, and was one of the pro- 
jectors and incorporators of the Columbus and Hocking Valley 
Railroad. He is one of the directors of the Athens Lunatic 
Asylum, and a member of the Board of Trustees of the Ohio 
University. 

In 1868 he was unexpectedly recalled to political life. The 
campaign of 1S6T had been a gloomy one for the Republicans, 
who, though they secured their governor by a small majority, lost 
the legislature, which elected a Democrat, Hon. A. G. Thurman, 
to the United States Senate. Most of the close congressional 
districts had also gone democratic, among them the loth by 427 
majority. In 1868, to redeem the 15th District, the nomination 
for Congress was urged upon him and reluctantly accepted. He 
entered the campaign with characteristic vigor, and defeated his 
democratic competitor, M. D, Follet, Esq., by 956, running 136 
ahead of the State ticket. During the Forty-first Congress he 
served on the Committee on Territories, and consistently voted 
for every measure of retrenchment and reform. 

He declined a renomination in 1870, and again devoted himself 
to his private business, the growing proportions of which demanded 
his entire attention. 




•*«as«2<* j-»„ ezFiJ^^-' 



JESSE H. MOOEE. 




'^^^ESSE H. MOORE was born in St. Clair County, Illinois, 
April 22, 1817. His grandfather was at the battle of York- 
town and saw Cornwallis surrender to Washington. His 
father and all his brothers and brothers-in-law were in the 
War of 1812. The son of a farmer, he grew to manhood in his 
native count}^, and in 1837 entered M'Kendree College at Lebanon, 
Illinois, where he graduated in 1812. He was soon after elected 
Principal of the Georgetown Seminary, where he remained four 
years. He was subsequently Principal of the Paris Seminary, and 
still later President of Quincy College. Having entered the min- 
istry of the Methodist Episcopal Church, he served as Pastor of 
several important Churches in the Illinois Annual Conference. 

In the summer of 1862 he was earnestly solicited by many who 
were enlisting in the service of the country to declare his willing- 
ness to lead a regiment of volunteers into the field. In the face of 
many obstacles he consented, and was commissioned Colonel of the 
115th regiment Illinois Infantry, which Vv'as organized at Camp 
Butler, Illinois, August 26, 1862, and was ordered to the field 
in October following. On reaching Covington, Kentucky, the 
regiment was attached to the Second Brigade, Second Division 
Army of Kentucky. Colonel Moore was in command of the post 
at Kichmond, Kentucky, during the months of JSTovember and 
December. He marched thence to Kashville, to re-inforce the 
Army of the Cumberland. He was stationed from March 1 to 
June 1, 1863, at Franklin, Tennessee, and subsequently moved 
with the Army of the Cumberland on Shelbyville and Tullahoma. 
He was in command of the post at Tullahoma during a part of the 
months of July and August. 



2 JESSE H. MOOKE. 

On the 19th and 20th of September he participated in the great 
battles of Chickamauga. His command was one of the famous ten 
regiments of the Reserve Corps, which, on the afternoon of the 
20th, by a most bloody and obstinate resistance, won the distin- 
guished honor of saving the Army of the Cnmberland. One third 
of the officers and nearly half the men of the llStli Illinois were 
among the killed and wounded. This regiment bore a conspicuous 
part in nearly all those splendid maneuvers which resulted in the 
utter defeat of Bragg and Longstreet at Chattanooga, Lookout 
Mountain, and Mission Ridge. After the battle of Chickamauga, 
in the reorganization of the army it was assigned to the Second 
Brigade, First Division, Fouith Army Corps, Department of the 
Cumberland, with which it served until the end of the war. 

During a considerable portion of the winter of 1863-64 Colonel 
Moore commanded the Second Brigade, First Division, Fourth 
Army Corps; and in the month of January, 1864, under Major- 
General D. C. Stanley, marched with his brigade into East Ten- 
nessee, where he remained until the 3d of May following. On that 
day, in command of his regiment, he started on the memorable 
campaign which resulted in the ftill of Atlanta. He led the charge 
on Tunnel Hill, Georgia, skirmished several days with the enemy 
at Rocky Face and at Buzzard's Roost in front of Dalton, and bore 
a conspicuous part in the great battle of Rosacea. 

After this battle he was ordered to report in person to General 
Thomas, and was assigned to the post at Resacca, which had be- 
come the base of supplies for the army then operating in Georgia 
under General Sherman. For more than two months he remained 
in that important position, in command of forces guarding commu- 
nications, and had almost daily skirmishes with raiding parties who 
were constantly endeavoring to cut off the supplies of the Union 

army. 

When in November, 1864, General Sherman entered upon his 
march toward the sea, "the invincible Fourth Corps," as it was 
called, commanded by that splendid soldier, General Stanley, to 
which the 115th Illinois belonged, together with the Twenty-third 



JESSE H. MOORE. 3 

Corps under General Scliofield, were all the veteran forces left to o])- 
pose the rebel General Hood in his scheme of carrying the war into 
Tennessee and Kentucky. This force was thrown in his front and 
fortified itself at Pulaski, Tennessee, but being outnumbered and 
flanked, it was compelled to full back toward Xashville. Being 
hard pressed, the Union army was compelled to turn and give bat- 
tle at Franklin, Tennessee, on the 30th day of December, ISG-i, 
and in the most sano;uinarv struggle of the war the enemy was 
reoulsed with frio;htful carnage. The army then fell .back to tlie 
entrenchments around JSTashville to meet re-inforcements, and were 
there besieged for fifteen days, during which preparations were 
made to give battle and to crush the army under Hood. On the 
15th and 16th of December in front of ISTashville was fouglit one 
of the most important battles of the war. Colonel Moore's regi- 
ment bore a conspicuous part in this engagement. Immediately 
after the battle, in command of his brigade he marched with the 
Fourth Army Corps in pursuit of Hood's shattered forces to within 
twenty-five miles of Florence, Alabama, and thence to Huntsville, 
where he remained in camp until the 14th of March, 1865. Thence 
he set out for Richmond, Virginia, but halted at Greenville, Tennes- 
see, on hearing of the occupation of the rebel capital by the Army 
of the Potomac. He remained in camp a few weeks, when, with 
the Fourth Army Corps, he was ordered to Xashville, preparatory 
to moving into Texas. Meanwhile, however, the Confederacy hav- 
ing gone to pieces more suddenly than was expected, and the Gov- 
ernment having a surplus of troops, those whose term of service 
would expire prior to September 20, 1865, were ordered to be mus- 
tered out. Colonel Moore embraced the opportunity to retire to 
civil life after three years of faithful and arduous military service 
under Generals Rosecrans, Thomas, Grant, and Sherman, who suc- 
cessively commanded the military division of the West. 

After the close of the war Mr. Moore resumed his duties as min- 
ister of the Gospel, and was Presiding Elder of the Decatur Dis- 
trict, Illinois Conference, when he was elected a Representative 
from the Seventh District of Illinois to the Forty-first Congress. 

.cJ57 



rRA:^K MOREY. 



^(/''^^E^RAlSriv MOREY was born in Boston, Massachusetts, July 
^j^ 11, 1810, and was educated in the public schools of that 
y€|l ^^^y- ^^^ ^^^^ employed two years as clerk and book- 
keeper in a wholesale hide and leather house in Boston. 
He went West in 1857 and located in La Salle County, Illinois, 
and engaged in farming and teaching school, employing his leisure 
in the study of medicine, which he subsequently abandoned for the 
study of law. In 1860 he engaged in the grain and lumber busi- 
ness, and in the early portion of 1861 traveled through Kansas and 
Nebraska speculating in wild landt^. lie was preparing for an 
overland trip to Oregon and California when the Rebellion com- 
menced, whereupon he returned to Illinois, and in August, 1861, 
entered the service in the 33d Illinois Infantrj', with which regi- 
ment he served until September, 1863, participating in the cam- 
paign through Southeast Missouri and Arkansas under General 
Curtis. He was with his regiment in the Yicksburg campaign, 
during which he participated in the battles of Port Gibson, Jack- 
son, Champion's Hill, Raymond, Big Black, and the siege of Yicks- 
burg. At the battle of Big Black he commanded his company, 
acting as skirmishers, in a charge on a Confederate six-guTi battery, 
which they took, driving the enemy from their guns at the point 
of the bayonet, for which he was highly complimented in field- 
orders. In September, 1863, he accepted a command of colored 
troops, with which he served on the Red River Expedition. The 
only fighting done by colored troops in that campaign was per- 
formed by four companies under his command at Yellow Bayou, 
Louisiana. He afterward served, until the surrender of Lee, as 
acting Assistant Adjutant-General of the District of Morganza. 
In 1865 he proceeded, under orders from General Canby, to Mon- 





HON. FPTvMK MORKY: 
F.EPEESENTATIVT. FROM LOUlSLM\rA . 



y^,. H.BArlNES * C0.3 / i=ARK ROW. NEW YOH^ 



FRANK MORE Y. 2 

roe, Louisiana, and organized the Freedman's Bureau in Northeast 
Louisiana. He was honorably mustered out of the service Decem- 
ber 31, 1865, and settled at Monroe, where he engaged in tlie 
cotton-planting and the insurance business. 

Mr. Morey was Assistant Assessor of Internal lievenue in 1867 
and 1868, and in the latter year was elected to the General Assem- 
bly of the State of Louisiana, in which he was a member of the 
"Ways aud Means, Railroad, and other important committees. He 
was appointed member of a Board of Commissioners for the revis- 
ion of the Statutes at large, and of the civil code and code of prac- 
tice of the State of Louisiana, on which he served two years. 

He is editor and publisher of the Louisiana Intelligeneer at 
Monroe, Louisiana, an outspoken and unswerving Republican 
journal. He is interested in railroad and other enterprises for the 
development of the State, and is Yice-President of the Arkansas 
and Delta Railroad. 

Li 1868 he was the Republican nominee for Congress in the 
Fifth Congressional District of Louisiana, and by reason of the wide- 
spread violence and intimidation which prevailed in that State in 
1868 he was defeated. He contested his opponent's election, and 
in April, 1870, the matter was referred back to the people, by 
whom he was elected for the remainder of the Forty-first and for 
the Forty-second Congress after a unanimous nomination and a 
vigorous campaign, receiving a majority of about two thousand 
votes. In the Forty-first Congress he was a member of the Com- 
mittee on Military Affairs. He spoke in favor of the Southern 
Pacific Railroad, and made vigorous efforts for securing an appro- 
priation for the improvement of the Washita River. Upon a reso- 
lution reported by the Connnittee on Reconstruction he remarked 
upon the inconsistency of prescribing a simple oath to support the 
Constitution to those who were engaged in the Rebellion, and con- 
tinuing to require the test oath of all others. He closed a subse- 
quent speech in favor of Amnesty with the hope that his friends 
would have "the political sagacity to pass a full amnesty bill, and 

not deal in these patch-work bills." 

23 

2>sz 



GEORGE W. MORGAN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Morg^an served on the Committee 
on Military Affairs and the Committee on Eeconstruction. On the 
20th of December, 1869, he addressed the House on the reconstruc- 
tion of Georgia, and took occasion to make the following interesting 
statement of his opinions respecting the late civil war : 

There are those, and they are numbered by thousands, who at the time of the 
outbreak of the war which closed five years ago believed that it was the delib- 
erate purpose of the leaders of the so-called Republican ]5arty to force this 
country into war for the express purpose of subverting its free institutions. I 
was one of those who were reluctant so to believe. I was willing to contribute 
to the best of my humble ability in suppressing the armed opposition to the 
Government. But, sir, with my hand upon my heart, in the presence of the 
great God who rules all nations and now watches over ours, I here declare that 
I am now convinced that the single object of these leaders of the Republican 
party was the subversion of our free institutions and the desire of war to that 
end. The charge that I make is a bold one— a charge that should not be 
lio-htly made— a charge which when' made on this floor should be sustained by 
proof What are the proofs ? 

It is true that a peace congress assembled, but it is also true that it dissolved 
in failure. The peace congress ! Sir, if there was ever a conspiracy against 
peace, if conspirators ever assembled with the determination to sacrifice liberty 
upon the pretext of securing liberty, they were in that body. But, sir, what 
proof is there that the leaders of the Republican party desired the war for the 
purpose of overthrowing our free institutions? It is a fact which I have not 
heard commented upon, and yet it is a startling fiict, that so anxious was the 
Administration of Mr. Lincoln that the rebellion should assume form and an 
organized army be placed in the field, that after open war had been made upon 
the ]iart of the Southern i)eople by firing upon Fort Sumter, Mr. Lincoln's ad- 
ministratiiui furnislied to the Rebellion the four great leaders who organized and 
commanded their armies— Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, Albert Sidney 
Johnston, and that thunderbolt of Southern war, James Longstreet. Their res- 
ignations were accepted l)y Mr. Lincoln after the firing upon Fort Sumter. 
Upon this charge I challenge denial. 

Sir, it was notorious throughout the land that Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. John- 
ston, and All)ert Sidney Johnston were not only thiee of the most distinguished 
officers in the American army and holding the highest rank, but that they were 
three of the most scientific and able of our military men. It was at the option 
of President Lincoln to receive or not to receive their resignations. Fort Sum- 
ter had been fired upon, and it was evident that the rebellion must prove a 
speedy failure unless great chiefs were placed at its head. Who furnished those 
chiefs? The administration of Abrahtim Lincoln. On this point I again chal- 
lenge contradiction. I pause for a reply. . . . 

And here, sir, I declare that, which will be tlie judgment of history, had 
either Douglas or Breckenridge or Bell been elected there would have been 
no war, 



3 '' 



JOSEPH L. MOEPHIS. 




OSEPH L. MOKPHIS was born in McNairy County, 
Tennessee, April 17, 1831, and was hronglit np as a planter. 
He was a Whig member of the State Legislature of Ten- 
nessee in 1 859. He entered tlie Confederate Army as captain 
in August, 1861, and served until the surrender. Having removed 
to Mississippi in 1863, he was elected to the State Constitutional 
Convention of Mississippi in 1865, and was a member of the State 
Legislature in 1866, 1867, and 1868. He was elected a Eepresenta- 
tive from Mississippi to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, 
and was sworn in February 23, 1870, taking the modified oath as 
prescribed by the Act of July 11, 1868. He served on the Com- 
mittee on Public Buildings and Grounds. Though attentive to the 
duties of his position, Mr. Morphis seldom took the floor. His only 
attempt at speech-making during the Forty-first Congress was 
pending the River and Harbor Appropriation Bill, when he said : 

I move to amend by inserting after the clause just read, " for improvement 
of Tombigbee river, from Fulton to Al)erdeen, $10,000." Last spring, when 
the bill for the improvement of rivers came up for consideration, I asked tlie 
Committee on Commerce for an appropriation of $10,000 for this purpose. 
They told me that I would first have to get a survey of the Tombigbee river 
made. I asked for a survey of that river. The other day I inquired of the 
Engineer Bureau if that survey had been made. I have not the answer here, 
but the reply was that they were surveyhig the river, but had not yet completed 
it. Unless this appropriation be made at this session, so that the work can go 
on this summer, it will be of no benefit to the people. An apjDropriation next 
winter will be too late. Though the Engineer Department has not sent in the 
survey which has been made, the j)eopIe of my district have petitioned in large 
numbers in favor of this improvement, and their petition has been sent to the 
Committee on Commerce. This House has not appropriated one dollar for the 
State of Mississippi. The important rivers in our State have received no atten- 
tion from this Committee. I hope the House will agree to vote this appro- 
priation of $10,000. 



1 DANIEL J. MORRELL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr, Morrell served as Chairman of 
the Committee on Manufactures, and as a member of the Select 
Committee on the Causes of the Eeduction of American Tonnage. 
He took an important part in the financial legislation of this Con- 
gress. Early in the second session he yjroposed a bill to fund the 
national debt at a lower rate of interest, to make the banking sys- 
tem free, and for other purposes. This bill authorized the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury " to borrow on the credit of the United States 
a sum not exceeding in the aggregate $2,500,000,000, and to issue 
therefor coupon or registered bonds which shall be irredeemable." 
On the 10th of March, 1870, Mr. Morrell delivered a speech in the 
House of Representatives advocating this bill. He maintained 
that specie was not the only, nor indeed the best, basis for a 
national currency, and that "circulating notes in abundance" 
constituted "the life-blood of the nation." Should the proposed 
bill become a law " we should as a people be freed from the finan- 
cial revulsions and panics which so often rob industry of its earn- 
ings, and give to the money-lender despotic power over the 
enterprising borrowers." He urged that our financial legislation 
should be " as large and bold as the patriotism of the American 
people. We shall not have learned the lesson taught by the expe- 
rience of other nations, nor attained to the enjoyment of our 
exceptional advantages and capabilities, until we have a distinctly 
American system of industry, and a distinctively American- system 
of finance growing out of, and mutually sustaining, each other." 

Mr. Morrell, as Chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, to 
whom were referred a number of petitions asking for an inquiry to 
be made into certain statements contained in the last report of 
Commissioner Wells, submitted an elaborate report consisting of 
sixty-five pages. The " propositions, contradictions, and errors " 
of Mr. Wells' report were set forth in strong terms by Mr. Morrell, 
who said that " tlie report seems to have been written in the inter- 
est of foreign producers and manufiicturei's, and its suggestions and 
recommendations, if followed by consequent legislation, would be 
hostile to the best interests of the people of the country, and tend 

3 ft 



DANIEL J. MORRELL. 2 

to make us dependents upon foreign nations, wlien we have the 
means and ability to be independent of the world." 

On the 13th of July, 1870, Mr. Morrell delivered a speech on 
" Protection and Free Trade — Tiie Position of Parties.'' lie said 
that until that time he had refrained from participating in the dis- 
cussion in behalf of the Doctrine of Protection to American Indus- 
try "from personal considerations.'" These were that so much had 
been "said by hired correspondents and others" concerning, his 
"pecuniary interest in the result of the legislation referred to." 
At the close of the discussion, however, he deemed it proper that 
he should present his views, which he prefaced with a protest 
against the charge so frequently uttered against practical business 
men who occupy seats in Congress, that they are actuated by selfish 
motives in sustaining or opposing measures with the effects of 
which on certain branches of industry they are entirely familiar. 
He said : 

Shall the legislation of the country be given over to mere theorists? Sliall a 
citizen he adjudged unfit to become a member of this body because his training 
and experience fit him to vote understand ingly on measures of jjractical import ? 
Shall ignorance of the business wants of the country be held at a premium in 
this hall ? I trust not, Mr. Speaker. I hold that the interests of the people are 
always safe when committed to the hands of practical business men here or else- 
where, and when such men are sent here as Representatives it is a slander and 
a meanness to impugn their motives. 

Mr. Morrell then proceeded to discuss the Tariff question, giving 
evidence of logical skill and familiarity with the subject befitting 
one of the leading champions of Protection to American Industry. 

On the 14th of December, 1870, Mr. Morrell addressed the House 
in support of a bill to provide for celebrating the one hundredth 
anniversary of American Independence by holding an international 
exhibition of arts, manufactures, and products of the soil in the city 
of Philadelphia. With force and eloquence he maintained that 
Philadelphia was the proper place for holding such an exhibition. 
The bill having passed and become a law, Mr. Morrell was appoint- 
ed by the President as one of the Commissioners of the proposed 
celebration and exhibition. 

^ ^*7 



SAMUEL P. MOEEILL. 




^AMUEL P. MORRILL was born at Cliesterville, Maine, 
February 11, 1816. He received an academic education, 
and adopted the profession of a clergyman in the Baptist 
denomination. Li 1857 he was elected Register of Deeds 
for Franklin County, and was re-elected to the same office in 1867. 
He was elected a Representative from Maine to the Forty-first 
Congress as a Republican, and was appointed a member of the 
Committee on Manufactures. 

Mr. Morrill several times addressed the House briefly and forci- 
bly on pending subjects of legislation, sometimes presenting aptly 
the results of his own extensive experience and observation. 
During the discussion of the Civil Service Bill, he said : 

I am perhaps the only member upon this floor who lias been a clerk here. I 
have been a nominal clerk here in one of the Departments, and know the diffi- 
culty in the way of purifying the clerical service. All the clerks in all the 
Departments have got there under the influence of some member of Congress — 
some Senator or some Representative — or some essential or important personage 
in the Government, who has recommended certain individuals for their posi- 
tions. They have gone into the clerical service perhaps under an examination, 
oftentimes without; and by the exercise of favoritism on the part of the exam- 
iners, sometimes those who have been essentially qualified to fill the clerical 
position to which they have been recommended have been discarded simply 
because they wished to put in others not so well qualified. Such is the case, 
although the law is as stringent as it can be made under the gentleman's bill. 

The great difficulty in purifying the service, so far as the clerical force is con- 
cerned, is that where a man has been found to be incapacitated for the position 
to which he has been assigned, and he is notified his services are no longer re- 
quired, the Senator or Representative who placed him there says to the Secre- 
tary, " This man must be retained." Now, sir, if Representatives and Senators 
will just act upon the princii^le "hands off," and allow the Departments to con- 
trol their own clerical force, they will have accomplished a great deal in the 
purification of the service, and place the clerical force, so far as that is con- 
cerned, and perhaps every other department of the civil service, in a satisfactory 
position. 

J5T 



WILLIAM MUNGEN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

The most remarkable feature of Mr. Mungen's record in tlie 
Forty-first Congress was his speech of December 16, 18G9, in ftwor 
of repudiation of the United States debt, lie thus briefly gave 
his view of the financial condition of the country : 

The iDublic debt in bonds amounts to about $2,600,000,000 ; the interest on 
this in ffohl is annually $140,000,000. To pay this inteiest the people arc taxed 
twice that amount, or'$292,000,000 in gold, or $438,000,000 in currency, under 
Radical legislation. For all this the people simply get in return the glorious 
satisfaction of having contributed to swell the wealth of the bloated and aristo- 
cratic bondholder ; to feed and clothe nml fill the pockets of a lot of dishonest 
Government officials, and to keep up the splendor and extravagance of a'Repub- 
lican administration. ... 

It has been truly said that " no large national war debt was ever paid or dis- 
charged except by repudiation." The great body of the bondholders to-day 
really do not desire to see the national debt paid, but they are anxious to have 
it made perpetual. They want a secure place to invest their w-ealth, and they 
want the laws so made as to mortgage the present and all the succeeding gen- 
erations, our children and our children's children ; mortgage their lands, their 
labor, their toil, their sweat, their flesh and blood, to the payment of the claims 
• of a puffed-up and insolent aristocracy, an aristocracy of wealth— ill-gotten 
wealth at that. Will the American people submit to this ? If so, how long can 
they bear the burden ? For one, so far as the debt represented by the bonds of 
the' United States is concerned, I am in favor of repudiation. 

After deducing numerous examples from history of national 
repudiation, Mr. Mungen presented the reasons for his financial 
policy : 

But I am in favor of repudiating the bonds issued for this debt because they 
were in nine cases out of ten dishonestly obtained : got through fraudulent con- 
tracts, shoddy contracts, etc. ; because they were mostly bought for from thirty- 
five to fifty cents on the dollar, and were bought by capitalists at this reduced 
rate l)y a systematized and unpatriotic course of what I denominate swindling. 
The capitalists of this country did not advance a dollar to the Government 
until it was at its last extremity. . . . 

Another reason for repudiation is that the taxes to pay the interest on these 
bonds so long as they are in existence are a prior lien on the property, lal)or, 
bone, muscle, and earnings of the masses. The private debts of the citizen may 
go unpaid, and his wife and children may sufi'er the pinchings and privations 
of cold and hunger, but the interest on the bonds must be paid ; the Govern- 
ment officials m°ust have their proportion ; Mr. and Mrs. Shoddy must have 
their carriage, and their servants, and their plate, and their jewelry, and their 
luxuries desj)ite the suft'erings of the masses. 



1 LEONARD MYERS. 

(Continued from tlie Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill the Forty -first Congress Mr. Myers served on the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Patents. One of the 
most useful achievements of this Congress was a thorough revision 
of the patent code. One section prescribed the payment of new 
fees, which Mr. Myers believed to be violative of the interests and 
rights of inventors. In a short speech against the ]jrovision he 
paid them the following glowing tribute : 

Our country surpasses all others in tlie products of its inventive genius. In 
every branch of science and mechanism, in every department of art and litera- 
ture to.o, the men who liave thus ennobled themselves have made us illustrious 
also, adding comforts innumerable, riches untold, not only to this i:)eople, 
already highly favored, but to all lands. Fulton and Morse, Whitney and Good- 
year, Woodworth and Howe, are but a few of the names enshrined in the mem- 
ories of a grateful people. Rememlier tliat each decade produces new wonders 
in the develof)ment of the mechanic arts, new strides in the progress of Ameri- 
can genius, and let our apjjreciation of the efforts and wants of inventors be 
shown more in practical action tlian in mere lip-service. 

The objectionable feature was stricken out. Mr. Myers did 
much to procure the })assage of the bill providing for celebrating 
the one hundredth anniversary of American Independence by hold- 
ing an international exhibition in Philadelphia, securing as he did, 
and announcing officially, the indorsement of the measure by the 
Foreign Affairs Committee. From his speech on this subject, 
delivered December 14, 1870, we make tlie following extracts : 

Mr. Speaker, in a little more than live years hence America will witness the 
most remarkable celebration that history will have to record — the hundredth 
birthday of a republic which has done more good for mankind than ever before 
was accomplished by any Government. It will mark a century of such advance- 
ment, not only in freedom, but in discovery and science and civilization, as was 
never dreamed of by the wildest enthusiast. National holidays are the well- 
springs at which a people drink new life, remembering the sources of their hap- 
piness ; and this great holiday will recall and reiterate for posterity the noble 
beginnings, the self-sacrificing virtues of the fathers who framed a Government 
in which liberty was the corner-stone and manhood the only title to prefer- 
ment. . . . 

This mighty consummation must be honored not merely by a general thanks- 
giving, but it is admitted that under the national sanction there should be a 
national commemoration, an international exhibition, where not only the United 
States but other countries shall bring together s(niie of the results which this 
wonderful century has cxuickeued into existence; where agriculture shall still 



LEONARD MYERS. 2 

assert tlie supremacy of the soil, and the mines jjour out their wealth of ores ; 
where commerce shall waft on new wings the gifts of the nations, and steam 
shall speed to us friendly thousands, and electricity send us messages of good- 
will ; where manufactures, the prohibition of which was a fruitful cause for the 
colonies to rebel, shall contribute from their va.st storehouse of imjjrovements; 
and from which it is hoped other lands may leara the lesson of unity and 
peace. 

There is but one place where this national observance of .our centennial anni- 
versary can properly be held. A nation created and i^reserved will not by leg- 
islative decree celebrate its birthday by choosing a locality other than its birth- 
place. Especially will it not do so when every incident and adjunct unites with 
every association in rendering that birthplace the most admiralile selection. . . . 

All concede her historic title, for there the three important steps were taken 
which gave us these hundred years of jDrosperous life. There the first Congress 
met to deliberate on the op2)ressions which rendered necessary our seijaration 
from the mother country — ix body of whom Lord Chatham said to Franklin 
they were " the most honorable assembly of men ever known." There, two 
years later, in letters that kings might read from afar, John Hancock, with the 
great men who had been his fellow-laborers iu the cause, with Jeiierson and 
Franklin and Adams and Lee and Sherman among the rest, set their names to 
the Declaration of our Independence. There, eleven years later still, when the 
confederation of States proved faulty and insecure, Washington presided over the 
Convention of wise and patriotic men which framed the Constitution and 
assured to us that more perfect Union which bids fair to be perpetual. 

Mr, Mj^ers has been exceedinglj active and efficient in procuring 
legislation promotive of the manufacttiring and industrial interests 
of his city and State. As an instance we present an extract from 
his speech of April 11, 1870 : 

It is very well for the gentleman on the other side to say that this tariff bill is 
in the interest of cai^ital. Sir, it is iu the interest of labor, which is the only 
true capital of this country — a fact you cannot illustrate better than from this 
very branch of industry. If the gentleman will go with me some day into the 
district I represent I will show him the weaving shops attached, many of them, 
to the humble dwellings there, some of them in those dwellings. I will show 
him the employers themselves fj'equently working their looms side by side with 
their eTO//?rt?/(^.v, and their wives and children often winding the l)obl)ins. One 
hundred and fourteen of the class manufacturing more than $5,000 a year pro- 
duced last year carpets amounting in value to $3,000,000. Many of these labor- 
ing people have latterly been thrown out of employment on account of the 
decline of gold, and yet it is now proposed to reduce still further the protection 
to this interest. 

He was prominent, after three years of opposition, in securing 
League Island as a navy yard and naval station for iron-clads. 



3 



^/ 



JAMES S. I^EGLEY. 




^'^AMES S. NEGLEY was bora in the vicinity of Pitts- 



burgh, Pennsylvania, December 26, 1826. His education, 
"'^^i- embracing a collegiate course, was interrupted when he 



Avas in his uineteenth year by his enlistment in the army 
for the war with Mexico. His parents and friends attempted to 
dissuade liim from going, aud the legal authorities were appealed 
to, on the ground of his minority, to nullify his enlistment; but, 
with the decision and spirit which has always characterized him, 
young ISTegley determined to go in spite of friends and family. 
Seeing this his parents abandoned any further eifort to detain him, 
and as a private of the First Pennsylvania Infimtry he made the 
campaign from Yera Cruz to tlie city of Mexico. While partici- 
pating in the siege of Puebla news reached his family tluit his 
health was much impaired, and his friends, through their influence 
at Washington, procured his discharge direct from the War De- 
partment. This reached young aSTegley immediately after the fall 
of Puebla; but he indignantly refused to accept it, and remained 
on duty as a sergeant, to which rank he had been promoted, until 
the close of the war. On his return to Pennsylvania Negley 
devoted himself actively to agriculture and horticulture. He is 
one of the most accomplished horticulturists in the country, and 
when in the field of war his leisure hours were devoted to the 
study of various fruits, flowers, and shrubs in which the Southern 
fields and woods abounded. Many a march — long, tedious, ex- 
hausting — has been rendered delightful to his staff by his interest- 
ing descriptive illustrations of the hidden beauties and virtues of 
fragrant flowers and repulsive weeds. 

At the approach of the Kebellion Mr. Negley was one of the 




.tY 



^'^'^^,S.r.,3n^^" 






" /L'.,rT 



NEGLZ-r 



FSPEESEVTAnrr.^ j: 



^-j- .^., 



,V. H 3A R M f:s 



JAMES S. NEGLEY. 2 

few clear-siglited men wlio foresaw a bloody war. He warned 
the Pennsylvania Legislature of the approaching danger, and 
earnestly urged upon that body the thorougli reorganization of the 
militia in view of the civil war which, he declared, already threat- 
ened the country ; while at the same time he offered, as early as 
December 1, 1800, the services of a brigade to the Governor. 
Governor Curtin did not think the time had arrived for the work 
of raising troops; but on the 18th of April, 1861, amid all the 
excitement consequent on the actual commencement of hostilities, 
he summoned IN^egley to his aid, and at once commissioned him as 
Brigadier-General, in order to secure his services in organizing the 
immense force of volunteers who rendezvoused at Ilarrisburg at 
the first call to arms of the guns of Sumter. 

The career of General Negley from that time forward was 
one of honor, promotion, and deserved success. He was com- 
missioned Brigadier-General in the three months' service, and 
engaged under Patterson in the Northern Virginia campaign, 
commanding in the only engagement of any importance fought by 
that army. On the expiration of the time of his three months' 
brigade General Negley re-enlisted a brigade of three years' men, 
and in September, 1861, was ordered with it to Kentucky. Here 
he participated in the march on i^ashville, and entered that city in 
February, 1862. From thence he was ordered to Columbia, Ten- 
nessee, in command of the district, and with orders to protect the 
rear of Buell's army, marching on Shiloh, and the division of 
General Mitchell, moving on Iluntsville. This duty he performed 
with signal success, and at the same time made several raids of 
great importance. 

At the battle of Stone River General N'egley commanded a 
Division of the center Corps. On the first day he fought desper- 
ately and successfully for several hours until his flank became 
exposed, and he was compelled to retire upon the line of reserves. 
Here he fought for the remainder of the day and the succeeding 
day. On the afternoon of the third day of the battle, having been 
previously transferred to the left, he made a counter charge upon 

>^3 



3 JAMES S. NEGLEY. 

tlie advancing column of the rebels nnder Breckenridge, and com- 
pletely broke and routed it, pursuing the vanquished ex-Yice- 
President into his intrenchments, and establishing himself in such 
a position on the right flank of the rebel line as required its early 
evacuation. For this service he was promptly promoted Major- 
General. 

General ISTegley was elected a Representative of the Twenty- 
second District of Pennsylvania to the Forty-first Congress, and 
servfed on the Committees on Military AflPairs, Revolutionary 
Claims, and Enrolled Bills. His speech of May 11, 1870, on the 
Bill to revive the navigation and connnercial interests of the 
United States, was a masterly eflbrt, from which we make a few 
extracts : 

The indications are becoming clearer every day that the commercial suprem- 
acy of northern Europe ought to terminate. If we do not neglect to improve 
our geographical advantages emanating from our position right between Asia 
and Europe, by establisliing powerful steam lines across the Atlantic, tlie center 
of the world's trade w^ill soon be shifted to this country. Witli China and 
eastern Asia we have already opened relations of the most cordial intercourse 
and of mutual advantage. It only remains for us to avail ourselves of the new 
eusttrn route to Asia and we will Ijc masters of the situation. The develop- 
ment of our splendid resources gives us a greater rehative weight each year in 
this contest, and only demands a certain degree of practical intelligence and of 
jjersisteut energy to accomplish the result. . . . 

Bv the policy of liberal sul)sidies the steani marine of England has increased 

four lumilred and seventeen per cent., that of France six hundred and thirteen 

• per cent., and that of Austria six hvmdred and thirty-seven per cent, during the 

past twenty years; while our steam marine, in consequence of our adverse policy, 

has increased only one hundred and ten per cent, during the same period. 

Shall this proportion continue and we be left behind in the race of nations ? 
Shall our ship-yards and macliine-shops remain deserted, our trade be perma- 
nently languid, and our commerce dwindle away? Shall onr commercial and 
naval system take inferior rank because we persevere in a policy which proves 
itself disasfrous? 

The highest ijublic, social, and political considerations are at stake, and I 
cannot but think that this Government is ready to perlbrm its j)art in the 
patriotic work of re-establishing the supremacy of our Hag on the sea, and of 
recovering all our just commercial advant.iges. ... I advocate jirompt and 
liberal legislative action on the part of the Government and the States in favor 
of any and all enterprises which tend to revive our ship-building, especially 
the construction of large ocean steamers, and which lead to an early enlarge- 
ment of our commerce and naval authority. 



JOSEPH P. NEWSHAM. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

The certificate of election for Representative from tlie fourth 
district of Louisiana was given by the proper certifying officer of 
the State to Michael Eyan. In that certificate it was certified that 
he had received 10,385 votes, and Mr. Newsham 5,G06 votes. Mr. 
Newsham, however, conlested the seat of Mr. Eyan on the ground 
tliat this apparent majority was merely the triumph of fraud and 
violence. Mr. Garfield in a three minutes' speech, giving the rea- 
sons for his vote, thus clearly set forth the facts of the case : 

" These, as I understand, are the facts of record : the total regis- 
tered vote was 25,027 ; the total vote cast was 20,500, There are 
ten parishes in the district. In four of them, it is nrged, there was 
such disturbance as to render the election null and void. In the 
I'emaining six parishes the election was peaceable. In these six 
peaceable parishes there were 13,817 votes cast, being nearly 2,000 
more than a majority of the total registered votes. Of these 13,817 
votes Mr. I^ewshani is reported to have a clear majority of 609 in 
these six undisturbed parishes. In the disturbed parishes 6,643 
votes were polled, of which Mr. Newsham has but three. That is 
a remarkable fact to begin with. 

" Now, from the column of tables given us of the four disturbed 
parishes, it appears that only six months before, in the 'month of 
April, the two political parties stood almost, exactly equal in the 
gubernatorial fight : 2,814 for the Eepublican candidate for Gov- 
ernor, and 2,888 for all other persons. How comes it about that 
in six months, in four parishes where parties were equally balanced, 
while the Eepublican candidate has but three votes the Democratic 
candidate receives 6,643 votes, more than both parties cast in the 
gubernatorial election six months before? The fact bears on its 
face, to my mind, evidence that there was coercion or fraud, or s^ 
least some violent disruption, in these four parishes. It seems to 
me we ought to throw them out." 

The House, by a vote of 95 to 75, decided that Mr. Newsham 
was entitled to the seat, and he was sworn in May 25, 1870. He 
was a member of no committee, and took little part in the pro- 
ceedings for the remainder of the Congress. 



1 WILLIAM E. NIBLACK. 

(Continued from tl)c Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Niblack continued to serve on 
the Committees on Appropriations and Reorganization of the Civil 
Service of the Government, He favored the repeal of the Civil 
Tenure Act, remarking that he always opposed it ; that it was an 
assault on the executive department of the Government ; that its 
tendency was disastrous to the public service, and that it was in 
conflict with the Constitution of the country. 

In Mr. Niblack's elaborate and able speech on the Deficiency 
Bill, (March 14, 1870,) after a very handsome introduction, in 
which, though a Democrat, he conceded that with his own party 
there had been in recent years some errors, and on the part of the 
Eepublicans some good things, he proceeded to arraign the latter 
in tlie manner following : 

But wliile I concede that it lias accompiislied so much, I charge tliat from 
the hcghining it has been a party of revohition, a party of discord, a party of 
intolerance, a party of extravagance, and a party of usurpation ; and when it 
ceases to be all these it will cease to be the Republican party as we have known 
it in this country for the last lifteen years. It was born in a period of social 
and political revolution. After the old Whig party was destroyed, and the 
Democratic party very much weakened and disorganized by the American or 
Know-Nothing party, the detached political elements in the Northern States 
floated together and organized what they afterward called the Republican 
party. And during its organization ceremonies Sharp's rifles, bowie-knives, and 
other kindred weapons were used as a part of the paraphernalia and Insignia of 
the party. John Brown commanded its skirmish lines and its outposts ; and 
notwithstanding his mournful death, his spirit seems yet to live in much that 
the party still inflicts upon the country. 

The matter of coast defenses having been assigned to Mr, JSTib- 
lack by the Committee on Appropriations, he made an able and 
elaborate speech pending the consideration of the Fortification Bill. 
This speech comprised many interesting facts relating to coast and 
harbor defenses. The following extracts are from the introductory 
portions of the speech : 

A great change has taken place during the past eight or nine years in the 
size and power of cannon, and the projectiles thrown by them, and in the con- 
struction of ships of war, by the introduction and use of iron platin^i; upon such 
vessels. To meet these formidable armaments, and to successfully oppose these 
armored ships, some modifications were needed in the details of fortifications 

J6l 



WILLIAM E. NIB;.ACK. 2 

formefly used with the lighter armaments in wooden vessels; and exactly what 
these modifications should be, exceiDting as to the application and use of iron, 
has been determined to a great extent during the past two years, so that tlie 
engineers have now, as they believe, definite and etficient plans and modifica- 
tions for works to meet the present and prospective emergencies. . . . 

The propriety or policy of fortifying our seaboard harbors against the inroads 
of hostile cruisers has rejDeatedly Ijeen the subject of legislative examination and 
of reports by Committees of Congress, and in every case, I believe, the wisdom 
of this mode of defense has been vindicated. 

Indeed, the whole civilized world recognizes coast and harbor fortifications 
as one of the surest and safest national defenses in time of war, and especially in 
a W'ar with a foreign Power; and all the more advanced nations are now 
actively engaged in making experiments which shall give increased strength to 
their fortifications. Each nation, too, is trying to conceal from all the others, 
as far as possil)le, such discoveries as it may have made ft'om time to time in 
this matter of its national defenses. These discoveries are regarded as State 
secrets, and are not divulged through ptiblished official reports or in any other 
authorized manner by the Government through whose ofiicers they have been 
made. When obtained by other Governments it is usually through irregular or 
indirect means. This is particularly the case in regard to the more important 
and valuable discoveries or inventions. If we shall keep pace with the other 
great nations of the world, therefore, in the improvement of our national 
defenses, we must from time to time make appropriations of such reasonable 
sums of money as may be necessary for that purpose. 

Still another important speech was delivered to the House 
(July 9) pending the Legislative Appropriation Bill, in which Mr. 
Niblack favored the payment of claims presented bj' a certain class 
of amnestied persons in the South. In support of his position he 
alleged that the Supreme Court of the United States had decided 
that persons who had received amnesty may, tlirough the Court of 
Claims, receive back the proceeds of their property that had been 
sold under the Act of March 12, 1863. 

In his speech of February 17, 1871, pending the Army Appro- 
priation Bill, he expressed his warm approbation of the regular 
array and of the volunteer soldiery, conceding the propriety and ne- 
cessity of the military for the safety of the Government and coun- 
try. At the same -time he as warmly disapproved the use of 
military force outside of what he deemed its lawful sphere, and 
proceeded at large to deprecate the employment of such force in 
connection with State elections and the execution of the reconstruc- 
tion measures. ^ 



CHARLES O'NEILL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. O'Neill served on the Committee 
on Commerce and the Committee on Private Land Claims. On 
the 4th of Jannary, 1871, pending the bill to provide for celebrat- 
ino- the one hundredth anniversary of American Independence in 
Philadelphia, after having referred to the historical associations of 
that city, Mr. O'Neill spoke as follows : 

Why, sir, our whole city is an endless daily exhibition of science and art and 
mecbanical skill. Its streets are crowded with mechanical establishments of all 
kinds. A man passing through them may witness every thing that can be exe- 
cuted by skill in the mechanic arts. Besides, sir, the facilities of that city for 
bringing to it articles for exhibition are not equaled by those of any other city. 
We have systems of canals and railroads leading to all parts of the country. 
"We have every possible means of communication, and every means of entertain- 
ing the multitudes of people who may be expected to attend this great exhibi- 
tion. Our numerous and most convenient hotels and our one hundred and 
seventeen thousand dwelling-houses will certainly accommodate all who come. 
How many more thousands of dwelling-houses our city will contain in 1876 it 
is impossible now to tell. I feel assured that under the circumstances Congress 
will not hesitate to pronounce Philadelphia the most suitable place for this in- 
teresting event. ... 

It seems to me that from over this broad land there will come to our ears the 
unanimous voice of approval of our action in naming Philadelphia as the city 
in which to hold the national celebration of 1876. The people want it where 
the events to be celebrated occurred ; where the Continental Congress held its 
sessions, (the Carpenters' Hall, although surrounded by commercial warehouses, 
still standing, and destined to remain forever a monument to the patriotic men 
who there assembled ;) where, too, as you all know, is Independence Hall, the 
very room in which the Declaration was agreed upon, unaltered in its interior 
arrangements, and the building itself consecrated to the end of time as the tem- 
ple of American freedom, never to be closed to the visitor, who ever delights to 
enter its sacred portals. "Why, then, should we hesitate about the passage of 
this bill ? 

I am sure there can be no serious opposition to it, or at all events such oppo- 
sition as would suggest really and sincerely the holding of the exhibition any- 
where else. The countries of Europe hold these exhibitions, and why not let 
the United States, under an act of Congress, inaugurate one ? Let us show to 
the world that we can compete with every nation in the arts, in science, and in 
manui\ictures ; and, more than all, let us declare, at the distance of one hundred 
years from the day of the Declaration, and from the very spot upon which we 
were made free, that the men of America still cherish the memory of those who 
laid the foundation of our greatness and our unequaled prosperity. . . . The 
citizens of Philadelphia and the citizens of Pennsylvania invite the citizens of 
the whole country and of the whole world to come among them and help cele- 
brate this centenary, exhibition, 

36fe 



GODLOVE S. ORTII. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Ortli retained his position on 
the Committee on Foreign Affairs and as Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Private Land CLaims. 

Soon after the organization «of this Congress the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs was charged by the Ilonse witli tlie investigation 
of our "troubles in Paraguay," and Mr. Orth was appointed 
Chairman of the Sub-Committee to whom tlie subject was referred. 
After thorough and laborious investigation, Mr. Orth, on behalf of 
a majority of the Committee, submitted a voluminous report to the 
House, and after full discussion the Plouse sustained the report, 
ordered Admirals Davis and Godon to be tried bv 'Naval Court- 
Martial, and approved the course of the President and of Minister 
Washburne. 

The question of the recognition of "belligerency" in Cuba 
attracted at this time to a considerable extent the attention of the 
country and of Congress. The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to 
whom the subject was referred, was divided upon the course to be 
adopted by our Government, and Mr. Orth, on behalf of a minor- 
ity of the Connnittee, presented a report which was sustained by 
the House. During the discussion which ensued Mr. Orth said : 

I yield to no gentleman on tLe floor of this House in expressions of sympathy 
for any people who, suflering from oppression, are fighting for independence. 
It is an American sentiment that all men should be free. These o-euerous 
impulses are part of our nature ; they are among the earliest impressions of our 
childhood ; we receive them in lineal descent from our Revolutionary ancestors • 
they are the proud heiitage of every American. But personal sympathy must 
not be permitted to influence official action in derogation of the just rio-hts of 
others. If my sympathy could give the Cubans independence and separate 
nationality they should have it before the going down of the sun. But, sir 
when I am asked to entangle the Government in a controversy in which we have 
every thing to lose and nothing to gain, I cannot do it, I dare not do it, and I 
have the fullest confidence that this House will not do it. 

General Schenck, Chairman of the Committee of "Ways and 
Moans, having resigned his seat in Congress to accept the appoint- 
ment of Minister to England, Mr. Orth was appointed a member 

of that Committee, and served as such to the end of this Congress, 

24 



JASPEK PACKAED. 




^^'^ASPER PACKARD was born in Trumbull (now Mahon- 
ing) County, Ohio, February 1, 1832. His father was a 

^^ hard-working farmer of that locality, who with his wife 
came from Western Pennsylvania and carved a home out 
of the wilderness. The subject of this sketch was the youngest of 
twelve children, and when but tliree years of age his parents moved 
to Indiana, settling again in the wilderness, again to make a home 
' by hard and rugged labor. At that time there were few neighbors 
except Indians, and facilities for education were meager and im- 
perfect, but they were eagerly sought, and the usual alternation 
was kept up of three months' school in the winter and labor on the 
farm in the milder seasons. At the age of eighteen his father died, 
and the boy was thrown upon his own resources. Determining to 
secure an education, he labored in the harvest-field in summer and 
taught school in winter, keeping even with his classes in college. 
One year of his course of study was passed at Oberlin, Ohio, after 
which he entered Michigan University, and graduated in 1855. 
Marrying the same year, he engaged in teaching, together with his 
wife, whose companionship and helping hand were to him invalua- 
ble. He edited the La Porte Union during a part of 1859 and 
1860, and having studied law ho was admitted to the bar, and had 
just commenced the practice of his profession when the war of the 
Eebellion called him away from his chosen pursuit. Enlisting 
early as a private in the Forty-eighth Indiana Yolnnteers he was 
soon made First Lieutenant of his company. After the battles of 
luka and Corinth he was promoted to the captaincy of another 
company in the same regiment, which he commanded in the Yicks- 




"y-'y'a&ius- c as Fi^i^"""' -" 



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a^d-^/^ L^' ^^ytk^^^^i^-^ 




HON JASPSK PACKARD 



-iiPP.ESEMTjaj'-r.AE FP.Olvf INDIAlJA 



■-■/rrj r OP SAPiirs ni=.i r 



JASPER PACKARD. 2 

burg campaign and the battles at Chattanooga. At the attack on 
the fortifications of Yicksburg on the 22d of May, 1863, he was 
severely wounded in the face and was off duty for two months, 
the only time he lost during four years and a half of military 
service. 

Early in 1864 he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
One hundred and twenty-eighth Indiana Volunteers, which regi- 
ment he commanded during the Atlanta campaign, the campaign 
against Hood in Tennessee, and in the operations of Schofield's com- 
mand in ]S"orth Carolina, being further promoted to Colonel and 
brevetted Erigadier-General. His regiment was the last of the 
Indiana troops to be mustered out of the seirvice, being on duty in 
North Carolina until April, 1866. 

Prior to his return home his friends had suggested his name as 
County Auditor, to which office he was elected in the ensuing 
October, At the State Convention in February, 1868, Mr. Pack- 
ard was appointed Presidential Elector for the Eleventh Indiana 
District, and he was prominently mentioned as a Pepublican can- 
didate for Congress in case Mr. Colfax should be nominated for 
Vice-President. This contingency occurring, Mr. Packard received 
the nomination for Congress, and engaged at once with untiring 
industry in the canvass. He spoke one hundred and six times in 
three months, and received a majority of twelve hundred and 
twenty-one, although the majority in the whole State was less than 
one thousand, the majority in the district two years before being 
something over two thousand, with a State majority of fourteen 
thousand. 

He was nominated for the Forty-second Congress almost by 
acclamation, and worked through the campaign with an earnest- 
ness and energy which did not permit apathy to endanger the 
success of the Republican ticket. He spoke eighty-five times in 
two months, and visited every neighborhood in an unusually large 
district. The fruit of this exertion was a majority four hundred 
greater in the district than in 1868, although the Democrats gained 
in the State thirty-five hundred. 



3 JASPEK PACKARD. ^ 

Taking his seat as a Kepresentative from Indiana in the Forty- 
first Congress, Mr. Packard was appointed a member of the Com- 
mittee on Military Affairs. His course has been characterized by 
quiet industry and strict attention to tlie duties of his position. 
The following extract from a newspaper communication, written in 
May, 1870, correctly presents his course as a Representative : 

"Since he has taken his seat as a member of the Forty-first 
Congress the same remarkable success has followed him, until it is 
conceded that no new member has made a brighter record than he. 
He is true to his party ; is always at his post ; he never misses a 
meeting of his Committee ; his name is recorded on every ballot ; 
he is prompt to answer every correspondent ; and attentive to every 
request, in season and out of season. Now securing an appropri- 
ation for our Michigan City harbor, then urging through a pension 
claim for a poor disabled soldier ; now speaking with earnest and 
eloquent words for the Republican Party, then securing the 
establishment of a new post-office for the accommodation of the 
people ; now presenting to the House a most convincing argument 
for the reduction of taxation, and always carefully attending to 
every duty imposed on him by the House, his Committees, the 
Departments, and his correspondents." 

Mr. Packard has seldom spoken in the House, except on matters 
which came from his Committee, and then briefly and to the point. 
His political record is one of consistent adherence to the Republi- 
can party. He cast his first vote for its first candidate for Presi- 
dent, and has since stood firmly by its leading members, because he 
believed them to be right. His most elaborate speech in the For- 
ty-first Congress was entitled, " The Republican Party, its Present 
Duties and Past Achievements, and Democratic Repudiation." 
" I have faith in the American people," he said in this speech, 
" and I should not dare to look my constituents in the face if I 
did not indignantly deny for them the charge that they are willing 
to repudiate one dollar of what they justly owe. I will not impute 
to them, or permit others to impute to them, such amazing dis- 
honesty." 

372- 



JOHX B. PACKER 



^^I^^OHX B. PACKER was born in Sunbury, Pennsylvania, 
t^M March 21, 1824:. He received an academical education 
^j^"^^ and studied law. lie was admitted to the bar in 18-44, and 
engaged in the practice of his profession m his native place, 
which continues to be his residence. He was District Attorney 
from 1845 to 1847. He was a member of the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania in 1850 and 1851. He was elected a Representative from 
Pennsylvania to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, receiv- 
ing 15,598 votes against 12,902 for Knipe, Democrat. He was 
re-elected to the Forty-second Congress, receiving 13,620 votes, 
against 11,2G6 votes for E. G. Scott. 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Packer served on the Committee 
on Banking and Currency, and the Committee on Expenditures in 
the Interior Department. He seldom occupied the time of the 
House with remarks ; he, however, made speeches on the Currency 
Bill and on the TariflP. He opposed the reduction of the duty upon 
pig iron as •" an abandonment of the general principle recognized 
in the preparation of the bill." He characterized it as " a most 
unwise and injudicious withdrawal of the fostering care of the Gov- 
ernment from one of the great industrial interests of the country, 
toward which, in the present state of the trade itself, and in view 
of the peculiar condition of our financial affairs, sound and en- 
lightened policy would dictate an extension of increased protection 
and more liberal encouragement, rather than a desertion to the 
inevitable consequence of direct and unjust competition with the 
productions of the cheap and poorly-paid labor of Europe." 

In the third session Mr. Packer introduced a bill to place tea 
and coffee upon the free list, and to increase the duties upon pig 
and scrap iron. 

3^3 



HALBERT E. PAINE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Paine was Chairman of the 
Committee on Elections, one of the most laborious of the Congres- 
sional committees, and in this capacit^y introduced many resolutions 
and made numerous speeches in the House. He was also a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Reconstruction, and he took a prominent 
part in legislation relating to that subject. The following eloquent 
words were spoken by bim during the discussion of the reconstruc- 
tion of Georgia : 

Our rebellious fellow-citizens of Georgia, not content with their struggle of 
four years' duration to overthrow this Government by arms, have attempted to 
practice a stupendous fraud upon the people of these United States, upon the 
Government of the United States, ujjon the loyal people who have at so heavy 
a cost thwarted their attempt to overthrow the Republic. They have under- 
taken to play a trick upon us, a trick marked with treachery hardly less odious 
than that which characterized the Rebellion itself They vainly imagined that 
they were safe in their sin ; that they had escaped all hazard of Federal inter- 
ference with their machinations ; that we would be powerless either to punish 
or to check their outrages on the Constitution or their treacherous frauds ui^on 
the people and Government of the United States. 

But, sir, they are about to be disal)used of these delusions of treason. They 
are about to learn a wholesome lesson which will not be lost on other States. 
They are about to learn that uj^on this great stage of State reconstruction no 
foul tricks are to be played. They are about to learn that there is a new chajD- 
ter in our fundamental law, a fourteenth amendment of the Constitulion of the 
United Statas, wliicli guaranties equality of rights to all our loyal citizens, and 
disqualifies unpardoned rebels for office. They are about to learn that Congress 
has the right to enforce that amendment by appropriate legislation, and that 
Congress has the sole right of judging \\ hat is that appropriate legislation. 
They are about to learn that Congress will not, in cases of necessity, hesitate to 
bring down the hard hand of military pow er upon the guilty heads of those 
who insolently trample upon these sacred provisions of our Constitution. It 
will be well and wise if other States as well as Georgia heed the stern but just 
and necessary lesson about to be taught. It will be well and wise if they forth- 
with awaken to the fact that there is at length created in the national Consti- 
tution a power against which all pompous disjilays of nullitication, all ostenta- 
tious claims of State sovereignty, all barriers of State rights, will be as vain as 
were tiie chains of Xerxes against the j^ower of the sea. Let them take cogni- 
zance of the existence of this power, and of our determination to exercise it when 
circumstances shall require it. So may we be spared the necessity of qxercising it 
again. So may the people of the States lately in rebellion, as of all the other 
States, learn to deal fairly and justly by all classes and races, to accord the 
equal protection of the law to all. So may the people lately in rebellion 
gradually and yet speedily recover all their political power. 



37^ 




-^^g V&eoXPer^"-^ 



■^3 - 



^ ^7^^4n^ 



HOKT FRVaI^K W P/XLl/TEF 



"/^TIVE FPOM 1CV0\ 



FEA^K W. PALMEE 




[RANK W. PALMER was bom in Manchester, Dearborn 
County, Indiana, October 11, 1827. The ensuing year his 
father's family removed to Cliautaiiqiia County, New York, 
and his childhood and the early portion of his manhood 
were passed in that county. At the age of fourteen years he was 
apprenticed in the office of the "Jamestown Journal" to learn the 
trade of a printer. 

At the expiration of his three years' apprenticeship he worked 
about one year as a journeyman compositor in the office of J. & E. 
Winchester, publishers of the " New World," in New York city ; 
another year as foreman in the establishment where he had 
graduated as a printer in Jamestown ; and in June, 1818, before he 
had reached his year of majority, was associated with F. P. Bailey 
as joint owner and editor of the " Jamestown Journal." In 1853 
and in 1854 he M\as elected as a Whig member of Assembly from 
the Second District of Chautauqua County. 

In the relations of editor and publisher of the " Journal " Mr. 
Palmer remained in Jamestown ten years, and thence removed 
to Dubuque, Iowa, where he became chief editor and one of the 
proprietors of the "Dubuque Daily Times." In the winter of 
1860 he was elected State Printer of Iowa, and in May, 1861, 
removed to Des Moines, becoming editor and proprietor uf the 
" State Register," published in that city. He was re-elected as 
State Printer in 1862, 1864, and 1866. In 1868 he was nominated 
as the Republican candidate for Representative in Congress from 
the Fifth District of Iowa, and was elected by a majority of 
7,007. In 1870 he was renominated, and elected by a majority 
of 7.282. 



2 FRANK W. PALMER. 

On taking his seat as a Representative from Iowa in the Forty- 
first Congress, Mr. Pahiier was appointed a member of the Com- 
mittee on the Pacific Raih'oad, the Select Committee on Postal 
Telegraph Lines, and the Joint Committee on the Library. Mr. 
Palmer's first speech M'as an able argument against the immediate 
restoration of Yirginia to representation, in which, after presenting 
much documentary proof of "the present disloyal sentiment of the 
people of Virginia," he added : 

It is known that the l)l;icks in the States are voters, and they oufjht to be 
qualified by education to be intellipjent voters. What is the spirit of tlic whites 
in Virginiii toward the blacks in their midst on this subject of education ? Sir, 
after the so-called Conservatives had accepted the aid of the bhicks and had 
gone side by side with them to the polls, it would have been no more than 
decent on the part of the former to have extended every possible encouragement 
in the way of education to the latter. What have they done ? Tliey have not 
aflbrdc'd a single dollar of aid for the establishment of common schools for either 
the blacks or the whites. On the other hand, you find that a military school in the 
city of Lexington, where the Fedei'al flag is only kept floating by Federal mili- 
tary force, and where the rebel youth of the South are taught to worship the 
memory of the " lost cause," receives the aid of an annual appropriation of 
$15,000 for its support from the Virginia treasury. You will find that there is an 
annuity also from the public treasury for the support of the institution over 
which presides the head of the rebel army, Robert E. Lee. You will also find 
a public annuity, and a liberal one, for the support of the University at Char- 
lottesville, all f )r tlie benefit of the men who are the ruling class, the rebels of 
Virginia; but not a dollar, not a farthing, for the blacks of that State. 

These are some of the evidences of the spirit of that peojile whose representa- 
tives you propose to bring buck here into these Halls of Congress, to make laws 
not only for the jjeople of Virginia, but also for the constituencies you represent. 

In closino-, Mr. Palmer used these words: 

"What constitutes the strength of a State? Not extended territory, nor supe- 
riority of number of inhabitants, nor strength of warlike armaments on land or 
sea, nor financial credit, nor even patriotic devotion; for all these we had during 
the late four years' war, and we should have failed had we not possessed as the 
basis of governmental defense the broadest recognition of the principles of human 
equality and human liberty. With that recognition reflected from the bayonets 
of our soldiery and embodied in all tangible acts of national authority, the 
libertyMoving masses of the world became our allies, and from the lowly caliins 
of the slaves of the South, and beneath the thatched roofs of the cottages of the 
poor on every mountain-top and in every valley of all Europe, prayers ascended 
to the great Leader of armies and the Ruler of nations for the success of our 
cause, and success was achieved. Let not what Avas thus secured by fidelity ti 
liberty in tmies of war be lost by an abandonment of liberty in times of j)eace. 

27b 



LE GEAND W. PERCE. 



. ,iv^^ GKAND W. PEECE was born at BufFalo, New York, 
^gj^ June 19, 1836. He received an academic education, stud- 
/J^^ ied law at the Albany Law University, and engaged in its 
practice. He entered the volunteer service in April, 1861 • 
was appointed second lieutenant in the Sixtli Michigan Volunteers 
in August, 1861, and captain in June, 1862; was brevetted major 
at Port Hudson in May, 1863; was appointed captain of the 
United States Volunteers in August, 1863, and was brevetted lieu- 
tenant-colonel and colonel in 1865. At the close of the war he 
settled in Mississippi, and was elected to the Forty-first Congress 
as a Eepublican. 

Mississippi having been admitted to representation, Mr. Perce 
took his seat as a member of the Forty-first Congress February 23, 
1870, and was appointed a member of the Committee on Education 
and Labor and the Committee on Enrolled Bills. Pending the bill 
to admit the State of Georgia to representation in Congress, Mr. 
Perce made an elaborate speech, in which he said : 

Sir, the Republican party of the South, bora amid the whirlwind of passion 
and strife engendered by civil warfare, has never known the soothing influences 
ot peace. We exist there only because of a constancy to principle and purpose 
and a farm, unwavering devotion on the part of tlie colored people of the South' 
only equaled by the fortitude of the martyrs; and I submit, sir, that in deter- 
minmg our action the voice of that people and their Representatives should be 
heard and listened to with respect. 

Sir, I know the Republican party South. I know their aims and aspirations 
I know the people composing the great body of that party in tiie Soutli and I 
assert that, from the humblest laborer in the cotton-field to the representative 
of ns race in the Senate Chamber, ti.ey breathe nothing but 'peace and good 
will to al men." They ask no favor, but fair, open-handed justice. The pas- 
sage of the bill as originally reported by the Reconstruction Committee will 
give them a fau- start in their new political life and no more. The passa-^e of 
the amendments proposed will turn them over to the lash, the knife, and the 
bullet ot their hereditary oppressors. 

377 



JOHN A. PETERS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Peters was a member of the 
Committee on the Judiciary, and Chairman of the House branch 
of the Joint Committee on the Library. In his remarks on the 
extension of the patent for the Hoe printing-press, December 7, 
1869, Mr. Peters made this interesting statement : 

I was a member of tlie Committee on Patents in the Fortieth Conoress. 
Being the New Enulaud member, so to speak, of that committee, I have re- 
ceived from I believe every editor, or nearly every one, and from every New 
England man interested largely in printing whose pecuniary interests would be 
adverse to the bill, letters urgently asking that it be passed. I never knew a 
case before that committee or any other in which there was exhibited on the 
part of men pecuniarily interested against a bill so much urgency and unanimity 
of sentiment, and such perseverance, too, in favor of the passage of the measure. 
I received from the proprietors of the " Boston Advertiser," the " Boston 
Courii-r," and all the principal newspapers of New England, letters strongly 
urging the extension of this patent. 

The committee found that for this invention, which has so largely benefited 
mankind, the inventor has only received about two hundred thousand dollars, 
and they thought he ought to receive a much larger compensation. 

Speaking on the bill to revive the navigation and commercial 
interests of the United States, Mr. Peters said : 

In the Massachusetts colony, for many years during the seventeenth centurj'^, 
shipwrights were regarded as such benefactors of the country as to be exempted 
from military service and other public duties. In the very beginning of our 
Government the shipwrights of Massachusetts and South Carolina petitioned 
Congress in almost the same language of the thousands of petitions now before 
us, and our early annals will show that beneficent and protective acts of legis- 
lation were obtained by tl)em. 

Mr. Speaker, all the nations of the earth who have but a lookout upon the 
ocean, or can get upon it only by some river as a highway, are now cultivating 
and preserving all the commerce they can command, and shall the American 
people, who pcissess almost a continent, surrounded by all the seas, lag behind 
all other great nations in maintaining a commercial renown ? . . . 

Give us motive to increase our trnmage, any and all kinds of tonnage, and you 
will stimulate and build up a maritime prosperitj^ Help rescue this national 
industry now while it is sinking, instead of resorting by and by to more expen- 
sive means of resuscitation after the business has sunk to the bottom. The 
South should feel an interest in this measure for their own particular welfare. 
To the North it is a vital matter. We have given the West our bounties for 
public improvements, and gianted to her immensely fi-om our public domain. 
Ay, more, and much more valuable, we have sent out to her a tide of our popu- 
lation. The least which all the sections can do for the revival of a great na- 
tional industry and interest is to vote for this bill. 

3?^ 




~"^ h-SffSiOj-.SmseZFu- 




DAEWIi^ PHELPS. 



r^lAEWIN PHELPS was born in East Granbj, Hartford 
Jfei' County, Conn., on the 17th day of April, 1807. His father 
^T^l and mother both died before he was nine years of age. In 
the fall of 1818 he left Granby and went to Aurora, Port- 
age County, Ohio, to live with his maternal grandfather, Samuel 
Forward, with whom he remained four or live years employed 
in farming. In 1826 he went to Pittsburgh, Pa., and entered 
the Western University, where he received a good education. 
He studied law with his uncle, Hon. Walter Forward, was ad- 
mitted to the bar in 1831, and commenced the practice of law in 
Pittsburgh ; but his failing health obliging him to leave the city, 
he took a tour through the Southern States in the winter of 
1831-5. Returning in the following spring, he located in Kittan- 
ning, Armstrong County, Penn., where he has resided and followed 
his profession ever since. He was a member of the State Legisla- 
ture in 1856, and the same year the Whig candidate for Auditor 
General of Pennsylvania. He was a delegate to the Chicago Con- 
vention in 1860 that nominated Mr. Lincoln for President, and was 
by a handsome majority elected as a Pepublican to the Forty-first 
Congress. 

Mr. Phelps was placed on the Committees on Invalid Pensions 
and Expenditures on Public Buildings. A man of few words, he 
scarcely ever proffered a set speech, and rarely arose to address 
the House, save for the presenting of petitions or oftering reports 
as a member of Committee. In voting he was true to the party 
of which he was a faithful representative, and in attention to the 
numerous duties of his position, attentive to the interests of his 
constituents. 



JAMES H. PLATT, JZm. 




%MES H. PLATT, Jun., was born in St. John's, Canada, 
July 13, 1837, of parents who were American citizens, and 
residents of Burlington, Vermont. He received an aca- 
demic education, and at the age of eighteen entered the 
Medical Department of the University of Vermont, from which he 
o-radnated in 1858, and immediately commenced the practice of his 
profession. In the following year he married Miss S. C. Foster, 
daughter of Hon. George W. Foster, of S wanton, and settled in 
West Hartford, Vermont. 

Mr. Piatt was an enthusiastic Kepublican, and had cast his first 
Presidential ballot for Abraham Lincoln. The moment intelli- 
o-ence was received of the attack on Fort Sumter he commenced 
raising a company pledged to obey any call that might be made 
upon it by the State or General Government. At a meeting held 
at White River Village a few days later to assist in raising and 
equipping this company Mr. Piatt predicted a long war in his 
speech on the occasion, using this language : 

I regret, Mr. Cliairman, my inability to believe with uiy friends wlio have 
preceded me that the war now inaugurated is to have a speedy termination, or 
that the seventy-five thousan<l men now called tor by the President will be suf- 
ficient to quell this formidable rebellion ; on the contrary, sir, I am compelled 
to believe that we have entered upon a contest that will test to the utmost oui- 
patriotism, our endurance, and our financial ability ; a contest for which the 
South has been long preparing, and for which we have as yet made no prepa- 
ration ; a contest in which we have got to meet a brave, impetuous, well-armed, 
and prepared antagonist ; an issue wliich involves our national existence, and 
in which the questions that have so long divided us politically are to be settled 
by the arbitrament of the sword. 

These views were reiterated at a meeting held a few days later 
in West Hartford, and found but few believers. The company 








'1HMJ 




hoiijak/iES h pt.att jr., 

P.i'lPBESEITTATI^^^ FROM ^.IRGIITL^. 



EN C R A\' E D F R B A P. N E 5 H I ST C R Y F C C! N C R E S5 



JAMES II. PLATT, JUN. 2 

was soon filled, but failed to be accepted in the first regiment that 
left the State. Mr. Piatt was elected First Sero-eant of the com- 
pany, which was assigned to the Third Vermont Regiment. 
While this regiment was in camp at St. Johnsbnry Governor 
Fairbanks requested Mr. Piatt to remain in the State to assist in 
raising and organizing another regiment. He consented to do so, 
and recruited a full company at Chelsea, Orange County, Ver- 
mont, which became Company B of the Fourth Vermont Regi- 
ment. Mr. Piatt was unanimously elected Captain, and in that 
capacity participated in every battle in which the Army of the 
Potomac was eno-ao-ed until after the battle of Fredericksburg, 
December, 1862. Here he lost more than half his company in 
attempting to capture a battery from the enemy. For gallant 
conduct he was invited by General William F. Smith, then com- 
manding the Sixth Corps, to a jjosition on his staff, which he ac- 
cepted. On leaving his company he was presented by the sur- 
vivors with an elegant saber, accompanied by a letter signed by 
every member expressing their regard for him as a friend and 
commanding officer, and their sorrow at parting from him. Tlie 
following extract from Frank Moore's Rebellion Record relates 
truthfully an incident of this battle : 

Captain James H. Piatt, Jun., of Company B, Fourth Vermont Eegiment, 
Laving been ordered with his company to the right of the skirmish line, after 
liaving once expended all his ammunition and been resupplied, led his men out 
in front of a battery, within three hundred yards, where they did noble execu- 
tion till a charge of canister struck down half the company, killing eleven and 
wounding fom'teen, when he ordered them back to reform, which they did, and 
retired in good order with the regiment just relieved ; yet not all, for, calling 
some to his side, the humane captain, a skillful physician, bound up the most, 
dangerous wounds, thus prolongmg at least several lives, and, with the assist- 
ance he had summoned, bore away to the hospital, a mile distant, all who were 
imable to help themselves. This was done amid bullets and canister flying like 
hail, yet through a kind Providence no one was harmed. As the gallant cap- 
tain said, " God would not let us suffer while in discharge of such a duty." 

Captain Piatt served on the staff of General Smith until that 
officer was relieved from command of the Sixth Corps by Major- 
General John Sedgwick, with whom he remained until that gallant 

3^/ 



3 



JAMES H. PLATT, JUN. 



officer was kined at Spottsylvania Coiirt House on the 12th day of 
May, 1864. The following letter by General Sedgwick, supposed 
to be the last one ever written by him, shows the estimation in 
which he held Captain Piatt : 

Head- QUARTERS Sixth Army Corps, A2yril 21, 1864. 
Brigadier-General L. Thomas, Adjutant-General United States Army. 

General : The term of service of Captain James H. Piatt, Juu., Fourth Ver- 
mont Volunteers, Acting Chief Quarter-master of this corps, expires in a short 
time. I am exceedingly anxious to retain him in the position he now occupies, 
especially during the campaign about to commence. He is an officer admirably 
fitted for tlie duties he is called upon to perform. He has great energy and 
business capacity, and has at all times conducted the atfairs of his ofliice in a 
peculiarly acceptable manner. He has acted as Quarter-master at these head- 
quarters for a year past. He has had, therefore, a valuable experience in the 
different branches of the Quarter-master's Department, and this fact, in connec- 
tion with his recognized ability, would render his loss from this service a se- 
rious disadvantage. As a means of retaining him I earnestly recommend his 
appointment as Assistant Quarter-master United States Volunteers, and assign- 
ment as Chief Quarter-master of this corps, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, 
and would respectfully ask, if the appointment can consistently be made, that 
early action be taken in the case, and that he may be allowed when appointed 
to continue on duty at these head-quarters. 

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

John Sedgwick, Major-General. 

On the 30th of May, 1861, Colonel Piatt was captured by a por- 
tion of the Ninth Virginia Cavalry near Coal Harbor, taken to 
Richmond, and confined in Libby Prison. Thence he was taken 
to Macon, Georgia, and was one of the first six hundred prisoners 
sent from there to Charleston, South Carolina, and placed in build- 
ings directly in range of the fire of the United States batteries, the 
rebels vainly imagining that exposing Union prisoners in that way 
would stop the bombardment. He was released on parole October 
8, 1864, and declared exchanged on the 19th of December, and 
was honorably discharged at his own request. 

On the 5th of April, 1865, the day after its evacuation, Colonel 
Piatt became a citizen of Petersburg, Virginia, and has since that 
time continued to reside there. He has been very largely engaged 
in business, principally farming, mining, and cutting wood and 



JAMES H. PLATT, JUN. 4 

lumber for tlie nortliern market. He has employed more labor 
than any otlier one man in his district. 

After the passage of the reconstruction acts of March, 1807, he 
was invited to address a mass meeting called to ratify those acts, 
and, accepting the invitation, on the 8th day of April, 1867, ad- 
dressed tlie first Republican mass meeting held in the State. The 
speech he delivered on that occasion was published by the Repub- 
lican Club of Petersburg, and attracted wide notice and extended 
comment from the press. In it he laid down the principles which 
he hoped would be the platform of the Republican party of Vir- 
ginia. This platform was subsequently adopted by the State Con- 
vention which met in Richmond on the 17th of April, 18G7, pre- 
cisely as written by Colonel Piatt. In October, 1867, he was 
elected a delegate from the city of Petersburg to the Constitutional 
Convention which assembled in Richmond on the 3d of December. 
In the Convention he was one of the most prominent members ; 
was Chairman of the Committee on bill of rights and division of 
the powers of government. lie was the author of several import- 
ant sections of the Constitution. His speeches in the Convention 
when presenting the report of the Committee on the bill of rights, 
and on the question granting the right of suffrage to colored men, 
attracted much notice, and gave him considerable reputation in the 
State. He was a delegate at large from Yirginia to the Convention 
which nominated General Grant at Chicago. He was very active in 
establishing a sj^stem of common-school education in Petersburg, 
He served for several years as a member of the Board of Education 
of that city, as a member of the City Council, and as a Director in 
the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad. On the establishment of 
the People's Savings Bank in Petersburg he was elected its presi- 
dent, which position he continues to hold. He was elected to the 
Forty-first Congress as a Republican, and served on the Kaval 
Committee. He was appointed a member of the Union Repub- 
lican Congressional Executive Committee, and was elected its secre- 
tary, whi(;h position he filled acceptably during the campaign of 
1869. ^ S 2, 



I " LUKE P. POLAND. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Poland was Chairman of the 
Committee on the Eevision of the Laws of the United States, a 
position for which his talents and experience as a jurist eminently 
qualified him. The project of a revision and consolidation of the 
statutes of the United States had for a long time been favored by Mr. 
Sumner, and he had repeatedly introduced bills for that purpose^ 
but without any result until the Thirty-ninth Congress. Judge 
Poland had been appointed to the Senate to fill the vacancy caused 
by the death of Judge 'Collamer, and he also filled the place on the 
Judiciary Committee of the Senate formerly held by his predeces- 
sor. The bill for the Revision of the Statutes of the United States 
was reported by him from the Judiciary Committee, and under his 
lead it passed the Senate and became a law. 

Commissioners were appointed to make the revision, but a series 
of accidents and negligences prevented its completion in the three 
years allowed, and only a small part of the work had been done. 
The failure had been so great that a strong prejudice existed 
against further efi'ort in that direction. During the Forty-first 
(Congress Judge Poland reported a bill for extending the time for 
revisino- and consolidating the statutes of the United States. It 
met with a very decided opposition in the House, not upon the 
ground that such a revision was not greatly needed, but that a 
fartlier effort would be likely to be as unproductive of benefit as 
that already made. In the course of the debate on the bill Mr. 
Poland spoke of the work as follows : 

Mr. Speaker, this law, providing for a revision of the statutes of the United 
States, was passed nearly three years ago— three years in June next— and in the 
latter part of July, or early in August thereafter, the President appointed three 
commissioners to execute the work, at the head of whom was a gentleman 
from the State of Massachusetts. 

Gentlemen who complain of delay in reference to this work only show that 
they have not examined it to know any thing about the nature and perplexity 
of the work. All the statutes that have ever been passed by the Congress of 
the United States now stand upon the statute books. We have already fifteen 
large volumes of statutes, the greater part of which are entirely obsolete. I 
have looked over, for instance, the compilation of the laws in reference to the 
Army of the United States, which I think is embraced in a pamphlet of about 



LUKE P. POLAND. 2 

seventy-five or eighty pages, and it required an examination and enables a re- 
peal of more tlian five hundred distinct and independent statutes. You can 
see from that something of the amount of labor that is required to carry out 
the work. 

The bill passed the House, and subsequently the Senate. Under 
it another Board of Commissioners was appointed who are prose- 
cuting the work with great diligence, and it is now expected that 
it will be entirely completed before the expiration of the Forty- 
second Congress. 

The Committee on the Eevision of tlie Laws, althoudi created 
to take charge of the revision on foot, has been practically treated 
as concurrent with the Judiciary Committee on legal subjects, and 
during this Congress reported many important alterations and 
amendments of existing laws. One of the most important was a 
bill prepared by Judge Poland, authorizing any of the public de- 
partments, before whom any claim is pending against the Govern- 
ment, to take testimony upon the subject, and also to call upon tlie 
Department of Justice to furnish professional assistance in investi- 
gating the case. It is a singular fact that up to the passage of this 
bill there had never been any law by which testimony could be 
taken in opposition to claims presented against the Government for 
settlement before its accounting officers or any authorized profes- 
sional assistance employed. All such cases were heard and decided 
upon the ex-parte evidence produced by the claimant. It is not 
wonderful that fraudulent claims were sometimes passed. The 
wonder is that no more of them were allowed. 

Mr. Poland did not often participate in debate, but when he did 
so he invariably spoke with perceptible effect. A good instance is 
seen in a speech of five minutes in favor of the Northern Pacific 
Railroad, in which he commenced by saying that he was not a rail- 
road man, and had never been owner of a share of railroad stock, and 
yet the road was one in which his constituents felt a deep interest. 
He then, in a few concise and eloquent sentences, vindicated the 
friends of the enterprise from charges of having used corrupt means 
to secure the construction of this great national highway. 

25 



CHAELES POMEEOT. 




?^^HAELES POMEKOY was born in Meriden, Connecticut, 
September 3, 1825. His father, 'Noah Pomeroj, was a 
prominent man socially, politically, and religiously. He 
was one of the early and leading manufacturers of the 
place, possessed of business talent sufficient to insure success in 
every undertaking, and to accumulate a comfortable estate. His 
son, the subject of this sketch, inherited from him the sterling 
traits of industry, energy, perseverance, and integrity. From his 
mother he inherited those virtues which sanctify manhood no less 
than womanhood — intense tenderness in affection, keen sympathy 
for suffering, and that open-hearted and open-handed charity which 
^^ thinketh no evil." Gentle to inferiors, thoughtful of her equals, 
unassuming in her demeanor, and yet ever impressing you with a 
sense of quiet strength, was the mother, and so also is the son, 

Mr, Pomeroy was naturally studious and reflective, manifesting 
even in boyhood a tendency to literary pursuits. He enjoyed the 
usual advantages of common-school education till the age of four- 
teen, when he was sent to Bacon Academy in Colchester, For four 
years he pursued a thorough academic course, dividing his time 
between Colchester and his native town, preparatory to entering 
Yale College. But though possessed of a strong constitution, by 
incessant reading and close application to his studies his health 
became so impaired that it was not deemed advisable for him to 
attempt a collegiate course. To restore his wasted physical vigor 
he spent a winter in Alabama, and on his return to the North 
yielded finally to the reiterated requests of his father and engaged 
in manufacturing, and though the duties which thus devolved upon 
him were repugnant to his tastes, he performed them faithfully, 




"-^ySBM^^Sonsfit^"^"'^^-'' 





'~^^^<^^^^^^^- 






_MC'^^'.'rc F'^p 5A^''- 



CHARLES POM EROY. 2 

beino; as industrious and conscientious a business man as he Lad 
been a student, and employing all his leisure hours in those pur- 
suits which were congenial to his nature. From his early manhood, 
indeed before he reached the years of manhood, he was an active 
participant in the lyceums of his native town, and his power as a 
debater, the originality, breadth, and depth of thought he ever 
evinced, and the classical purity of his language, are still w^ell re- 
men-ibered by those wdio heard him in "the old red school-house." 

During the Fremont campaign, (1856,) in which his feelings 
were deeply interested, Mr. Pomeroy was called to the stump in 
Connecticut, and was sent for night after night in all the adjacent 
towns, his carefully considered, though apparently extemporaneous, 
speeches carrying conviction from their sentiment, and creating 
enthusiasm from their spirit. 

His health, which had been fiiiling for some time, was seriously 
injured by this incessant labor, and his friends, fearing that he was 
going into consumption, advised a change of climate. . He re- 
moved, therefore, early in the winter of that year to Boonsborough, 
Iowa, makino; one of the few eastern families at that time resident 
in the far West. His only thought on reaching Iowa was to re- 
store his health, which he did effectually by living the simple and 
primitive life of a pioneer, and w^orking daily upon the farm or in 
the forest. His social worth soon became known to his new asso- 
ciates, and he made many and fast friends. He was one of the 
first Kepublicans there to take politica standing, interesting him- 
self at an early day with the issues then before the people of his 
adopted State, and identifying himself with the side which he 
believed had only honest purposes. He was instrumental in estab- 
lishing the first newspaper issued in Boone County, cheerfully 
sacrificing both comfort and means to insure its pecuniary suc- 
cess, while he was ever ready to assist with his versatile and vigor- 
ous pen its literary and political triumphs. During the " hard 
times " which bore down so heavily upon the early settlers of 
Central Iowa in the money crisis of 1857-58, Mr. Pomeroy, 
though suffering with others privations and trials which can be 

3^7 



3 CHARLES POMEROY. 

only properly estimated by those who have borne them, main- 
tained an unflinching courage and uncomplaining fortitude. 

In 185S he was appointed one of the Trustees of the Iowa Uni- 
versity, and the journeys to the eastern part of the State which 
this necessitated became the pleasant and fortunate opportunities 
of forming friendships with men of prominent political and social 
worth, friendships which not only alleviated many of the trials of 
pioneer life, but which brought him frequently and favorably be- 
fore the public. In 1860 he was jdaced upon the Lincoln electoral 
ticket, and stumped the eastern part of the State for several weeks 
during that exciting campaign. Coming as he did from w^hat was 
then a remote and obscure town, he had always first to overcome 
the prejudices or indifference of his audience. At one time, in 
Iowa City, he rose to speak after the exercises were supposed to be 
over, and while the people w^ere rising to leave the hall. His first 
sentence brought an anmsed stare and a whispered wonder as to 
" what that backwoodsman could possibly have to say," his second 
arrested attention, h^s third brought silence, his fourth a noiseless 
return to seats, after wdiich he held the audience for an hour, win- 
ning in that time a reputation which has ever since insured him in 
that city a plenty of admiring hearers. 

In 1861, without solicitation on his part, he was appointed Ee- 
ceiver of the United States Land Office at Fort Dodge. Tliis 
oblio-ed him to remove from Boonsborough, and also to close up 
the law office wdiich he had opened as soon as his restoration to 
health permitted him to resume the confinement of study. 

In 1869 Mr. Pomeroy resigned the oflice of receiver to take a 
seat as a Representative from Iowa in the Forty -first Congress, to 
which he had been elected by the Eepublicans of the Sixth Dis- 
trict, lie w^as appointed a member of the Committee on Terri- 
tories and the Committee on Mines and Mining. His first uemarks 
in the House, made February 18, 1870, on the Legislative Appro- 
priation Bill, w^ere in vigorous advocacy of economy in public 
expenditures. On the 22d of March following he delivered an able 
speech in fiivor of the bill to suppress polygamy in Utah. 

2n 



CHA.ELES H. POETER. 




EAELES H. PORTER was born in Cairo, Greene 
Count}', New York, June 21, 1833. He attended tlie 
schools of his native village until 1847, when he further 
prosecuted his studies at the Rensselaerville Academy in 
Albany County., In 1849 he entered the law office of his brother- 
in-law, P. C. Mattoon, Esq., at Cairo, varying his pursuits, however, 
with a term at school-leaching, and by serving as Secretary of the 
Greene County Agricultural Societ3^ lie continued the study of 
law, a portion of the time a student of the University at Albany, 
until September, lS5-i, when he was admitted to the bar by the 
Supreme Court. 

In 1855 he was one of the delegates to the Judicial Convention 
held in Albany to nominate a candidate for Judge of the Supreme 
Court. In 1856 he was unanimously nominated by the Republican 
party of his county for the position of District Attorney ; but tlie 
county being largely Democratic, he was defeated with the rest of 
the ticket, running, however, ahead of his associates in the towns 
where he was well known. In 1860 he canvassed for Lincoln and 
Hamlin in the State of New York, under appointment from the 
State Central Committee. 

Mr. Porter continued to practice his profession until the spring 
of 1861, when he entered the Union army, serving in the First 
New York Mounted Rifles. In 1863, although a soldier, he was 
elected by the Union citizens of Norfolk, Virginia, Attorney for the 
Commonwealth for that city, to fill a vacancv, receivino; all the 
votes cast except nine. He was then honorably discharged from 
the army in order to enter upon the duties of his office. In 1864 
he was re-elected for the full term, and was also elected Corporation 



2 CHARLES H. PORTER. 

Attorney for one year. He continued to discliarge the duties of 
Commonwealth's Attorney for more than six years, to the entire 
satisfaction of the judges, bar, and people of Norfolk. ^ 

In 1864 a conflict 'arose between the loyal civil government of 
Norfolk and the military authorities of the United States. Mr. 
Porter indulged in some criticisms, which were reported in a 
highly exaggerated form to General Butler, who ordered his arrest. 
He has, however, been fully vindicated by General Butler on the 
floor of Congress and elsewhere from the charge of disloyalty, as 
connected with this contest, which at one time was so industriously 
circulated by some of his political enemies. 

In May, 1865, Mr. Porter voted viva voce, as required by the 
laws of Virginia at that time, for candidates for the Legislature 
wdio were publicly pledged in favor of colored suffrage. Upon 
this the Select and Common Councils of the city undertook to 
prevent any compensation being paid to Mr. Porter for his services 
as Commonwealth's Attorney, and for a year succeeded. He at 
once sued out a writ of mandamus in the Circuit Court against the 
Councils, which twelve months afterward resulted in a decision in 
his favor from a judge who had presided over the circuit for thirty 
years. In June, 1866, Mr. Porter again voted openly for a candi- 
date for the Legislature who was pledged to colored suffrage. 

In August, 1866, he married Miss MoUie Bowden, only daughter 
of Hon. Lemuel J. Bowden,^ of Williamsburgh, Virginia, a distin- 
guished lawyer, who took his seat as a Senator of the United States 
March 4, 1863, and died in the following January. 

In August, 1867, Mr. Porter removed to Richmond, which has 
since been his residence. He soon after entered upon the canvass 
of the State in favor of the call for a State Convention to frame a 
Constitution as authorized by the reconstruction laws. He was 
appointed to this work by the Republican Congressional Commit- 
tee at Washington, and was the only white Republican who can- 
vassed Virginia during the campaign. A Richmond paper, in 
referrincr to this work, said, " Mr. Porter made an extensive can- 
vass, and as brilliant as it was rapid, but he did his work well. 



CHARLES H. PORTER. 3 

Wherever he spoke he consolidated the lojal vote in support of 
the Convention and the Republican ticket." 

While eno-ao-ed in this work Mr. Porter was nominated by the 
Republican party of Chesterfield and Powhatan Counties for a 
seat in the proposed Constitutional Convention, and was elected by 
a large majority. The Convention assembled at Richmond in 
December, 1867, and adjourned on the night of the 17th of April, 
1868. He became immediately one of the most efficient and influ- 
ential members of the body. He was Chairman of the Committee 
on Privileges and Elections, and was a member of the Judiciary 
Committee. The reports drawn and presented by him as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Elections were uniformly sustained by 
the Republican majority without a dissenting voice. 

Mr. Porter sometimes found it necessary in the discharge of his 
duties to oppose reports of other committees. He oflered the 
present twelfth article to the Constitution as a substitute for the 
report of the committee on the " Mode to Amend the Constitu- 
tion." Their report had been unanimously agreed to in commit- 
tee. Mr. Porter's substitute was carried by a large majority. He 
is known throughout Virginia as the author of the homestead 
provision of the new Constitution. This was also offered by him 
as a substitute for the report of the Judiciary Committee, which 
had been agreed to by all its members except Mr. Porter. The 
report of the committee was su&tained by every Democrat and 
nearly all the leading Republicans, including the President of the 
Convention. After the most exciting contest of the session Mr. 
Porter's substitute was carried, and is now a part of the Con- 
stitution. 

When the appropriate committee reported the " bill of rights " 
an additional section was moved, " That neitlier slavery nor invol- 
untary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the 
parties shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within this 
State." Mr. Porter at once moved as a substitute, " That neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as lawful imprisonment 
may constitute such, shall exist in the State," which, after discus- 



4: CHARLES II. PORTER. 

sion, was adopted. Mr. Porter during the debate reminded the 
Convention that one or more of the courts of Maryland had, on 
their conviction by a jury, sentenced cok)red persons to be sold 
into slavery, and claimed the right to do so under the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Federal Constitution, similar in phraseology to 
the proposition for which he offered his substitute. 

It will be seen that Mr. Porter's substitute is not only an im- 
provement upon the language of the Tliirteenth Amendment, and 
similar language in the different State Constitutions abolishing 
slavery, and the Jeffersonian ordinance prohibiting it in the iN'orth- 
western Territory, but an improvement of a vital character, for 
these different antislavery clauses either authorize the reduction to 
slavery of persons duly convicted of crime, or afford a very good 
pretext for courts hostile to liberty to do so. 

Mr, Porter is inseparably connected with the framing of Yir- 
ginia's great Constitution in all its important features, a Constitu- 
tion which Mr. Bingham pronounced on the floor of the House to 
be " the best in America." 

Three weeks after the adjournment of the Convention Mr. Porter 
was nominated for Representative in Congress by the Republicans 
of the Richmond District, receiving a two thirds vote in a full 
convention on the first ballot. The election was to have taken 
place June 2, 1808, but was arbitrarily suspended by General Scho- 
field, and did not take place until July 6, 1869. Mr. Porter had 
canvassed a considerable portion of his district previous to the 
issuing of the military order suspending the election, and then of 
course abandoned the canvass for the time being. 

In Mav, 1869, the election for Congressional and State officers 
was appointed for the 6th of July. During the interval Mr. 
Porter canvassed the State in the interests of the Republican 
cause. He was the only white canvasser who advocated the 
adoption of the " test-oath and disfranchising clauses " of the new 
Constitution, His views were overwhelmingly sustained by the 
Republican party, 81:,000 casting their ballots for these clauses 
in opposition to the policy advocated by nearly all the leading 

3f^' 



CHARLES II. PORTER. 5 

Eepnb] leans. The election resulted in the success of Mr. Porter 
and some other Republicans, but the party generally was defeated 
in the State. 

Mr. Porter was unanimously elected permanent President of the 
Yirginia Republican Convention of November, 1869, in which the 
party of the State was fully represented. This Convention was 
called by the State Committee for the purpose of having tlie party 
determine what course they would recommend Congress to take in 
reference to the late election, which was alleged by Republicans 
generally to have been carried against them by intimidation, fraud, 
and violence, and in relation to the admission of the State to 
representation. The committee on the address and resolutions 
earnestly recommended to Congress the administering of the test- 
oath to the members of the Legislature. This address was adopted 
by a vote of 121 to 1-3. After this, and when all the work of the 
Convention had been accomplished except the appointment of the 
State Central Committee, the opponents of the address recommend- 
ing the test-oath withdrew in a body from the Convention. 

Mr. Porter laid the address before Congress upon its assembling 
in the following month, as instructed to do by the Convention. 
He failed in securing the object of the Convention, but his ao-ita- 
tion for the test-oath resulted in other but weaker conditions beincr 
required by Congress, which preserved the loyal people of Virginia 
from the danger which would have attended the unconditional 
admission of the State. 

Mr. Porter took his seat in Congress January 26, 1870, and was 
appointed on the Committee on Reconstruction. Amono- the im- 
portant bills introduced by him was one allowing any bankrupt an 
exemption equivalent in value to that authorized by the Constitu- 
tion or law^s of his State in 1870, his immediate object being to 
secure to those availing themselves of the Bankrupt Act in Yir- 
ginia the benefit of the $2,000 exemption provided by the Consti- 
tution of the State. 

He was one of the foremost in opposition to universal amnesty, 
unless accompanied by legislation protecting the rights of the loyal 



6 CHARLES H. PORTER. 

people. He has, however, always been in favor of amnesty to 
those who accepted the political situation in good faith. He intro- 
duced a bill authorizini? the trial of all causes originating in the 
late slave States in Federal courts, on affidavit of either party that 
he did not believe he could obtain justice in the State Courts on 
account of his color or the prejudice against him. Mr. Porter, 
with his Eepublican colleagues, voted steadily against the removal 
of tlie dutv on foreio-n coal, while the five Democratic members 
from Yirginia voted for the proposition which, if successful, would 
in his opinion have brought ruin upon the bituminous coal interests 
of his State. He frequently addressed the House on pending sub- 
jects of legislation. He delivered speeches on the Test Oath, Ku- 
klux Lesislation, and on Eevenue Frauds in Virginia. 

In May, 1870, Mr. Porter's assassination was attempted on 
Broad-street, in the city of Richmond, and such was the unprovoked 
and murderous character of the assault that the House of Repre- 
sentatives imprisoned the would-be assassin for three months for 
this gross and malignant breach of the privileges of its members, 
beino- the first time since the foundation of the Government that a 
person has been imprisoned by Congress for an assault upon one 
of its members. 

In August, 1870, Mr, Porter was renominated by acclamation 
for Congress in a full Republican Convention of his district, and 
was elected by 2,893 majority. The whole vote polled at tliis 
election for Mr. Porter and his opponent was 24,217, while the 
aggregate vote at his previous election was 31,398, and his party 
majority in the district at that time was less than 1,900, showing 
an increase in his majority of nearly 1,000, although the aggregate 
vote was reduced more than 7,000. While these votes indicate his 
standing in his own party, an equally honorable encomium comes 
from his political enemies, a leading opposition sheet, the "Rich- 
mond Daily Dispatch," of January 14, 1871, avowedly hostile to 
Mr. Porter, saying editorially of him, " We remember no accusa- 
tion of culpability in the corruptions for money-making gotten up 
among officials and party rings." 




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''^ b'BEm^Son^Sl^^'"' 



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HOIJ. CLA3K3 0N N.POTTEP, 

--'EPr'.ESE'STM'IV'E fi-.OM i>IEV/YOF_K 



W 



H.BARNES &C'- 07 PARA PO^V NtWYO:"K 



OLAEKSO:^ I^. POTTEE. 




^fe^^LARKSON NOTT POTTER was born at Union College, 

^^ near Schenectadj, New York, in 1825. His father, the Rev. 
Alonzo Potter, who was subsequently Bishop of Pennsyl- 
vania, was then a Professor there. His mother was the only 
daughter of the Rev. Dr. Eliphalet Xott, who was for sixty-three 
years the distinguished President of that College. 

Clarkson was the eldest of ten children, and after graduating at 
Union College was sent to the Rensselaer Institute to study engi- 
neering-. Leaving there when eighteen years of age, he went to 
Wisconsin as a surveyor. After remaining West some two years, 
during which time he occupied his leisure hours in reading law, he 
returned to Schenectady, finished his professional studies, and was 
admitted to the bar; shortly after which he removed to the city of 
New York, where he commenced practice in 1847. 

He prosecuted his profession with diligence, and early acquired 
a very important and valuable practice. He took no active part in 
politics, and held no public office whatever, until elected to the 
Forty-first Congress from the district adjoining New York city on 
the north. In that Congress he served on the Committees of Com- 
merce, Elections, and Private Land Claims, and was also one of 
the Sub-committee on Appropriations for Rivers and Harbors. 

In Congress Mr. Potter opposed repudiation and any further 
increase of paper money ; favored the abolition of the Franking 
Privilep-e, and introduced a measure for that purpose which the 
Post-Office Committee adopted and recommended to the House; 
urged the abolition of the present system of maintaining permanent 
diplomatic agents to represent this country abroad ; was active in 
procuring an increase in judicial salaries ; and advocated the repeal 
of the Income Tax, which, as levied, he thought especially unjust 
and demoralizing. He resisted the claim of the House of Repre- 



2 CLARKSON N. POTTER. 

sentatives to piinisli as a breach of tlie privilec^es of tlie House, as- 
saults upon its members outside of the District of Columbia; and 
he earnestly opposed the granting of private charters by Congress, 
creating corporations to carry on business within the States, and 
all kindred private legislation ; declaring tliat such legislation 
would unite upon Washington the corrupt influences, dangerous 
solicitations, and all the inducements to wicked legislation which 
would otherwise bo distributed through the various State capitals, 
and thus brinii about there a condition of things as much worse 
than that at any State capital as Congress is more powerful than 
the Legislature of any State. 

Indeed, from the time he grew up, Mr. Potter had been a Dem- 
ocrat — not l)ecause he sympathized in the least with slavery, but 
because of his conviction that free government could only be main- 
tained by limiting and localizing the power of government. He 
therefore regarded the reconstruction policy of the Government as 
unjust, unwise, and a dangerous step toward the centralization of 
power. His own views on these subjects were expressed in a 
speech on the admission of Virginia, from which we make the fol- 
lowing extract : 

Since this Government was establisliecl no party ever bad sucli an opportunity 
as the Republican party. It had directed the forces witli wliich the people had 
put down the Rebellion. It had thus al)sorbe(l the credit which belonged so 
largely to the Democratic masses in the rank and file of the army. It needed only 
to have treated the South with a wise magnanimity and generous contidence to 
have won their he;irts and their devotion; to have saved the Union as it was 
and the Constitution as our fathers gave it ; and to have wielded the control of 
the country by the willing votes of a majority of tiiis whole people for the rest 
of this generation. But, pray, how is it now, sir? The South, outraged and 
distrustful, sullenly submits to what it cannot avoid, without confidence in the 
present or hope in the future. Congress constructs and reconstructs and again 
re-reconstructs ; makes promises which it hesitates to keep, and after every pav- 
formance imposes new and har<1er conditions — like Pharaoh, more unwilling 
each day to let the people go fiee; while instead of the Union of our fathers 
and that bhssed Constitution under which these States were so long and so 
prosperously bound together, we have a system of consolidated and centralized 
government in which the States of the Union are being degraded to be prov- 
inces — to be lienceforth, as the gentleman from Wisconsin declared, "little more 
than counties." 



3f^ 



CLARKSON N. POTTER. 3 

Sir, if tliis is to 1)6 the result of the war, I submit that the war was hardly 
wortli the having. If this is to be its result, then it succeeded neither in saving 
that for which the people fought, nor in giving us instead something better 
than that which we tried to save. 

I'know the gentleman from Wisconsin tolls us that it will be for those who 
live after us to decide whether this consolidated and centralized Government is 
or is not better than the system of limited and localized government which our 
fathers established. Alas ! I think that this can even now be decided. Every 
day, as it seems to me, now testifies to their wisdom and to our folly. Every 
day indicates how much better and happier the people were under their limited 
and localized system of govcniment than under the consolidated and central- 
ized system which is replacing it. The vast growth and natural advantages of 
the country have, indeed, made us richer and more powerful than ever before; 
but arc we wiser, better, or happier than our fathers? Are the masses more con- 
tent; are rights more secure; the laws more wisely framed or l)etter adminis- 
tered ; our country more respected for its virtues abroad or more cherished at 
home, than in the days of our fathers ? Ah, sir, who of us does not realize the 
contrary ? Throughout ten States of this Union the bayonet and the test-oath 
crush out the heart and the confidence of the people ; while throughout the 
rest of the land speculation, extravagance, disregard of the rights of others, 
disrespect of law, and corruption jirevail. 

Mr. Potter was counsel in the case of Ilepljurii vs. Grlsicold, in 
which the Supreme Court of the United States, in 1S68, first decided 
the Leo-al Tender Act to be unconstitutional, and was also heard 
at the same term in su])port of the validity of contracts payable 
specifically in coin, which the Court sustained. In these arguments 
he very earnestly maintained that Congress had no power to impair 
tlie obligations of contracts. 

When the Legal Tender question was reconsidered by the 
Supreme Court at its last term Mr. Potter was again heard upon it. 
He felt very deeply the evils which, as he' thought, must result 
from establishing the power of Congress to impair contracts be- 
tween private citizens, and the demoralization which must ensue 
from maintaining, as a permanent measure of value, so uncertain 
and fluctuating a unit as an irredeemable promise to pay. He also 
deprecated the review by that Court of a great constitutional ques- 
tion, decided after mature deliberation, as destructive of the influ- 
ence and value of that supreme tribunal, and regarded its action in 
these respects as constituting a real crisis in the history of the 
Government. 



WILLIAM P. PEIOE. 




fghlLLiM P. PEICE is a native of Georgia, and was 
bo2-u in Lumpkin County of that State January 29, 1835. 
His father, who was a Yirginian by birth, died when 
"William was but four years of age. In his tenth year the boy at 
his own instance was put by his mother to the printer's trade, 
where he made excellent use of the education which he had already 
received. At fourteen he became foreman, and at sixteen was the 
publisher of his own paper. 

In 1850 young Price removed to Greenville, South Carolina, 
where he continued the business of printing until, having accumu- 
lated a sufficient sum for the purpose, he entered the Furman 
University at Greenville, with the intention of completing a course 
of studies which, while engaged in printing, he had been diligently 
pursuing. Before accomplishing this undertaking, however, and 
in order to support those who were dependent on him, he left the 
University, and in 1854 established the Greenville Enterprise, a 
newspaper which has stood all vicissitudes, and is still a prominent 
journal in that State. 

This newspaper was independent in politics so far as ISTational or 
State parties were concerned, yet firm and unflinching in resisting 
all encroachments on the South, and what were considered the 
rights of the States. Entertaining such views, Mr. Price was 
among the first to espouse the cause of the South in the late strug- 
gle, and was one of the first of the soldiers mustered into the Con- 
federate service in the State of Virginia, He participated with his 
regiment in the severe campaign which began at Fairfax Court- 
House and ended at the first Manassas. In the succeeding 
autumn, at Lewinsville, Virginia, he was badly wounded by the 
explosion of a bombshell during a severe skirmish; yet, though 
incapacitated for field service, he continued with the army until 

5fy 



WILLIAM P. PRICE. 2 

t 

the close of the war. In 18G4 he was elected, principally by 
the soldiers of Greenville District, to a seat in the Legislature of 
South Carolina, and was re-elected in 1865. In 1806, resignino- 
his seat, he removed to his former home in Georgia. 

At the age of twenty-one Mr. Price had been admitted to the 
bar in Charleston, South Carolina, and began the practice of law 
in Greenville. In tlie following year he formed a partnership with 
Hon. J. L. Orr, then tlie Speaker of the IS^ational House of Repre- 
sentatives. This partnership was continued until 1866, when 
Colonel Orr was elected Governor of the State. In 1868, but two 
years after his return to Georgia, Mr. Price, by a larger vote than 
his own party could number, was elected to the Legislature of the. 
State, and being a candidate for the Speakership was defeated by 
a single vote. Yet subsequently he was elected Speaker pro tem- 
pore by the unanimous vote of both parties. His course in the 
Legislature was eminently conservative, and he ranked among the 
leaders of the House. As a member of the General Assembly he 
was energetic and active, devoting himself assiduously to those 
measures which he deemed most likely to restore the State to the 
Union. 

Although by nature and education a Democrat, yet as the war 
ceased Mr. Price fully appreciated the necessity of placing the 
Southern people in proper relations with the Federal Government. 
Says the Atlanta Constitution : 

Being perfectly familiar with the seiitimeut of the clominaut party in the 
United States, as evinced by their jjublic journals, he never had any confidence 
in the permanency of the governments created by President Johnson in the 
South. He recognized the power of Congress to dictate the terms. His idea 
was that the Southern people had set up a government for themselves; that 
they were out of the Union ; that they had been overpowei'cd and conquered, 
and that it was necessary to reconstruct tlie States before they could be read- 
mitted into the Union. While the reconstruction laws were distasteful to him, 
he nevertheless advised the people to accept them and make the most of them. 

His disabilities having been removed, Mr. Price was elected a 
Representative from Georgia to the Forty-first Congress as a Dem- 
ocrat, and was sworn in, January 16, 1871. 



Jf 






WILLIAM F. PEOSSEK. 



^iS^JlLLIAM F. PROSSER was born at Williamsport, 
^m 'Pennsylvania, March 16, 1834. His early years were 
occupied in farm-work during the summer, in attendance 
.upon the district school in winter, in studying law and teaching 
school until he was twenty years of age, when he emigrated by the 
overland route to California, and engaged in mining and other 
enterprises in the northern part of that State. Iii the years 1858 
-59 he served as lieutenant of a company of volunteers, called 
out to repress Indian hostilities on the northwestern coast of 
California. In the course of a winter campaign of extraordinary 
severity in the region of Humboldt Bay his successes were such 
while in command of a detachment of troops in that service as 
to elicit the warmest commendation from the State authorities. 
lu the year 1860 he became the Republican candidate for the 
Legislature in Trinity County, and although he was the first can- 
didate of that party for any office in that county, at that time 
largely Democratic, his energy in canvassing, together with his 
personal popularity, almost secured the election. Upon the break- 
ino- out of the Rebellion in 1861 he returned to the East for the 

& ^ ^ 

purpose of entering the Union army, and enlisted as a private m 
what was known as the '' Anderson Troop," an organization made 
up for special service in the West, and which was afterward merged 
in the 15th Pennsylvania cavalry. Shortly after the battle of 
Shiloh, while on the march from Corinth to Iluntsville, he was 
captured by the enemy, paroled, and subsequently ordered to 
Annapolis, Md., for exchange. Being exchanged soon after, he 
was ordered to Carlisle to assist in the mounting and equipping of 

4oo 




■-'"-"A/.S^rt/r.,-, 



"/■rn/TiUiC S3 Pdani'- 




H'JK. ^^TTlLIAI.d: F\ GROSSER, 



.l:ti:.,p?;ES!iNTArr./-E FROl^ TE^TNESSEE 



£'-;r.°A.'ED FCR SARt'JES HiSTGR,- rp .• o^TRLSS 



WILLIAM F. PROSSER. 2 

the 13th Pennsylvania cavahy, and went with that regiment 
to Nashville, Tenn., arriving tliere in time to join the advance 
of General Eosecrans upon Murfreesborongh, and to take an 
active part in that battle. A few days later he accepted the invi- 
tation of Andrew Johnson, then Military Governor of Tennessee, 
to assist in organizing and drilling the Second Tennessee Cavalry, 
and served as Major of that regiment during the following year, 
taking part in the battle of Chickamauga and many other engage- 
ments. In March, 186-1:, he was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel, 
and in 1865 Colonel of the same regiment, and during those years 
was actively and constantly employed in Tennessee, I^orth Ala- 
bama, and Mississippi, being in command either of the regiment or 
of a brigade of Tennessee troops. During the fall of 1864 he was 
assigned to the command of the cavalry in the District of JSTorth 
Alabama, and in the course of that campaign had numerous 
engagements with the cavalry of the enemy under Forrest, 
Wheeler, and others. After Sherman commenced his " march to 
the sea" through Georgia, Hood advanced through ISTorth Ala- 
bama with the Eebel army, intending to pass into Tennessee and 
capture Nashville. Coming suddenly upon Decatur, an important 
point on the Tennessee Eiver, he was met a short distance outside 
of the place by the cavalry under Colonel Prosser, which engaged 
the rebel forces so vigorously as to detain them for an entire day, 
during which time the fortifications of Decatur were put in order, 
reinforcements were introduced, and the place put in such an effi- 
cient condition of defense that Hood, although he remained before 
it for some days, found its capture impracticable. This defense of 
Decatur occasioned a loss of three weeks' time to Hood, gave Gen- 
eral Thomas an opportunity of collecting his scattered forces, and 
resulted in preventing Nashville from falling into the hands of the 
enemy. 

Having been mustered out of service with his regiment in July, 
1865, Colonel Prosser purchased a farm in the vicinity of Nash- 
ville and engaged in its cultivation. In August, 1867, he was 

elected a member of the Legislature for Davidson County (which 
♦ 26 



3 WILLIAM F. PROSSER. 

includes the city of l^ashville) bj the Kepnblican party, and served 
in that capacity during three subsequent sessions. He took a 
prominent part in all its deliberations, serving as Chairman of the 
Committee on Finance, Ways and Means — where he labored suc- 
cessfully to restore the credit of the State, and to secure an econom- 
ical administration — and also niuch of the time as Chairman of the 
Committee on Military Affairs. ■ While acting in the latter capac- 
ity in 1868 he was instrumental in preserving the peace of the 
State at a critical period by bringing about and conducting certain 
conferences with a number of leading ex-Confederate generals, 
which resulted in a better understanding between the loyal and 
disloyal elements of the State of Tennessee, then upon the verge 
of open hostilities and civil war. He was active in assisting to 
mature the system of common schools, which was adopted by the 
same Legislature. During its last session he was elected, and 
served for some weeks, as Speaker pro tern., pending the investiga- 
tion of certain charges against the Speaker of the House of Kepre- 
sentatives. In December, 1867, he was elected one of the Directors 
of the Texas and Pacific Eailroad Company. In March, 1868, he 
was appointed one of the Directors on the part of the State for the 
Edgefield and Kentucky Railroad. In November of the same year 
he was elected a Representative from Tennessee to the Forty-first 
Congress. In that body he served on the Committees on Railways 
and Canals, on Revolutionary Claims, and on Printing, where he 
was known as an efiicient and industrious member. He labored 
to promote the interests of his district in a variety of ways, among 
others securing the survey and improvement of the Cumberland 
River. On the 25th of January, 18Y0, he delivered a speech on the 
subject of education which attracted the attention and commenda- 
tion of leading and thoughtful men throughout the country, and 
was extensively circulated in both the English and German lan- 
guages ; also on the 17th of February, 1871, he followed with 
another on the same subject. At the close of his term of service 
in Congress Mr. Prosser was appointed Postmaster at Nashville, 
Tennessee. 

4^z- 




J. E.F^'UiSiEY, 



?i PRE' ""-:»-"■"•■ ''■• >: YTiOli SOUTE CAKCIINX 



JOSEPH H. RArr^EY. 




^^OSEPII II. EAINEY, the first colored man admitted to 



a seat in the House of Representatives of the United States, 
was born in Georgetown, South Carolina, June 29, 1832. 
His father and mother were both originally slaves, who 
obtained their freedom by pui-chase through the avails of their own 
industry and economy. His father was a barber, and for many 
years supported a large family by diligently pursuing his trade. 
Young Rainey, being about his father's shop, naturally acquired 
familiarity with the business, which he pursued for more than ten 
years. 

He never attended a regular school, being deprived of all public 
facilities for education by the laws, which made it a criminal 
ofifense to teach colored children the merest rudiments of learnino;. 
He had, however, a strong thirst for knowledge, which prompted 
him to seek private means of obtaining a common English educa- 
tion. 

He resided in Charleston, South Carolina, from 1846 to 1862. 
He married in Philadelphia in 1859, and took his wife South amid 
the excitement resulting from John Brown's raid. He was threat- 
ened with imprisonment for violating the law in leaving the State 
and returning. His friends, however, interposed, and prevented 
the execution of the purposes of his enemies. The war having 
broken out, free persons of color were required by the Confederates 
to assist in throwing up earth-works in the vicinity of Charleston. 
Mr. Rainey was compelled to work on the intrenchments, and 
performed the labor with great reluctance, having no interests in 
common with tliose whom he was thus compelled to serve. 
On the first opportunity he left Charleston for the West Indies, 
where he remained until 1866, when he returned to South Caro- 
lina, and made his residence in his native county. 

^o3 



2 JOSEPH II. RAINEY. 

Soon after liis return he engaged in mercantile pursuits. It was 
not long, however, before he was called bj the people to public 
employment. He was elected a Delegate to the State Convention 
of 1867-68, and took a prominent part in its deliberations. Sub- 
sequently he was elected a State Senator for the term of four years, 
and served as Chairman of the Finance Committee. In July, 
18Y0, he was nominated as a candidate for Representative from 
South Carolina in the Forty-first Congress to fill the vacancy occa- 
sioned by the non-reception of Hon. B. F. Whittemore. During 
the canvass Mr. Rainey made a speech at Greenville in August, 
1870, from the report of which in the Charleston Bepublican^ 
we make the followino- extracts: 

Wliile the "Reform"' party was traveling all over the State saying they were 
going to give the colored men all their rights, and bacon, corn, and all such 
things, they had no riglits to give. No man in this country has any more 
than his own rights. No man can trespass upon the rights of another. The 
law of the land has given you your rights. The sj^eaker, in illustration of the 
good promises of the '' Reformers," related the story of two negroes in their 
canoes caught in a terrible storm, and one crying, ''O Lord, save me, and I will 
give you a potato as big as the house." When asked by his companion where 
he would get the potato, in reply he told him to hush, he was only tiying to 
fool the Lord. So here the "Reformers" have not any thing to give, and if 
any body trusted them they would find they had been badly fooled. . . . 

These " Reformers " don't want you to have your own farms, grow your own 
wheat and rye. They want you to continue to be hewers of wood and drawers 
of water. But you will never be men until you have houses of your own. 
"When you work for these men on shares, just as the crop is matured they send 
a man ofi" to starve, or, in settling accounts, a poor fellow finds himself charged 
two dollars a bushel for corn that never cost more than one dollar and thirty 
cents. The true object of the Legislature was to so arrange it that you might 
get lands. We want you to live here and to die here, and that your vdves and 
children shall have land whereon to get their bread. Nothing so alarms some 
of these old land-owners as the iirospect of some negro moving next door to 
him and living there. There is no consistency in this when we remember how 
in old times some of the old mammas u&ed to give them suck, and now they 
are so afraid to have dark people live alongside of them. You must make your 
power so felt at the ballot-box that these wrongs will pass away, and your 
rights be forever asserted. 

Mr. Rainey was elected by a majority of 17,193 votes, and taking 
his seat in the House of Representatives December 12, 1870, he 
was appointed on the Committee on Freedmen's Affairs. 




^"■^'h^ssdiis.^-^s^y^'"^^'' 





HON SAMUEL. J- RAJ^OALL, . 
P.EPP.ESENTAJIVE rPXM PEKKSYL'.'Ajrjt 



,-. BARMtS&C°37 PARK POWNt/.'VOH- 



SAMUEL J. RANDALL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Kandall served during the Forty -first Congress on the Com- 
mittee on Elections, the Committee on Expenditures in the Treas- 
ury Department, and the Joint Committee on Retrenchment. 

On the 16th of December, 1869, after Mr. Mungen had delivered 
his speech on Repudiation, Mr. Randall briefly expressed his views 
as follows : 

In the time allowed me it is hardly possible that I should follow the gentle- 
man from Ohio in all his sayings^, or what I might mildly term his political 
heresies; but for myself— and I think I can speak for my constituents — I am 
utterly opposed to repudiation. But the moment allowed me gives me the 
opportunity to remonstrate against the enunciation of any scheme of legislation 
which I ))elieve would jjlace my country in a dishonest attitude before the 
world. Not only do I believe that we should pay the debt, but I believe, what 
is of vastly more importance, tliat the country has the ability, the disposition, 
and the resources to pay it. 

I agree with the gentleman from Ohio that the debt was negotiated at ruin- 
ous rates. That is a matter of just criticism against the party who then con- 
trolled the Government and made the negotiation. But as regards those who 
hold bonds upon which is stamped the faith and credit of the country, I say 
repudiation stands in no other light except the light of dishonesty. In saying 
this I but repeat what I have said before my constituents. But, sir, I do not 
apprehend half the danger from speeches such as that of the gentleman from 
Ohio that I do irom the extravagance, from the corruption, from the undue and 
unequal taxation which has been placed upon the statute-book by the majority 
of this House. I have a vast deal more apprehension of the growth of tlie spirit 
of repudiation from that cause. Again, the same thing is to be apjirehended when 
the ntajority stand up here and defend one of the most crushing, one of the 
most wasteful monopolies — the banking interest of this country. 

On a subsequent occasion Mr. Randall gave his opinions on the 
Currency, as follows : 

I maintain that tlie greenback is the better circulation of the two. Men who 
have to choose between parting with greenbacks and parting with national bank- 
notes, pay our national bank-notes rather than greenbacks, because the green- 
backs are used for the redemption of the national bank-notes in case the national 
banks should fail. In my judgment, if we are to have a circulation it should 
be a circulation of greenl)acks instead of a circulation of national bank-notes, 
because the greenbacks will not require the Government to pay double interest ; 
that is to say, the Government shall not be required to extend to the banks the 
privilege of furnishing the entire amount of circulation required by the peo- 
ple, and pay interest upon the bonds required to be deposited to secure that 
circulation, as well as to afford to the banks the privilege of making money out 
of the monopoly of the circulation. 



HEI^^RY A. EEEYES. 



11$^ 




-^-ENRY A. EEEYES was born at Sag Harbor, Suffolk 



County, 'N. Y., December 7, 1832. He is descended on 
-^^T the father's side from an old English family that was 
among the earliest settlers on Long Island, and on the 
mother's side from a German Jew named Jacobs, who came from 
Hamburg, and located in Southampton early in the present 
centurj". 

He received instruction preparatory for college at the Sag Har- 
bor Academy, where he won credit as the best scholar of his class. 
He subsequently studied three years at the University of Michigan, 
and graduated at Union College, Schenectady, N. Y., in 1852. 
He read law with Judge Hedges at Sag Harbor, and was admitted 
to the bar at Brooklyn in October, 1857. He intended to settle in 
Wisconsin, and there practice his profession ; but while on the 
way to that State, his steps were arrested and turned homeward by 
the serious illness of his father. After some months spent in clos- 
ing up the affairs of his father's estate he purchased the licjyuhli- 
can Watchman newspaper establishment, a paper published at 
Greenport, and one of the oldest journals in Suffolk County, being 
then in its thirty-fourth year. Of this paper he is still the editor 
and proprietor. 

On the third of September, 1861^ as Mr. Reeves was in the act 
of purchasing, at the Hudson River Railroad depot in Kew York, 
the ticket intended to convey him to Syracuse, where on the fol- 
lowing day he was expected to discharge the duties of delegate to 
the Democratic State Convention, he was arrested by two Deputy 
United States Marshals, acting under authority of a telegram from 
Secretary Seward, giving orders to " arrest the editor of the 
Rejyuhlican Watchman and convey him to Fort La Fayette." Mr. 




s^isgpi^: ^^^^ 



'"-^''hliBHoMiCeSF^^'^^'-^ 




^ ^ 



^£>^^ 



HENRY A. REEVES. 2 

Reeves was placed in a carriage and driven to Fort Hamilton, 
where he was lodged over night in the gun-room. Early on the 
day following he was transferred to Fort La Fajette, and confined 
in a casemate with eight or nine other gentlemen. Mr. Reeves 
and his friends wrote repeatedly to Secretary Seward, asking if any 
charges were lodged against him in the State Department or any 
of the other departments, but he never received an answer. The 
editor of the Watchman was detained in confinement for nearly 
five weeks, when he was released without trial, examination, or in- 
quiry, simply on taking an extrajudicial oath, and giving a parole 
to " do no act prejudicial to the Union." 

Mr. Reeves never held public office until he was elected a Rep- 
resentative to the Forty-first Congress from JSTew York as a Demo- 
crat, receiving 13,338 votes against 11,945 for Wood, Republican. 
Taking his seat in the House of Representatives March 4, 1869, 
Mr. Reeves served on the Committee on Agriculture, and the 
Committee on Expenditures in the Navy Department. The fol- 
lowing is an extract from a speech of Mr. Reeves against the tax- 
ino; of incomes : 

I know tliat he -vvlio avows devotion to the fundamental source of all power 
in a free government, the will of the jieople embodied in a written Constitution, 
is too apt to be stigmatized as obstructive, un progressive, old-fogyish, or by- 
still harsher terms; that partisan malevolence even sees " disloyalty" in a text, 
and " treason " in a paragraj)h, from the grand gospel of our American freedom. 
Be it so. 

I o-ladly accei^t the odium, and proudly wear the brand which attaches to the 
unwavering few who still uplift the banner of "tiie Constitution as it was;" the 
integrity of the Union which our fathers established, and which, administered 
in tlic spirit of its authors, for seventy years poured manifold blessings upon all 
the people ; the sovereignty of the States as the creators of the new political 
system then established, which, allowed to distril)ute harmoniously its benefi- 
cent influences, expanded the few and feeble members of the Confederacy into 
the august proportions of a mighty Republic of republics ; the supremacy and 
undivided rule of the superior white race ; in fine, all the glorious truths of the 
earlier and purer days of American Democracy, before " new lights" had risen to 
shed their baleful glare over a land till then united, free, and happy; before 
sectional passions had been organized to do their devil's work of alienation and 
distrust ; before fanaticism and folly had combined to rend asunder the silken 
cords of fraternal afiection and mutual esteem which held us together with 
bands infinitely stronger than " hooks of steel." 



ROBERT RIDGWAY. 



Di 



"^^S-OBEET EIDGWAY, Kepresentative from the Fifth Con- 
£ gressional District of Yirginia, was born in 1822, and 

i^^M died at his home on Sunday, October 16, 1870, after a 
long and painful illness. 

"Mr. Ilidgway completed his education at Emory and Henry 
College, in Koanoke County, Yirginia ; afterward studied law, 
and took charge of the Bedford Sentinel. He was an uncom- 
promising Whig of the Henry Clay school, and was devotedly 
attached to that great American statesman. In 1853 he became 
editor of the Richmond Whig, and during all the time of his con- 
nection with that paper his editorials show that he w^as a worthy 
successor to John Hampden Pleasants, much of whose fire and 
popular qualities he possessed. 

"At the breaking out of the Eebellion against the Union, 
Mr. Eidgway, being opposed to tlie course of the State, and 
differino; with the proprietors of that paper in the course they 
should pursue, retired from the editorial chair and returned to 
his home in Amherst, where he remained during the war. After 
the close of hostilities he was again invited to resume his editorial 
connection with that journal, which he did until he became a can- 
didate for Congress in 1865, when he was elected, but as the recon- 
struction measures were not completed he did not get his seat. He 
was again elected in July, 1869, as the conservative candidate from 
the Amherst district ; but his health was very delicate, and before 
the adjournment he found it necessary to ask for an indefinite leave 
of absence to seek rest and quiet. But the fiat had gone forth ; he 
was no more to return to these Halls. He passed away peacefully 
and quietly in the forty-eighth year of his age."— aS/?^<?cA of lion. 
Lewis M^Kemie in the House of Representatives. 



A]SrTHO]^T A. O. ROGERS. 



^NTHONY A. C. ROGERS was born in Sumner County, 
Tennessee, February 14, 1821. He received a limited 
^jlg^^ education in a country school, and was tlien employed in 
a dry-goods store until the age of twenty-two, since 
which time he has been largely engaged in mercantile pursuits, 
being one of the most prosperous merchants in the Southwest. He 
emigrated to Arkansas in 1854, and in 1801 was the candidate of 
the Union men for Delegate to the State Convention, where he 
earnestly opposed secession. He was arrested for his loyalty to the 
United States, imprisoned, and forced to give bonds to answer the 
charge of " treason against the Confederate Government.'' He was 
elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress in 1864 by the loyal men of 
his district, but was not permitted to take his seat, his State not 
having been legally reconstructed. He was elected to the Forty- 
first Congress as the " people's candidate," although he had been for 
years identified with the Republican party. 

Taking his seat as a Representative from Arkansas, Mr. Rogers 
was appointed on the Committee on Education and Labor. He 
distinguished Tiimself by his opposition to the employment of female 
clerks in the Departments. Pending the consideration of the Civil 
Appropriation Bill, he said : 

It is in my judgment degrading to the people of tliis country that we should 
have congregated here year after year, arouud this Hall and in our lobbies, a 
parcel of women, hired, it is pretended, for the purposes of the Government, 
but in many instances, I believe, for other purposes altogether. . . . This thino- 
to my mind is all wrong. It grew up, as I am told, during tlie war, when we 
needed men in the field, and it was necessary at the same time to have some 
parties here in the public offices. This system of female clerks was then intro- 
duced. It served the purpose well for a time, but we are now on a peace foot- 
ing, and I insist that all these irreguharities which grew up during the war shall 
be cut oft; and that we shall letiini to the principles of government which were 
introduced by our fathers and practiced by them. 



''"/ 



LOGAN II. ROOTS. . 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congi-oss.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Roots was a member of the Com- 
mittee on the Pacific Raih-oad and the Committee on Mines and 
Minino-. Beino; for some time the only Representative from the 
Southern States on the Pacific Railroad Committee, and possessing 
recognized ability and untiring perseverance, upon him devolved a 
large share of the work of preparing the Southern Pacific Rail- 
road leo-islation. It was he who first introduced in the House the 
"Texas Pacific Railroad Bill," which was, with but very sliglit 
modifications, the one that became a law granting aid to the great 
National Railroad near the line of the thirty-second parallel. 

While not forgetting his duty to the whole country, he strove 
most earnestly to be of practical benefit to the people in his own 
section. His popular ways and assiduous labor proved very suc- 
cessful in obtaining legislation of special importan(;e to the people 
of his own State, securing liberal assistance for their railroads in 
the way of renewal of land-grants, procuring for the first time 
liberal api)ropriations for the improvement of their rivers, and 
having a new United States judicial district created to hold court 
at Helena, Arkansas. 

Mr. Roots introduced, and was active in securing, the passage of 
an act of much importance to the country, establishing water 
gauges upon the Mississippi River and tributaries. The principal 
object in establishing the gauges is to get reliable reports of the 
stage of water at eacli locality for every day in the year, in order 
to secure the requisite data for determining with exactness the 
necessary heights of levees, and facilitate accurate calculation as to 
the approach of inundations, and to establish principles, the appli- 
cation of which is to protect the rich alluvial lands from overflow. 
This matter met the hearty approval of the War Department. 
General Humphries, Chief Engineer, has already established sta- 
tions and appointed the ofiicers required by the act. 

Mr. Roots secured th.e incorporati(jn, in a bill providing for the 
better security of life upon vessels propelled wholly or in part by 
steam, of the provision requiring that all sucli vessels should have 
on board an automatic steam indicator or gauge. 

4/0 




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STEPHEI^ SAl^FOED. 



>(OTEPllE]Sr SANFORD was born in Montgomery Coun- 




ty, New York, in 1826. His fatlier, a gentleman of rare 
[^ business capacity and sagacious judgment, was a represent- 
ative in Congress from the same district in 1841-42, and 
was also in the Senate of the State. 

Mr. Sanford, after having received the benefits of a good aca- 
demic education, was appointed a cadet at the West Point Military 
Academy. He did not, however, remain long at that institution, 
as the course of study was not congenial to his tastes, nor could his 
ambition be satisfied with the then prospect of the idle life of a 
soldier. His mind was bent on the study of mechanics and the 
arts, and on carving out for himself his own career. In this direc- 
tion he turned every energy. Not satisfied with living npon the 
accumulated wealth of his father, who had become a successful 
manufacturer of carpets in Amsterdam, New York, he desired to 
be associated with him in his labors. He had made himself theo- 
retically familiar with the chemistry of the dyes and the mechanical 
manipulations necessary in the manufacture of carpets, but this was 
not enough for him ; he must go further. Recognizing the fact 
that he who engages in the manufacture of a product should know 
more of its processes than the subordinates he employs, he took his 
term of apprenticeship and service at every branch of his business; 
so that when at last he assumed the responsibility of the manage- 
ment of the large establishment of his father it could be safely said 
of him that he could build the factory, adjust the power, set up the 
machinery, invent and construct the looms, spin the wools and dye 
them, design the patterns, set up the web, work the fabric and pack 
it for market. And in every branch of the minute detail of this 
extensive business it is admitted that he is an expert. 



2 ' STEPHEN SANFORD. 

To attain to such a degree of perfection in his business few can 
appreciate the patience, courage, and indefatigable labor necessary, 
and which coukl only be sustained by that loftiness of purpose 
which lias carried him on to the elevated position which he has 
now attained. While apparently absorbed in the pursuit of his 
chosen vocation he found time for aesthetic culture. His large and 
well-selected library and collection of works of art fully attest that 
he has not only " labored in his vocation," but history, poetry, 
literature, and the arts have been to him delightful study and 
familiar companionship. 

His popularity with his employes is very great. Having labored 
with them and beside them, he knows how weary is their toil, and 
how hard sometimes are their struggles. His kind and S3'mpathiz- 
ing nature is ever ready to lend a helping hand to all, and the faith- 
ful and industrious workingman has always found him his friend. 
As proof of his popularity with the working classes might be men- 
tioned the incident of the joyous reception which was given him 
bv his operatives on his return from Europe in the year 1867, 
after an absence of some montbs. They gathered together 
in one of the public halls of the village, and with music and 
speeches and long-continued cheers gave him public greeting on 
his safe return. 

In 1808 Mr. San ford was elected a Representative from New 
York to the Forty-first Congress as a Republican, and was appoint- 
ed on the Committees on Manufactures, Patents, and Ventilation. 
His votes were given intelligently, and were marked by that same 
conscientiousness, integrity, and soundness of judgment which dis- 
tinguished his previous career in life. Nothing transpired in the 
House which was not carefully considered by him before recording 
his vote. Liberal, progressive, and expansive in his ideas, he did 
not permit himself to be cramped by narrow-minded views of 
public expenditures whenever he was satisfied that they might 
result in some development of the great resources of the nation, or 
in extending its power and influence. 

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H OIT. AAR N A . SAR GE NT . 
B_EPRESEJSrTATr/E FROM CALIFORNIA. 



W H.BARNES &C? PUBLISHERS. 
WASHINGTON. DC. 



AAEOI^ A. SAEGETvTT, 




^4f 



, AROK A. SAEGENT was born in Kewburjport, Massa- 
chusetts, September 28, 1827. Wlien a boy he entered 
a printing-office, where' he not only acquired a trade, but 
made proficiency in the elements of education. After 
learning his trade he entered 'actively ' into journalism, and was 
for several years a reporter in Congress. .In 1849 he emigrated to 
California, where he studied law, and came to the Bar in 1854. 
He held the office of District- Attorney of Nevada County from 
1855 to 1857. In politics Mr.. Sargent was a Whig until 1856, 
when he became a Republican. He was a delegate to the Chicao-o 
Convention which nominated Mr! Lincoln for the Presidency. He 
was nominated for Attorney-General of California, but was defeated 
with the rest of the ticket. 

In 1861 he was elected a'Eepresentative from California to the 
Thirty-seventh Congress, during which he served as a member of 
the Select Committee on. the Pacific Eailroad, to which enterprise 
he was particularly devoted. On the 23d of May, 1862, he deliv- 
ered in the House of Eepresentatives an able speech on the confis- 
cation of rebel property, which attracted attention as a presentation 
of just and reasonable views on this subject. In his speeches of 
January 31 and April 9, 1862, he advocated the Pacific Eailroad 
as a military necessity. He paid a glowing tribute to the memory 
of the lamented Edward D. Baker, who fell in the Ball's Bluff dis- 
aster, his intimate acquaintance with the deceased Senator enablino- 
him to delineate his character with peculiar faithfulness. 

In 1869 Mr. Sargent was elected to the Forty-first Congress, 
during which he served on the Committee on Mines and Mining 
and the Committee on Appropriations. Early in the first session 
he addressed the House on the reconstruction of Mississippi, 
presenting a comprehensive review of the work of congressional 



2 AARON A. SARGENT. 

reconstruction so far as tlien accomplished. He opposed the 
bill " to prevent the extermination of fur-bearing animals in 
Alaska," under which it was proposed, as he asserted, that '• tlie 
Government shall make one hundred or one hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars per year by granting a monopoly to three or four 
persons, which will be worth nearly one million dollars a year." 
On the 5th of February, 1870, Mr. Sargent delivered a sj^eech on 
" The Record of the Democratic Party," of which the following are 
the closing paragraphs : 

The history of the Democratic party ! It is a record of treason and blood at 
the South, of obstruction and maliirnity at the North. At the South its mem- 
bers hurled armed legions against a flag which had never waved over them save 
in protection and kindness. At the North they discouraged enlistments, and 
resisted drafts, and depreciated credit, and cried out for peace even at the price 
of national dismemberment. They derided and insulted those who honestly 
fought for the country ; they encouraged and applauded those whose treachery, 
incomjjetency, or faintheartedness jjrecipitated disaster upon the armies of the 
Republic ; they denounced Grant, and cheered McClellan ; they cried out 
against Sherman, and eulogized Fitz John Porter; they abused the loyalists of 
the South, and found perennial comfort in the attitude of Kentucky; they gave 
nothing voluntarily to the Federal Treasury; tliey contributed sparingly, or not 
at all, to funds for the relief of our wounded soldiers. Even those who jmo- 
fessed devotion to the Union were opposed to all stringent measures to ]ireserve 
the Union. Those who favored the war were opposed to bloodshed. They de- 
nounced Lincoln as a tyrant and usurper, and their most widely-cii'culated jour- 
nal placed Wilkes Booth on their list of martyrs. 

If the Republic could have been preserved without coercing the South ; if 
the flag could have been triumphant without invading the sacred soil ; if free- 
dom could have been assured without enfranchising a slave; if the Treasury 
could have been filled without levying a tax: if armies could have been 
recruited without men, and victories gained without battle; then, perhaps, 
would Democratic policy have made us as great, as united, as free, as powerful, 
and as victorious as we are to-day. As it is, the Democracy made tlieir own 
record, and from that record they cannot escape by poHt-mortem repentance and 
loud-voiced protestations of innocence after judgment. Wherever a convention 
resolved that the war was a failure it was a Democratic convention; wherever 
men conspired to resist the draft, wherever a plot was laid to infect a city or 
destroy its public works, there Avas a Democratic meeting. I do not mean to 
say that thousands upon thousands of brave, true Democrats did not enlist and 
fight and sacrifice and die for the good cause. I do not mean to say that there 
may not now be here and there in the Democratic party loyal, freedom-loving, 
patriotic men. But I do mean to say that the party, as a party, is identified be- 
yond the possibility of doubt with the great crime that so nearly murdered the 
American nation. 



PHILETUS SAWYER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Sawyer continued to serve on 
the Committee on Manufactures and the Committee on Commerce. 
In the latter he was Chairman of the Sub-committee on Rivers and 
Harbors. In this capacity he originated and reported all the 
Honse bills relating to river and harbor improvements during the 
Forty-first Congress. 

Mr. Sawyer's own district has a large water front on Lake 
Michigan and Green Bay, and consequently important commercial 
interests. Mr. Sawyer's position in the House has of course been 
of great advantage to his district in the way of procuring govern- 
ment aid for improving its harbors. At the same time he has been 
too much of a statesman to allow his interest in his own locality to 
prevent a due appreciation of the wants of other sections. 

The legislation of the Forty-first Congress relating to the im- 
portant department of public improvement, in which he was most 
concerned, was characterized by due liberality with wise economy. 
Our vast line of eastern and western seaboard, our extensive Gulf 
coast, and almost measureless inland lake shores, contain harbors 
which opened their almost numberless mouths for the assistance of 
the Government. Our vast river system, afi-ording. facilities for 
inland commerce possessed by no other nation on the globe, called 
for liberal appropriations to allow trade and travel a safe and 
unobstructed flow. To take in such a vast subject of legislation 
of course required a mind of no ordinary comprehensiveness. The 
people of each locality regarded their own river or harbor as most 
worthy to receive Government appropriation, hence wise discrim- 
ination was necessary in determining where the limited amount 
should be bestowed and where withheld. The House had entire 
confidence that this discrimination and that comprehensiveness 
were possessed by the Chairman of the Sub-committee on Rivers 
and Harbors, for although he never made a speech to advocate 
measures which he proposed, few of them ever failed to pass with 
little opposition. So much confidence was yielded to his judgment 
that he was never called upon to give a public statement of the 
reasons by which he arrived at his conclusions. 



1 ROBERT C. SCHENCK. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Schenck was continued in the 
Chairmanship of the Committee of Ways and Means, A few days 
after the opening of the first session he introduced a bill " to 
strengthen the public credit," pledging the faith of the United 
States to "the payment in coin or its equivalent of all the obliga- 
tions of the United States, except in cases where the law authoriz- 
ing the issue of any such obligation has expressly provided that the 
same may be paid in lawful money, or other currency than gold and 
silver." The bill passed .the House by a vote of 98 yeas to 4Y nays. 

On the 26th of March, 1870, Mr. Schenck addressed the House 
on the Tenure-of-Office Law, defining his position as follows: 

The '' Chicago Tribune," I observe, speaks of tlie people in and about "Wasb- 
ington, in and out of office, as being now divided into two parties — of "tlie 
repealers " and " the suspenders ; " and I did remark to my colleague, as I now 
admit to the House, that I never belonged to either, but from the beginning of 
the agitation of this question in the present Congress have been an "amender." 
I would have done that long before this if I had the opportunity, for at the 
very time when there was sprung upon the House a repeal of the Tenure-of-Of- 
fice Act, and carried through without an opportunity to amend or debate it, I 
had in my drawer a bill which I intended ijresentiug for the discussion, consid- 
eration, and action of the House, looking to an amendment of that law. . , . 

I am in favor of an amendment, Ijecause I believe there is embodied in this 
law a sound and wholesome constitutional principle that ought to be vindicated 
by us and retained upon the statute-book. 

On the Yth of April, 1869, Mr. Schenck spoke in favor of post- 
poning the further consideration of the reconstruction of Georgia 
until the next session of Congress. On the bill to amend the judi- 
cial system of the United States Mr. Schenck said : 

I do not admit the proposition that a man's usefulness ceases when he reaches 
the age of seventy years. I l^elieve more men rust out than wear out ; that the 
more the mind is kept employed the brighter it is apt to be. There are excep- 
tional cases. I do not think an arbitrary rule of age is the best of rules; but I 
would fix seventy years as the limit beyond which there might be permission to 
resign. 

Pending a resolution instructing the Committee on the Judiciary 
to inquire whether the retrocession of the County of Alexandria to 
the State of Yirginia was unconstitutional and void, he said : 

I only wish to say a word on this subject, because I am perhaps the only siu*- 
vivor in this House of those who voted on the question of retrocession some 



ROBERT C. SCHENCK, 



twenty-five years ago. For \\liat appeared to the majority of us sufficiently 
good reason then, we gave back to Virginia, as we tliouglit we had the consti- 
tutional right to do— for I was in that mnjority— all that portion of the District 
of Columbia lying on the other side of tlie Potomac, and thus got rid of a great 
deal of vexatious legislation, action on which in no way affected the public 
interest, while it occupied much of the time of Congress, 

Mr. Schenck's great work in this Congress was the perfecting in 

the Committee of Ways and Means, and carrying through the 

House, the Tax Bill— an immense labor, which he performed to the 

satisfaction of the great majority in Congress and the country. In 

his speech of March 31, 1870, closing the debate on his bill, Mr. 

Schenck gave expression to the difficulties which had been met 

bv the Committee in their labors. He pronounced free trade a 

"myth," a "fancy," and added : 

Give up a tariff, give up discrimination, adopt this scheme of equal, hoiizon- 
tal, direct taxation dreamed of and hoped for by my worthy colleague, and 
milk, which costs about the same to produce it as whisky, would be taxed the 
same as wliisky, and potatoes would be charged the same as tobacco. Now, 
sir, I object to all that. I am for discriminations in our internal taxation, with 
reference to which it is not proper that I should speak now ; and I am equally 
for discriminations in the charges made in the shape of duties upon articles 
brought in from abroad. 

Mr. Schenck was a candidate for re-election, but owing to divis- 
ions am©ng the Eepublicans of his district he was defeated by a 
majority of 53 votes. He was subsequently nominated and con- 
firmed as United States Minister to England, but previous to his 
departure he was designated to serve as a member of the Joint 
High Commission to negotiate a treaty with Great Britain for the 
settlement of the Alabama Claims. Having performed the duties 
of this responsible position, Mr. Schenck departed for his post of 
duty in England. At a banqiiet given in London, July 14, 1871, 
Mr. Schenck, being called on for a speech, thus alluded to his work 
as a member of the Joint High Commission : 

It has been my good fortune to have helped to propose an arbitration which 
I trust is to settle all differences which may have arisen between us. I esteem it 
one of the proudest acts of my life— to be looked upon hereafter with more self- 
complacency than any other act, political or otherwise, in which I was ever en- 
gaged—that I was one of the Joint High Commission to establish for ratifica- 
tion, with the satisfaction of afterward seeing it ratified by both countries, the 
late Treaty of Washington. 

27 



JOHI^ G. SCHUMAKER 




^-^^OHN G. SCHUMAKER was born of German parentage 



at Claverack, Columbia County, New York, June 27, 1826; 
received an academic education at home and in Lenox, 
Massachusetts ; studied law, and came to the Bar in 184Y. 
In 1853 he settled in Brooklyn, where he practiced his profession. 
In 1856 he was elected District- Attorney for Kings County, and 
in 1862 he was elected Corporation Counsel for the city of Brook- 
lyn. He was a delegate to the Chicago Convention of 1864, and 
was a member of the State Constitutional Conventions of 1862 and 
186Y. As a Democrat he was elected a Representative from New 
York to the Forty-first Congress, in which he served on the Com- 
mittee on the Ninth Census. 

On the 2d of June, 1870, Mr. Schumaker made a speech on the 
bill to revive the navigation and commercial interests of the United 
States, in which he made some interesting statements: 

The tariflf upon copper, or rather the bill known as the Copper-T<iriff Bill, 
has been more injurious to the ship-building interest of this country than all 
other causes combined. The tarift' upon u-on, and the other tariflfs which taxed 
heavily all the articles from which ships were constructed, sufficiently crippled 
and stagnated such industry, but the immense duty upon copper completely 
broke up the ship-yards and drove capital and capitalists elsewhere to seek 
investments. The city of Brooklyn before the war contained more ship-yards 
and employed more mechanics and laborers than any other city of the United 
States. Mere than two miles of its water-front contained ship-yards, and some 
twenty-five firms, with an aggregate capital of over fifty millions of money, were 
engaged in that branch of business. 

The Erie basin in South Brooklyn contained one of the largest dry-docks in 
the world, costing $1,000,000. That dry-dock now stands idle, having taken 
up Init two ships since the 1st of January last. Thousands of laborers who 
obtained work at such places are now out of employment. . . . Yards and 
docks in which large sums of money had been expended were to be found at 
the foot of most every street; but the tariffs upon material for building ships, 
together with the duties upon all the articles which the mechanics and laborers 
were compCelled to buy in order to live and to clothe themselves and families, 
were so enormous and oppressive that they were comptlled to demand higher 
wages, and these two causes together have completely paralyzed the trade. 



GLENNI W. SCOFIELD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Scofield served as Chairman of the Committee on Naval 
Aflairs in the Forty-fii-st Congress. Speaking on the bill to trans- 
fer the Navy Yard from Philadelphia to League Island, Mr. Sco- 
field re])lied to the charges of Mr. Dawes of extravagance against 
the administration of President Grant : 

But my friend does not content himself with only two victims of " faithful 
wounds." " While the glow is on him " he calls the whole administration to 
account. Last year President Johnson made estimates of the amounts which 
he thought would be suflScient for his successor, General Grant. Tiiey were 
his last will and testament. Wasteful as Iiis own administration had been, he 
determined to entail a rigid economy upon his successor. The gentleman has 
been adding uji these estimates. He makes them amount to $303,000,000. But 
he hi.s made a mistake. He has left out |17, 800,000 of the estimates for the 
Post-Oflice Department. When this omitted item is included the sum is 
$320,800,000. Mr. Johnson spent a good deal more than this himself, but he 
thought this sum would do for General Grant. 

Very well, sir ; General Grant has not only got along with this sum, but a 
good deal less, and, with a reduced rate of taxation, has already paid nearly 
eighty-one million dollars of the public debt. But the gentleman further says 
that General Grant now asks for more than Mr. Johnson thought he should have. 
He says the estimates for this year amount to $331,000,000. Here is another 
error. The estimates for this year are a trifle over three hundred and nineteen 
million dollars. The increased sum is made by footing the estimate for the 
Post-Office Department $11,700,000 more than it really is. When this correc- 
tion is made it appears that the whole estimates for this year are considerably 
smaller than they were last. But this is not all. About six million dollars of 
the estimates for this year go to pay interest due the sinking fund, wliich inter- 
est is used to purchase more bonds for the same fund. This is no part of the 
current expenses. It should be deducted ft-om the estimates. It will thus be 
seen that the Johnson estimates exceed those of General Grant by seven or eight 
million dollars. The gentleman fi-om Massachusetts had it $28,000,000 the 
other way. 

On the bill to admit Virginia to representation, Mr. Scofield 
remarked : 

Mr. Speaker, this new Constitution of Virginia has very wisely provided for 
equal franchise and equal education in that Commonwealth. When we come 
to admit the State under the new Constitution the Committee on Reconstruction 
recommend that Congress shall say to the people of Virginia who have adopted 
those provisions in their Constitution that we admit the State with the earnest 
expectation — I believe the language is even stronger than that — we admit the 
State with the qualification that it shall not go back upon those just provisions 
of its Constitution immediately after its admission. 



4fy 



I JOHN p. C. SHxVNKS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Shanks was Chairman of the 
Committee on the Militia, and a member of the Committee on 
Indian Affairs and on Freedmen's Affairs, Offering an amend- 
ment to a bill reported by Mr. Logan, to provide for furnishing 
artificial limbs to disabled soldiers, Mr. Shanks presented the fol- 
lowing interesting facts : 

I have obtained from the Commissioner of Pensions a statement showing the 
number of persons who would be entitled to receive assistance under my sub- 
stitute. There are 5,006 who have lost one arm, 33 have lost both arms, 4,627 
have lost one leg, 42 have lost both legs, 21 have lost an arm and a leg, 2,516 
have been afflicted with hernia, caused by service in the army, making a total 
of 12,245 persons who would be recipients under the substitute I have offered. 
I have offered this substitute from the Committee on the Militia for the bill 
reported from the Committee on Military Affairs for this reason especially. It 
will be recollected by the House that since the close of the war the War De- 
partment furnished artiticial limbs to soldiers. It has not yet been five years, 
still you can hardly find in this country any person who now has an artificial 
limb so furnished to him. There is in the bill a proposition to pay these sol- 
diers in money, which w^ould be well enough, but I think that is not what the 
Government desires. I think what the Government should desire to do is to 
place these persons as nearly as possible in the condition they were in before 
the war, at least to furnish them whenever necessary with artificial limbs free 
of expense. 

Durino; the discussion of the bill to reduce the number of ofiicers 
in the army Mr. Shanks submitted the following significant inter- 
rogatories : 

I would like to ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania whether he thinks it is 
any more unjust to muster out these oificers than to muster out the colonels 
and captains and lieutenants who periled their lives bravely uj^on many a 
stricken battle-field in behalf of the people ? We mustered out all those offi- 
cers because the country did not need their services any further, and I have 
heard no good reason advanced why we should retain these officers when their 
services are no longer needed. Why did not the gentleman manifest his oppo- 
sition when it was proposed to muster out all those subordinate officers ? Why 
did he not manifest his affection then for those who served the country ? 

As a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs Mr. Shanks 
prepared a very elaborate report on the " Cherokee Neutral Lands 
in Kansas." This report embraces some fifty pages of printed mat- 
ter, and fully sets forth the history of the title to the Cherokee 

If 7^ 



JOHN P. C. SHANKS. 2 

Neutral Lands, and tlieir "illegal and unjustifiable" transfer, to 
the prejudice of tlie interests of the United States and numerous 
settlers upon the lands. One of the most important conclusions 
arrived at in this report was that Congress "possesses the sole 
power to dispose of the public lands," which is fully developed in 
the following extract : 

Under monarchical governments concerned in discoveries in America such 
tracts of the country as the different nations laid claim to were held as the 
" property of the Crown." Grants or sales made by the Crown to other nations 
or to individuals passed the absolute title to the soil. In some cases, liowever, 
the title was retained in the Crown, and large tracts were leased by the Crown 
to companies or to private persons, as in the case of Georgia and some others. 

But under our republican form of government " the territory and other prop- 
erty belonging to the United States " is practically the proi)erty of the people. 
The Congress has from the foundation of our Goveniment been regarded by the 
people as the guardian of the political and personal lights of the people, and as 
tlie custodian of the material interests of the nation. The framers of the Con- 
stitution, and the Conventions whose votes made it the fundamental law of the 
land, carefully provided (article 1, section d) that " no money t^hall be drawn 
from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law;" and 
(article 1, section 7) that " all bills for raising revenues shall originate in the 
House of Representatives." 

Thus not only was the control of the purse of the nation placed in the hands 
of " Congress," but the people, jealous of the branch of that body least directly 
responsible to the people, jilaced that control very much more in the hands of 
their most direct agents, the members of the House of Representatives. 

No proposition to remove money from the pockets of tlie citizens directly or 
indirectly, and place it in the public treasury, can be constitutionally oiiginated 
except by the lower House, and no money can constitutionally be removed from 
the public treasury for any purpose whatever without the concurrence of both 
Houses of Congress. Your committee insist that the power of '• Congress " over 
the " territory " to which the United States holds the absolute, ultimate fee- 
simple title, and which has been shown, by quotations from the highest possible 
authorities on the subject, to include lands occupied by Indians as well as 
public lauds not so occupied, is a power vested solely and exclusively in that 
department of our Government which is composed of the '' Senate and House 
of Representatives," and that neither branch of Congress, acting separately, or 
in conjunction with any other department or officer of oiu* Government, can by 
any jjrocess, direct or indirect, "dispose of" any portion of such " territory," in 
any way or manner whatever, without the ex2)ress conciureuce of the other 
branch of " Congress." 

The language of the Constitution is very plain on this subject. . . . Repeated 
decisions of the highest judicial tribunal of the land have defined the character 
of that power beyond a jjossible doubt. 



LIOI^EL A. SHELDOK 



Lionel a. SHELDON was bom in Otsego County, New 
York, Ausnst 30, 1831. When about four years of age he 
^^ was taken by his parents to Ohio, where he spent his youth, 
^ attending school during the winter months, and working 
on a farm during the remainder of the year. At the age of six- 
teen, having obtained such trainiug as the common school afforded, 
he left his fatlier's house for the purpose of securing the means of 
hio-her education elsewhere. By dint of labor on a farm, alternat- 
ing with school-teaching, he earned money to pay his expenses 
while taking an irregular course of study at Oberlin College. He 
subsequently studied law at Elyria, Ohio, and at Poughkeepsie, 
New York. Having been admitted to the bar in 1853, he opened 
a law office at Elyria, the county seat of Lorain County, and imme- 
diately entered upon a large practice. He was elected Judge of 
Probate, and served one term, but declined a renomination, pre- 
ferring to resume the practice of his profession, which he con- 
tinued without further interruption until the breaking out of the 
Rebellion. 

Politically he was reared a Democrat, and cast his first vote for 
Franklin Pierce. He was thoroughly imbued with the principles 
of republicanism as taught by the founders of the government, and 
in 1854 was active in organizing in his county opposition to the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act. He labored to prevent the repeal of the 
plank which had stood in the platform of the Ohio Democracy 
from 1848 to 1853 inclusive, denouncing slavery as an evil, and 
pled2;ing the party to the use of every constitutional means to miti- 
gate and finally eradicate that evil. The result of this opposition 
was to throw him into the Republican party at its organization. 




''^^^^^^^»^5/«^»»'^^^ ' 




KOR L A SHELDON 

REPF,E5E::TyvriVE FROM LOUISIAJ-TA 



rilCRAVED FOR of-F.-' 



LIONEL A. SHELDON. 2 

In 1856 Mr. Sheldon was a delegate to the Philadelphia Con- 
vention, and voted for the nomination of John C. Fremont for 
President. Upon the stump and otherwise he supported actively 
and ably the nominees of the Republican party until the breaking 
out of the war. He was commissioned Brigadier-General of Mili- 
tia by Governor Chase, and took an active part in raising volun- 
teers at the beorinnino; of the war. In xluofust, 1861, he was unaui- 
mously chosen as captain of a company in the Second Ohio Cav- 
alry, and was promoted to the rank of major. Preferring the 
infantry service, however, he was, at his own request, transferred 
to the Forty-second Regiment of Ohio Volunteers, in which he 
received a commission as Lieutenant-Colonel. lie remained in 
this position until for gallant and meritorious service he was pi'o- 
moted to the colonelcy of his regiment, and was brevetted Briga- 
dier-General. 

In 1861 and 1862 he served in West Virginia, Kentucky, and 
East Tennessee, taking part in the Cumberland Gap expedition 
under General Morgan. In November, 1862, he was detached 
from his regiment and placed in command of a brigade of new 
troops. He participated prominently in the battles of Chickasaw, 
Bayou and Arkansas Post, and was honorably mentioned in the 
reports of commanding officers. 

On the first of May he was wounded at the battle of Port Gib- 
son, in which his brigade sufiered most severely. He participated 
in the battles and siege which resulted in the capture of Vicks- 
burg. Subsequently, going with the Thirteenth Corps to the De- 
partment of the Gulf, he served until the close of the war in 
Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas. 

At the close of the war he settled in New Orleans, where he 
engaged successfully in the practice of his profession. He was 
elected a Representative from Louisiana to the Forty-iirst Congress 
as a Republican, and was appointed on the Committee on Com- 
merce. He was active in his efforts to secure additional banking- 
circulation for the Southern States, and labored efficiently to secure 
legislation favorable to the Southern Pacific Railroad. 



#• ^ 



WILLIAM C. SHEEEOD. 




^'^fJlLLIAM C. SIIEREOD was born in Conrtland, Ala., 
August 17, 1835. His ancestry on both sides were active 
>" loyalists in the Revolutionary War. His father was a 
large cotton-planter, a prominent politician, and one of 
the earliest and most active promoters of railroad enterprises ia 
the South. He was projector and builder of the Decatur and 
Tuscumbia Railroad, one of the first roads built in Alabama. 

The subject of this sketch prepared for college at Edgefield, 
S. C, and was educated at Chapel Hill College under the presi- 
dency of Governor Swaine. He afterwards engaged in cotton 
planting, at the same time devoting some attention to politics. 
He was a member of the National Democratic Convention lield 
in Cliarleston in 1860, and of the Alabama Legislature in 1858, 
1859, and 1860. He was the only member of that body who 
persistently refused to sign the ordinance of secession. He finally, 
however, cast in his fortunes with his State, and entering the 
army of the "Confederate States," he served during the war, 
principally in the army of Tennessee under Bragg and Hood, 
leaving the service at the close as colonel of an Alabama reo-iment. 

After the close of the war he resumed his occupation as a cotton- 
planter, conducting his operations on an extensive scale, and 
makins the culture of cotton with free labor a success. He was 
elected a Representative from Alabama to the Forty -first Congress 
as a Democrat. He served on the Committee on Railways 
and Canals, and devoted himself with untiring industry to the 
success of the Southern Pacific Railroad, contributing more to the 
accomplishment of legislation for that end than any other Repre- 
sentative in Congress. 





y 



7 C^^i^ 



HON_Vv^L,LIAlvr C. SHERROD 



REFRSSElTTi-^Tv'E FB-OM ALJ^Bi^'/rA , 



Vj H.BARNES * C- 37 PARK RO A' N LW YORK_ 



FEAI^OIS E. SHOBER 




'RANCTS E. SIIOBER was born in Salem, IsTortli Caro- 
lina, March 12, 1831. He pursued an academical course of 
study in his own State and Pennsylvania, and in June, 
1851, graduated at the University of North Carolina. He 
studied law, and was admitted to the Bar in 1854. He was always 
attached to the Union of the States ; he considered the doctrine of 
secession a political heresy, and was prominent in his section in his 
resistance to the secession movement. In the spring of 1861 he 
zealously canvassed his county for the Union upon tlie question of 
a convention, and although old parties there were about equally 
divided, he carried the county for the Union by five hundred ma- 
jority. When a subsequent call was made for a convention to pass 
an ordinance of secession, which had then become a foregone con- 
clusion, he declined to be a delegate, as he would not become a party 
to the suicidal act. 

When the war which he and his friends were powerless to avert 
came on he held himself aloof from participation therein, but after- 
ward, by reason of his record for the Union, he was elected in 1862 
to a seat in the Legislature of his State, and while serving there he 
belonged to the minority, which, though powerless to control, was 
yet enabled in some degree to check the violence of the extremists 
in that bod}^, who were largely in the ascendant. 

In 1865 he was elected to the State Senate, and subsequently was 
elected a Representative to the Forty-first Congress from North 
Carolina b}^ the conservative men of all parties in his district. 
Having served in the Legislature of North Carolina, he was unable 
to take the test oath, although under none of the disabilities imposed 
by the Fourteenth Amendment ; hence Congress passed a special act 
providing for Mr. Shober an oath of office, which he took on the 13th 
of April, 1870. 



HEI^EY W. SLOOUM. 

» 

KM'ENEY W. SLOCUM was born at Delphi, Onondaga 
^py^ County, New York, September 2-i, 1827, and was educated 
■fe^'Ft at West Point Military Academy. lie graduated at this 
Institution in 1852 w4th the rank of seventh in his class, 
and was assigned to duty as a Lieutenant in the First Kegiment of 
Artillery, and was stationed for the most part in Florida and 
Charleston, S. C. 

During this period Lieutenant Slocum was not idle, but entered 
on the study of law and was admitted to practice. At the end of 
five years of army service he resigned his commission, and settled 
as a lawyer at Syracuse, J^ew York. Here he continued until the 
breaking out of the Kebellion, when he organized and took to the 
field the Twenty-seventh regiment of New York Volunteers, 
which on its arrival at Washington was immediately ordered to 
the front, and participated in the battle of Bull Run, where Colonel 
Slocum was severely wounded. Upon his recovery he was made a 
Brigadier-General, and assigned to a brigade in General Franklin's 
Division. In the Peninsula campaign he was placed in command 
of the First Division of the Sixth Corps, in which position he 
participated in the battles of City Point, Gaines' Mill, White 
Oak Swamp, Charles City Cross Boads, and Malvern Hill. For 
gallantry and distinguished services during this arduous campaign 
he was made a Major-General, and when the army was recalled 
from the James River he participated in the campaign of General 
Pope in front of Washington. 

In the pursuit of Lee, in his invasion of Maryland, General 
Slocum, with his division, carried Crampton's Gap in the South 
Mountain by assault, routing McLaw's rebel division, and capturing 



HENRY W. SLOCUM. 2 

a large number of prisoners. In the battle of Antietam his division 
performed good service against the enemy, resulting in Lee's 
retreat across the Potomac under cover of nio-lit. General Mans- 
field, commanding tlie Twelftli Corps, having been killed in the 
battle of Antietam, General Slocum was assigned to command the 
same October, 1862. 

During the winter of 1862-1863 General Slocum's corps, with 
the rest of the Army of the Potomac, was encamped before 
Fredericksburg, and little was done in the way of offensive 
movements. When, however, General Hooker, in the succeeding 
May, commenced operations, he assigned to General Slocum the 
task of making a flank movement, by the way of the Rappahannock 
and Rapidan, to Chancellorsville. This movement was accom- 
plished successfully, and in the engagement that ensued his com- 
mand bore a gallant and bloody part, and, though the campaign 
proved disastrous, yet no part of the blame could be attached to them. 

After the retreat from Chancellorsville came Lee's second north- 
ern invasion, culminating at the battle of Gettysburg in his 
disastrous defeat and hasty retreat back to Virginia. In all this 
bloody campaign General Slocum participated with his command, 
having charge of the right of the Army of the Potomac during the 
three days of Gettysburg. In the following September, after the 
reverse of Posecrans at Chickamauga, General Slocum, in com- 
mand of the Twelfth Corps from the Army of the Potomac, was 
ordered West, and was engaged during the autumn and winter in 
varied service in Tennessee. In the succeeding spring he was 
assigned to the command of the Department of the Mississippi, 
and while in that command made several raids into the interior of 
the State to prevent the rebel General Johnston from being re- 
enforced while opposing Sherman's advance on Atlanta. In one 
of these raids he was victorious in a severe eno;ao;ement near 
Jackson. Subsequently General Slocum was transferred to the 
Twentieth Corps in Sherman's Army, and in five days after 
assumino; command he had the honor to receive the surrender of 
Atlanta, and to forward the ofiicial dispatch to the War Department. 



3 HENRY W. SLOCUM. 

In his " march to the sea " General Sherman divided his com- 
mand into two armies — the Army of Tennessee, commanded 
by General Howard, and the Army of Georgia, commanded by 
General Slocum. During the march the Army of Georgia formed 
the left whig, and destroyed most of the Georgia State raih'oads 
from Atlanta to the Oconee River, and of the Georgia Central 
from Davisborough to Savannah. The Army of Georgia was the 
first to enter the city of Savannah, and General Slocum was put 
in chief command of it while it was occupied by Sherman's army, 
which, however, stayed but a short time, starting on a new cam- 
paign through tlie Carolinas to form a conjunction with Grant's 
army. 

This march was made at the worst season of the year, across 
swollen streams and rivers that required bridging, and through 
swamps which necessitated the construction of miles of corduroy 
to enable the armv to move. Duriuij; this march occurred the 
battles of Averysborough and Bentonville, in both of which the 
entire engagement was borne by General Slocum's command. At 
Bentonville Johnston made his last grand effort to stay the advance 
of Sherman's army, and to accomplish this he suddenly attacked 
Slocum on the 19th of March, 1S65, but was totally beaten and 
forced to retreat on Raleigh, leaving the road clear and unobstructed 
for the concentration of Sherman's army at Goldsborongh. The 
war was now practically over, the capture of Lee and the rest of 
the rebel armies soon following. 

After the disbandment of the Army of Georgia General Slocum 
was assigned to the command of the Department of the Mississippi, 
retainino; this command until his resiw-nation in October, 1865, to 
accept the Democratic nomination for Secretary of State of New 
York. He settled in Brooklyn, and engaged in the practice of 
law. 

In ISGS General Slocum was chosen a presidential elector, and 
was elected a Representative from Xew York in the Forty-first 
Congress as a Democrat, and, taking his seat in that body, he was 
appointed a member of the Committee on Military Affairs. 





Hi'^^Z JOSEPH S SMIT 



'ORr Of 



JOSEPH S. SMITH. 




j^'OSEPH S. SMITH was born in Fajette County, Penn- 
"^' sylvania, June 20, 1824. When he was eight years of age 
^"^ his parents emigrated to Clermont County, Ohio, where 
his mother died. Three years later he removed with his 
father to Vermillion County, Indiana, where he worked on the 
farm in summer, and in winter attended such schools as the 
country then afforded. He had a great fondness for books, and 
from his early boyhood read everything he could obtain. He had 
a strong desire for learning, and left his home at the age of sixteen 
in hopes of obtaining by his own exertions a more liberal education 
than his father's limited means could afford. He went to school 
some months of every year until he was nearly twenty, when, with 
the hope of recovering his health, which had never been good, he 
went to Oregon. He was a year making the overland journey, 
spending the winter of 1844-45 among the Indians in the Rocky 
Mountains. He had many hair-breadth escapes from the Indians, 
and came near perishing among the snows in the mountains. In 
the spring of 1845 he went with only two companions from Brown's 
Hole in the mountains to the settlements in the Willamette Yalle}^ 
Soon after reaching Oregon he commenced the study of law, 
supporting himself by severe manual labor and by teaching school 
until admitted to the bar. For several years, while engaged in the 
practice of his profession, he was a Local Preacher in the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, but was never ordained. 

In 1853 he went to Puget Sound, in Washington Territory, He 
served for some time as Prosecuting Attorney of the Third Judicial 
District of that Territory. He was elected to the Legislature, and, 
although a new member, was unanimously chosen Speaker of the 



2 JOSEPH S. SMITH. 

House of Representatives. Subsequently he was appointed by 
President Buchanan United States District- Attorney, without hav- 
ing applied for the position. 

Returning to Oregon in 1858 he settled in Salem, the capital of 
the State, where he engaged in an extensive law practice. In 
1862 he was unanimously nominated by tlie Democratic Conven- 
tion for the position of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of 
Oregon, but he declined to be a candidate. In 1860 he became 
extensively engaged in the manufacture of woollen goods as the 
principal proprietor and financial manager of the Willamette 
Woollen Mills, the first erected on the Pacific coast. In 1806 he 
received the vote of his party for United States Senator, and came 
within three votes of an election. In 1867, with his family, he 
visited Europe, and after having attended the Paris ExpositioTi 
traveled extensively on the continent. 

On his return to Oregon in 1868 he was nominated by acclama- 
tion by the State Democratic Convention for Representative in 
Congress, and was elected by over twelve hundred majority, the 
first Democrat chosen to the position from that State for eight 
years. Taking his seat as a Representative in the Forty-first Con- 
gress, Mr. Smith served on the Committee on Indian Afiiiirs, and 
the Committee on Revolutionary Pensions and the War of 1812. 

Mr. Smith addressed the House on several important subjects of 
legislation. One of his first speeches was on the Reconstruction of 
Georgia, of which the followinsi; is the conclusion : 

I have no doubt that this bill will pass. It is true that it is in conflict with 
your former legislation ; that it violates your solemn and oft-repeated pledges ; 
that it overrides the legitimate authority of a State Legislature ; that it dic- 
tates to the people of a State their local laws ; that it openly disregards the 
Constitution of the United States ; that it spurns from the Halls of Congress 
the Representatives of a State, and tells them never to return until their con- 
stituents have kissed the hand that smites them, bound themselves with a chain 
never to be broken, and performed the meanest offices of slaves by assisting to 
bind their brethren. All this it does ; but what of that ? The political situa- 
tion is such that one of the cherished objects of the Republican party will fail 
if it docs not pass; and when did that party ever hesitate toaccomplish its pur- 
poses on account of constitutional restrictions or regard for the rights of others? 
The bill will pass, but will the country approve it? I cannot believe it will. 

4^o 



WILLIAM JAY SMITH. 



'|g'^%^ILLIAM JAY SMITH was born in Birmingham, En- 
gland, September 23, 1823. He came to this country 
when qnite young, and located in Orange County, N. Y,, 
whence, after learning the trade of painting, he removed 
to the city, married, and industriously prosecuted his profession. 

When the Mexican war was declared Mr. Smith was in the 
South, and promptly volunteered in a Tennessee regiment, and 
served to the end of that contest. He was mustered out at Mem- 
phis, and, discerning the promising aspects of that young city, 
he determined to commence business there, in which he was 
successful. His health failing, however, he decided to change his 
,► location and business, and became partner in the purchase of a 
half section of land in the vicinity of Grand Junction, where he 
commenced the establishment of an extensive nursery. This he 
continued to cultivate and mana2;e until the beo-innino; of the war 
of the Hebellion. Being an earnest Union man, and without the 
slightest sympathy with secession, he was urged by his personal 
friends to retire to the North until the war should end, thev assur- 
ing him that even under his own vine and fig-tree his life was in 
danger. He responded that his children, home, and all his posses- 
sions were in the South, and there he should remain and defend 
them to the last. Exasperated at his unyielding fidelity, his ene- 
mies and the enemies of his country sought to efiect by persecu- 
tion what his friends were unable to compass by persuasion. He 
was accordingly arrested at his home, brought before General 
Beauregard under a charge of treason, but was acquitted. During 
the presence of the United States troops in his vicinity he remained, 
for the most part undisturbed at his home, but in the temporary 
absence of these troops from his neighborhood he was seized by 



2 WILLIAM JAY SMITH. 

some rebel scouts, carried away from his house to the woods, and 
threatened witli immediate death unless he should swear allegiance 
to the South ; but with characteristic pertinacity, preferring death 
to dishonor, he refused their terms, and after a brief consultation 
amono- themselves he was informed that he would be sent South, 
where he would be forced to yield to their demands. Friends, 
however, interceded at this juncture, and he was permitted to go 
home, under parole not to leave his home for thirty days. The 
2d Illinois cavalry, learning his condition, visited his house 
and released him, when he immediately entered the Union service, 
first as a guide, and then as a private. He subsequently joined 
the Cth Tennessee cavalry, and was soon promoted to be Major 
of his regiment, shortly after Lieutenant-Colonel, and then Colonel ; 
and not long afterward, for the excellent discipline of his com- 
mand, a complimentary order was issued appointing him Brigadier- 
General by brevet. 

Our limits will not allow us to present any adequate detail of 
General Smith's military services. Suffice it to say that he was all 
the time active. His knowledge of the country, together with his 
reliability as an officer, rendered his scouting operations invalua- 
ble, and in this department of the service he was engaged much of 
the time. He engaged the enemy at Jackson, Clifton, Humboldt, 
Cow Pond, and other places in Tennessee ; also at Cold Water, 
Salem, and Ripley, Mississippi, and his last light was in participa- 
tion with General Thomas at Nashville, when Hood was routed. 

At the return of peace General Smith was a member of the 
Constitutional Convention for reorganizing civil government in 
Tennessee, and also a member of the first Legislature. In 1867 he 
was elected to the State Senate. 

In 1868 General Smith entered the legal profession, and in the 
same year was elected to the Forty-first Congress. In that body 
he labored with his chara(!teristic energy, supported the Four- 
teenth and Fifteenth Amendments and the Enforcement Act, and 
gave unremitted attention to the interests of his constituents, as 
well as those of the country generally. 



WORTHINGTON C. SMITH. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Smith served on the Committee 
on Banking and Cnrrency and the Committee on Manufactures. 
On the Yth of June, 1870, he delivered a speech on the Bill to 
increase banking facilities, in which he thus sets forth the quantity 
and cjuality of the cnrrency : 

Tlie notes issued l)y these national banks, amounting to about three hundred 
million dollars, and the legal-tender notes of the Government in addition to the 
fractional notes, amounting to the aggregate of about four hundred million dol- 
lars, form the entire amount of our currency. It is large if not ami)le in amount, 
but it lacks the essential quality of value. It is vitiated by reason of its divorce- 
ment from real money, and stands forced to an arbitrary and unreal standard, 
to the constant injury of business and the dishonor of the Government. All 
healthy industry and all legitimate trade need and demand a fixed standard of 
value or its jjaper representative, alwaj^s convertible into the standard itself, 
and cry out against a continuance of the existing system of national impoverish- 
ment and disgrace. It is because the Government demand notes, long overdue, 
are still unfundable and irredeemable, and because of the quality of legal-tender 
that has lieen forced upon them, that the whole volume of the currency is viti- 
ated and debased, to the manifest injury of the national credit and the business 
interests of the whole country. 

The exigencies of a great war occasioned the issue and quality of these notes, 
and the fearful perils that environed and threatened the Government would 
have justified even more severe and extreme measures for its preservation. But 
with peace restored, with the Government strengthened through its conflicts 
and victories, and strong in its power and resources, nothing can justify a con- 
tinuance of an irredeemable and depreciated currency ; and it hence becomes 
the urgent duty of the Government to repair as speedily as possible the injury 
which has been done, and to furnish and assure to the people a circulating me- 
dium sufficient in quantity, uniform in value, and possessing the essential quali- 
ties of elasticity and convertilnlity. 

In another passage of the same speech Mr. Smith traces the 

origin of ^National Banks : 

The situation was wisely comjorehended, and with a view to prevent a great 
if not fatal depreciation of the Government notes, to initiate a new form of ciu-- 
rency which should rest upon solid securities and have uniformity of value by 
reason of its impress of national guarantee, and to insure the negotiation of a 
large additional amount of interest-bearing securities, the national bank system 
was devised ami enacted into a law. Though new and experimental, and put 
forward at a time of general distrust and apprehension, it soon secured the con- 
fidence and support of loyal and generous capitalists. Associations were rapidly 
organized; the Government credit was sustained; the Government bonds were 
sold, and a safe and popular currency was furnished to the people. It solved 
the financial problem of the war, and enabled the Government triumphantly to 
maintain the unity and integrity of the Republic. 

28 



WILLIAM SMYTH. 



^^P^^^ILLIAM SMYTH was born January 3, 1824, of Scotch 




parents, in County Tyrone, Ireland. His parents were 
Reformed Presbyterian in religious belief. He was, of 
course, brought up in that faith, receiving in his childhood the 
somewhat severe but thorough scriptural training peculiar to that 
Christian denomination, which laid the foundation of a purity of 
life wliich challenged the approval of the most circumspect. Nor 
was the culture of his mind neglected. He enjoyed the advantages 
of the primary schools and academical instruction in his native 
country. This mental discipline was supplemented, by a three 
years' course of legal reading under the direction of one of Iowa's 
ablest jurists before his admission to the bar. It was thus he ac- 
quired the studious habits and that capacity for sustained laborious 
research which secured professional eminence and crowned his 
public career witli marvelous success. 

When about fifteen years of age he emigrated with his parents 
to the United States, resided a few years in Pennsylvania, but 
ultimately settled in Linn County, Iowa, where he spent some time 
in agricultural pursuits. In 18-i5 he commenced the study of law 
in the office of Judge James P. Carlton, in Iowa City, the capital 
of that State. Three years afterward he was admitted to the 
bar, and commenced the practice of his profession in Marion, 
Linn County, where he continued to reside until the day of his 
death. 

He soon took rank with the ablest members of the profession, 
and was almost immediately designated as attorney for the State 
in his judicial circuit, in which office he was continued by the suf- 
frages of the people for about five years, when, a vacancy having 

4^d 4 



WILLIAM SMYTH. 2 

occurred in the office of Judge of the District Court b}^ the death 
of his old law preceptor, Judge Carlton, he was first appointed by 
the Governor, and afterward elected by the people, without oppo- 
sition, to fill this high office. He served, with great acceptability 
to the bar and people, about three years, when, in 1857, he re- 
signed and resumed the practice of his profession. In 1858 he was 
chosen by the Legislature chairman of a commission to revise and 
codify the laws of the State, which resulted in what is known in 
Iowa as the code of 1860. At the end of this service he was ap- 
pointed chairman of "the commission of legal inquiry," a position 
requiring the highest order of practical legal learning. 

In 1861, immediately after the commencement of the Rebellion, 
he was selected by the Legislature as a member of a commission to 
neo-otiate the Iowa war loan, to be used in putting the State in a 
condition to repel a threatened rebel attack on the southern border, 
and to equip the first regiments of Iowa troops raised for the na- 
tional defense. On August 10, 1862, he was appointed Colonel of 
the Thirty-first Iowa Infantry, with w^hich he marched to the front, 
encountering, with his comrades in arms, the perils and toils of the 
field until December 15, 1864, when, on account of what proved to 
be permanent loss of health, he resigned his command, and again 
returned to the practice of the law. In 1868 he was elected to a 
seat in the Forty-first Congress, and in the autumn of 1870, a short 
time before his death, was nominated by the Republican conven- 
tion of his district without opposition for re-election. These almost 
continuous employments in judicial, legislative, financial, and mili- 
tary positions, commencing with the office of Prosecuting Attorney 
and culminating in his elevation to a seat in the national councils, 
will afi'ord an intimation of the estimation in which he was held by 
the people among whom he lived, and by the Legislature and Ex- 
ecutive of the State of his iido^tiow. —liemarks of Hon. James 
Harlan in the Senate on the announcement of the death of Mr. 
Svfiyth. 



HENRY H. STARKWEATHER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Stark weatlier, having been re-elected to the Forty-first Con- 
gress, took his seat on the 9th of April, 1809, and was appointed to 
the Committee on Naval Afi'airs and the Conmiittee on Commerce. 
In a speech on the bill to provide for the removal of the Brooklyn 
Navy Yard, Mr. Starkweather thus spoke of the importance of a 
well-appointed navy : 

Tlie unparallelert growth of the counti7 in population, wealth, and commer- 
cial importance during the last half century, and especially its political relation 
to other leading nations, require that this Government should organize and 
maintain a navy that shall command respect in peace and defend its great and 
varied interests in time of war. During and since the Rebellion what had been 
previously regarded as desirable in this respect has become an indispensable 
necessity. For some years prior to the Rebellion a great change had been in 
progress in the structure and armature of ships of war. Since the establishment 
of the most important of our navy-yards an entire revolution has taken place in 
the construction of naval vessels. Iron has supplanted oak ; steam has the mas- 
tery over sails. Henceforth steam and iron are essential elements in our Navy 
if we would command success. 

I propose to show that it is the i)art of wise economy for this Government to 
maintain a well-established naval force. To do this focilities must be had for 
the construction, docking, and repair of iron-clad and other vessels. Were we 
to-day involved in a foreign war with any first-class European Power the dam- 
age that would result to our commerce for the want of an eflacieut navy would 
be beyond estimation. . . . 

We have demonstrated our capacity for self-government. We have crushed a re- 
bellion causeless in its beginning and giant in its proportions. All the old States 
are restored, and neit^ stars shine out anno on the old flag. The past is secure; 
but recent events remind us that we are the envy of England and some of the 
continental European Powers. We occupy the gateway of commerce and empire 
between Europe and the countless population of Asia and India. Our com- 
merce is soon to cover every sea. The ocean cable speaks to us from the "great 
deep," as it touches our shores and links us to the civilization of all lands and 
peoples, witli an eloquence almost divine. 

As we survey our great land, like a young giant among the nations, with his 
head crowned with the "jewels of northern clime" and his loins girded by the 
tropics, a land bounded by two oceans, with its twenty thousand miles of ocean 
coast and twice as many thousand more of lakes and rivers, the vision of the 
seer and prophet of inspiration is repeated: "Behold, on the north three gates, 
on the south three gates, on the east three gates, and on the west three gates." 

Let us keep securely our goodly heritage from all intruders by a wise prepa- 
ration for the emergencies of the future, and guard well the gateway of euipire 
and Christian civilization. Let us build wisely and well. And having given 
this subject patient consideration, I see no better way of taking security for the 
future than by giving efficiency to our Navy, and re-building our navy-yards on 
a wise, comprehensive, and economical plan. 



AARON F. STEVENS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In tbe Forty-iirst Cono;ress Mr. Stevens served on the Committee 
on Naval Affairs and the Committee on Patents. On the 19th of 
February, 1870. he addressed the House on the subject of the Pres- 
ident's Annual Message. The following are the closing paragraphs 
of this speech : 

It rests with Congress in the plenitude of its power to indorse the just prin- 
ciples thus laid down by tlie President, and by timely and prudent measures 
sustain him in his attempts to reclaim the country from the extravagant ideas 
and costly policy oi a warlike period to the healthy frugality and sound condi- 
tion of an era cf peace. How shall it be done ? 

It is through the firm and united efforts of the Republican jjarty of the coun- 
try that these desirable rtsults are to be acconij^iished. All brunches of the 
Government are now in political harmony. That party lias its history, prouder 
and nobler than the record of Kings or States, and that history is to-day its 
pledge <if future patriotism and good government. It cannot aflbrd to be false 
to that history, nor will it be. Its past is proud, patriotic, glorious. It had its 
origin in the great principles of justice and equality, the true foundations of a 
republican State. It has beeu the champion of human lil)erty, and vindicated 
its claim to that proud title by the overthrow of an oppression unrivaled in 
magnitude and power. In the hour of its country's trial it poured out its 
treasures at the stern demand of inexorable war. By the courage of its legisla- 
tive policy and the energy of its confederated power it hurled the victorious 
armies of the Union against a brave but cruel foe, and struck down the flag of 
treason and rebellion, never, I trust, to be again borne aloft. It tore the shackles 
from the fettered limbs of lour million slaves, whose fervent songs are to-day 
rising in thanksgiving to God for their great deliverance. When its arms had 
shattered the power of the Rebellion, by its wise and comprehensive policy it 
gathered ^\itllin the folds of its great scheme of reconstruction the jarring 
and discordant elements, and out of chaos and confusion evoked order and 
strength. Holding by its firm and powerful organization the legislative power 
of the country, it lias thrown the shield of the Constitution over the emanci- 
pated freedmen, and at last bestowed the right of citizenship and of suffrage on 
millions hitherto degraded and disfranchised. It has had its trials and its sac- 
rifices. Forth to the fields of war and carnage, from their free and hajjpy 
homes, marched the brave and gallant men who on a hundred stricken fields 
maintained the honor of the country, pouring out their blood like water, a will- 
ing sacrifice to the holy cause of liberty. The garnered ashes of our martyred 
heroes repose in the great tombs of Arlington and Gettysburg, while the ku'id 
. glare of the mighty struggle in which they fell is lighting the future pathway 
of our national life and glory. Along that pathway the traveler shall pause to 
gaze on the shadowy forms of those who went down in the great contest for 
constitutional liberty ; but of them all no form shall rise more benignant, no 
countenance shall shine more radiant than that of him, our great leader, the 
martyred Lincoln. 



^3^ 



^JOB E. STEYEI^rSOJN. 



^^OB E. STEVENSON" was born in Eoss County, Ohio, 




February 10, 1832, He received an irrei>;ular colleiriate 
education, studied law, and steadily practiced his profession. 
He was solicitor of Chillicothe from 1859 to 1862, and was 
a member of the Ohio Senate from Ross and Highland Counties in 
1863, 1864, and 1865. He was a Republican candidate for Con- 
gress in the twelfth district of Ohio in 1864, and remov^ed to Cin- 
cinnati in the following year, where he continued the practice of 
law, and was elected, as a Republican, a Representative from Ohio to 
the Forty-first Congress, during which he was a member of the 
Committees on Elections and Mileage. 

In a speech, June 28, 1870, Mr, Stevenson advocated the claims 
of the commerce of inland cities, presenting the following picture 
of the relations of New York to the country : 

It is the system of laws and regulations relating to imports which practically 
prevents direct importation of merchandise to the interior, and gives a monop- 
oly of our immense importations of commodities from foreign lands, consumed 
by the people of the country, to the sea-board cities, and, with other conspiring 
causes, tends to concentrate that monopoly in one city. So far liave these 
causes operated to this end that every other part of the Republic pays, and has 
long paid, tribute to that single city. I need not name her n'ame ; it is in every 
man's mind. The tribute we jjay her is double and trel)!e, for not only do we 
import, l)ut we also export over her counters. Constrained to buy of her, we 
must sell to her in order to pay for what we buy, and, being obliged to buy of 
and sell to her, we are compelled to make her our banker; to constitute her, 
without bond or security, our agent, factor, and broker ; to give into her hands 
the key and the purse, and submit ourselves her commercial tributaries and 
subjects. This city by the sea contains, perhaps, one fortieth of the population 
of the Republic, yet nearly three-fourtl\s, thirty-fortieths, of our national imports 
and exports pass through her hands. . . . No reasonable man can suppose that 
in this free Republic a majority of the people, dwelling, as they do, in the fertile 
valleys and fruitful plains of the great and growing interior, and furnishing the 
staple productions and wealth of the nation, will long endure the commercial 
mastery and monopoly of the coast. 

^3S 




t^"^^^£-^iJ-r'e:l f: 



c^. s 



JOHISr D. STILES. 




OHN D. STILES was born in Luzerne County, Pennsyl- 



vania, January 15, 1823. He received an academic educa- 
tion, and was admitted to the bar in 1841:. He settled, to 
practice, his profession in Allentown, Lehigh County, in his 
native State, shortly after coming to the bar, and at once took an 
active part in politics and a leading position in his profession. In 
1853 he was almost unanimously' nominated by the Democratic 
party for the office of District Attorney, to which he was elected 
without opposition. He held the office for three years, during which 
time he rapidly rose in his profession. He was chosen a delegate 
to the JS^ational Convention in 1856, and aided largely in placing 
Mr. Buchanan in nomination for the Presidency. In that memo- 
rable contest the organization of the party was held by the j'oung 
men of Pennsylvania, prominent among whom was Mr. Stiles. In 
his county Mr. Buchanan received a larger increased majority than 
in any other county of Pennsylvania. Mr. Stiles never asked for, 
and never received an appointment to office. Federal or State. 

In 1860 Thomas B. Cooper, Democrat, was elected to Congress 
from the Fifth District of Pennsylvania, composed of tlie Counties of 
Lehigli and Bucks, by a majority of 100 votes. Mr. Cooper entered 
upon his duties, but in the beginning of the second session of the 
Thirty-seventh Congress died, and Governor Curtin, fearing that a 
Democrat might be elected, delayed his proclamation for a special 
election for an unreasonable length of time, but finally ordered an 
election for the aith day of May, 1862. 

Mr. Stiles, with very great unanimity, received the Democratic 
nomination but a single week before the election. Congress was 
then in session, and the progress of the war caused the election to 

^3^ 



JOHN D. STILES. 



be one of the most exciting that ever took place in the State. The 
district liad been represented by a Eadical in the preceding Con- 
gress, and was considered a doubtful one. Mr. Stiles was elected 
by 585 majoi'itj, a greater majority than liad been given for any 
Democrat for years. lie assumed his seat in the Thirty-seventh 
Congress on the 3d day of June, 1862, and at once took an active 
part in its proceedings. 

By the apportionment of the State in 1862 his Congressional 
District was changed, Montgomery County haviug been annexed to 
Lehigh, and Bucks connected with Philadelphia. In the new dis- 
trict of Lehigh and Montgomery Mr. Stiles was, by unanimous con- 
sent, placed in nomination for re-election. The Radicals made vigor- 
ous efforts to defeat him. His record in Congress on the war was 
made the cause of bitterness, and he was more strenuously opposed 
because of his opposition to the first tax bill, against which he spoke 
and voted in the Thirty-seventh Congress. His opponent. Judge 
Krause, was a man of much personal popularity, of great ability, 
and had been up to a short time before a Democrat. He was de- 
nominated a " War Democrat," and hoped to receive sufficient sup- 
port from the Democracy to carry the District. Mr. Stiles received 
a most flattering indorsement, carrying his district against fierce 
personal opposition by a majority of 3,224. 

In 1861 Mr. Stiles was not a candidate for renomination. He 
was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1861, 
supported General M'Clellan in the Convention, and took an active 
part in the ensuing campaign. In 1866 he was a delegate appointed 
by the Democratic State Central Committee to the National Union 
Convention which met in Philadelphia. In the Democratic State 
Convention of 1866, Mr. Stiles, although not a candidate, received 
the vote of his own and several other counties for Governor. In 
1868 he was a delegate to the New York Convention which nomi- 
nated Mr. Seymour, and in the same year, his county again being 
entitled to the candidate, he was unanimously placed on nomina- 
tion, and was elected to the Forty-first Congress by a majority of 
2,679. ^ ^ 



JOHN D. STILES. 3 

Being in tlie minority party during liis entire service in Congress, 
Mr. Stiles was never favored with prominent positions on the 
committees of the House. He took an active ])art in tlie pro- 
ceedings of the House. No man was more active and determined 
in the opposition to the hind grant suhsidies, and his course in Con- 
gress was universally approved in his district upon all the great ques- 
tions whicli agitated the country during his three terms of service. 

Mr. Stiles made sev-eral important and effective speeches in the 
House, one of the last of which was delivered February 15, 1871, on 
the enforcement of the Fifteenth Amendment, of which the follow- 
ing is an extract : 

You will give the President, and the officers created directly by him, the power 
to control by force the popular elections all over the country. The first election 
under this act will be next year, when a President, Vice-President, and mem- 
bers of this House aie t(^ be chosen. You place in the hands of a military 
chieftam now occupying the Presidency, and who is seeking a re-election, the 
sword and bayonet, who can wield thena with despotic will for his ambitious 
jiurjioses. He is now seeking, in the dispensation of his ijatronage, to silence 
the opposition in his party ; and when the time comes to strike for a new lease 
of power he will u>-e all the means placed within his control. Give to any one, 
with or without fame, who has ambition, the powers conferred by this bill, and 
with an unscrupulous party behind him, it will require such stern resistance as 
becomes a patriotic people against these encroachments upon their reserved 
rights. The love of power, the love of fame, the thirst for renown, the grasping 

spirit — • 

" Howe'er concealed by art 

Reigns more or less in every human heart." 

And in him who now sits " at the other end of the avenue" this truth is more 
than ever exemplified. 

Sir, we should add nothing to the powers already conferred upon the executive 
department of this country; certainly none such as are here given without limi- 
tation or restraint. The time is coming when such legislation will receive the 
just condemnation of the people. I know how patient we have been, and how 
we have yielded obedience to the demands of ijower. I know the restless and 
aggressive spirit that prompts the enactment of such a law as this. The power 
conferred upon you is fast, rapidly, passing from your hands. In a few more 
days a hundred conservative men will fill these seats. Steadily and certainly 
the power wielded by an unscrupulous party will pass from you, and this is the last 
struggle to hold your waning, sinking fortunes. Hurriedly, in the lapsing days 
of this Congress, casting about for the last plank, after you have been repudiated 
and condemned, you seek to hold on to that power you have so long abused by 
blackening the records with the most infamous proposition ever conceived. 



WiLLIxVM B. STOKES. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Stokes during the Forty-first Congress was a member of the 
Committee on Chiims, and was Chairman of the Select Committee 
on the Ninth Census. On the 0th of December, 1869, he reported 
a very elaborate bill to provide for taking the Ninth Census, and 
when the subject came up for consideration in Committee of the 
Whole, two days later, he gave the control and management of the 
bill to Mr. Garfield, who, as Chairman of the Sub-committee, had, 
as Mr. Stokes remarked, labored for months in order to perfect a 
proper bill. 

On the 21st of February, 1870, Mr. Stokes, addressing the House 
on the subject of the removal of political disabilities, remarked : 

My policy has l)een, and I hope to he ahle to continue that line of policy as I 
hav^e proclaimed it npon almost every stump in my State, that every man, I care 
not who he is, how high or how humble he may be, who puts his name to a 
paper asking to be relieved, shall have my vote in favor of a bill relieving him 
from jjolilical disability. It matters not with me who he is or where he comes 
from. We provided in the fourtecntli amendment of the Constitution a way by 
which these men could be relieved, and after we have done that I think it is 
the duty of Congress to relieve tliese men on making proper applications. 

On the 14th of July Mr. Stokes earnestly opposed a report from 
the Committee on Reconstruction recommending a bill to relieve 
certain persons from political disabilities, for the reason that the 
Committee failed to include the names of persons proposed by him 
whose prayers for relief had been well recommended. 

In 1860 Mr. Stokes was the Republican candidate for Governor 
of Tennessee, and made a vigorous canvass of the State ; but he 
was defeated by Mr. Senter, who received the support of some 
leading Republicans under the impression that he would carry out 
the principles and policy of their ])arty. 

Mr. Stokes was a candidate for re-election to the Forty-second 
Congress, but was beaten by a majority of 5,559 votes by Mr. 
Garrett, whom he had defeated in the preceding congressional elec- 
tion by a majority of 4,380 votes. This was the result of the liberal 
policy which was pursued in Tennessee of relieving from disfran- 
chisement those who had been previously denied the right of suf- 
frage by reason of their participation in the Rebellion. 



FREDERICK STONE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Ill the Forty-first Coii^^ress Mr. Stone was a member of tlie Com- 
mittee on the District of Columbia. He presented an argument on 
the bill to admit Yirginia to representation in Congress, of which 
the following is the conclusion : 

The monarchies of Europe are liberalizing their governments and giving 
more rights to their people. EngUind is extending the suffrage and disestab- 
lishino- the Irish Church ; France has a responsible ministerial government— all 
are yielding more or less power to the people. But republican America alone 
is centralizing ; day by day the legislative department of the Government is ab- 
sorbing the power of the executive and judiciary branches, and day by day is 
trying to absorb more and more all the powers of the States. This bill goes a 
step further than they have yet gone, and seeks to establish congressional con- 
trol over State constitutions. 

This bill of the committee attempts to disturl) and destroy the whole theory 
of our Government in this, that it attempts to make Virginia, admitted and 
recognized Virginia, unequal to the other States. It attempts to impose fetters 
on hlr free action as a State ; it attempts to impose conditions on her imposed 
on no other State. But it is only an attempt. Should the l)ill pass as reported, 
and Virginia be admitted, so soon as she is she has the right to regulate Ikt 
own law in her own way, provided it is consistent with the Constitution of the 
United States. And I hope whenever she may see fit to change her organic law 
that she will do so, and that in making sueli changes she will only take care 
that they be consistent with the Constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Stone expressed his views on the tariff question in a speech 
delivered March 12, 1870, from which the following is an extract : 

There was a time in the history of the country when patriotic men believed 
that a pi-otective tariff would eventually benefit the country. Manufactures 
were then in their infancy, and many believed that to foster them by bounties 
would create a home market wiiich for a present inconvenience would in the end 
compensate the farmer by an increased dem;md for agiicultural products. 

Tliese politicians, and among them Mr. Clay, honestly believed that such re- 
sults would follow. They believed that having once established the manufac- 
turing interests, having fostered and protected and cared for them in tlieir in- 
fancy, they would no longer ask or obtain protection when once firmly estab- 
lishes!. They believed that the present loss to the consumer would be more 
than compensate.! bv future gains. They thought and believed that if they 
complied with the then demands of the manufacturer they would not thereafter 
demand the fostering care of the Government. But that thereafter never came. 
It never will come. Subsequent events have demonstrated the falsity of that 
opinion. A century has nearly rolled away and the time is no nearer. The 
manufacturer is still demanding the present good, and promising the future to 
others. ■ ,, 



WILLIAM L. STOUGHTOJSr. 



^^MlLLlAU L. STOUGIITON was born in New York, 
UpM March 20, 1827. He received an academic education, 
studied law, and was admitted to the barjn 1851. He 
removed to JMichigaii and engaged in the practice of his profession in 
Sturgis, where he still resides. From 1855 to 1859 he served as 
Prosecuting Attorney. In March, 18G1, he was appointed by 
President Lincoln United States District Attorney for Michigan, 
but resigned the same year in order to enter the Union army. 

He served during the war as Colonel and Brigadier-General, 
and for valiant and meritorious services was promoted to the rank 
of Major-General by brevet. At tlie close of the war he returned 
to the practice of his profession. His services to the country and 
his ability as a lawyer were recognized in 1867 by his election to 
the office of Attorney General for the State of Michigan, to which 
he was re-elected in the following year. 

He was elected a Representative from Michigan to the Forty- 
first Congress as a Republican, receiving 25,196 votes against 
17,396 for Chamberlain, Democrat. He served on the Committee 
on Military Affairs and the Committee on Revolutionary Claims, 
He took a prominent part in the proceedings, especially in con- 
•nection with subjects referred to the Military Committee. His 
first speech, delivered January 21, 1870, was a brief but compre- 
hensive and able discussion of financial questions, including the 
national debt and its management, the currency and taxation. 
He maintained the undoubted "ability of the American people, 
with their rapidly increasing stores of M'ealth, to pay the debt in 
the peaceful and prosperous years of the future," and supported 
his position by abundant citations of figures and authorities. After 








zrz^'C- 



WILLIAM L. STOUGIITON. 2 

showing the rapidity with whicli the debt had been reduced, he 

added : 

It is not claimed tluat this rapid payment is necessary or desirable ; but it is 
all-important that the debt should be in process of gradual extinguishment. 
There is great force in the statement in the President's Message that " year by 
year the ability to pay is increased in a rapid ratio." It is estimated that the 
wealth of the nation doubles every twelve years. Twenty-five years hence the 
burden of paying the debt will be lessened fourfold. Let this policy be 
adopted and steadfastly pursued, and our bonds at a low rate of interest will 
soon bear a premium in the marketsof the world, and the dread of our national 
debt, which now covers the land like a dark cloud, will give place to the prom- 
ise and assurance of a safe and honorable deliverance. 

He maintained that a return to specie payments was inevitable, 
that Congress was imperatively called upon to provide increased 
banking facilities for the South and West, and that taxation should 
be reduced. 

On the lOth of January, 18Y1, Mr. Stoughton addressed the 
House in favor of the resolution for the appointment of a Commis- 
sion to make certain investigations in relation to the Eepublic of 
Dominica. He maintained that the report thus provided for would 
" relieve the question of many of its difSculties, form a correct pub- 
lic opinion, and enable Congress to take such final action as the 
best interests of the country might require," adding in conclusion : 

The acquisition of territory contiguous to our borders and tending to 
strengthen and perpetuate our material supremacy is no new policy. It is the 
judicious application of the Monroe doctrine, and is sanctioned by the practice 
of the Government for tlie last seventy years. Louisiana, Florida, Texas, New 
Mexico, California, and Alaska have successively been added to the territory 
of the Republic; and at this day but few will question the wisdom or states- 
manship of the principle, or seriously question its application to the islands 
lying contiguous to our coast, and of equal if not greater importance. 

If the people of San Domingo are desirous of annexation upon fair and 
reasonable terms, and if no causes exist rendering annexation unjust or inex- 
pedient, then there are cogent reasons in favor of the measure which may 
control my actions. 

1. It will furnish the people of that republic witli what they greatly need 
and desire, a good and stable Government, and secure their future tranquillity 
and happiness. 

2. It will greatly promote the industrial and commercial interests of the 
United States. 



3 WILLIAM L. STOUGHTON. 

3. It will give us the control of the entrance of the Caribbean Sea, the great 
channel of commerce, the Bay of Samana, and a safe and comraiHlious harbor. 

4. In case of a foreign war it will give us a commanding iwsition m the 
West Indies, and prevent an enemy from destroying our commerce and operat- 
ing against the mainland. 

5. It will extend the limits of our Eepublican institutions, and prevent the 
interference of European Powers in the affairs of this continent. 

On tlie 20th of January Mr. Stoiij^liton brouj^lit before the Ilonse 
from the Military Committee a carefully preimred bill to secure 
homesteads to all honorably discharged soldiers. The bill passed 
the House with but two votes in the negative. The following are 
brief extracts from his remarks in support of this important measure : 

In the first place it confers substantial benefit on all the soldiers of the Re- 
public. It provides that every soldier may enter IGO acres of any public land — 
not simply the reserved railroad lands, but any lands, whether railroad or other 
lands. Then follow several provisos to which I will briefly allude. Tlie first 
is, that the homestead settler may have one year in which to commence his 
settlement. This is a great benefit to the soldiers. It will enable them to 
arrange their affairs at home in order to emigrate to the West. It will euaule 
them to form colonies, so that they may go out in strong force, and thus be en- 
abled to defend themselves from Indian aggressions, while at the same time it 
will increase the value of the lands upon which they settle. 

Ao-ain, the bill provides that the time which the soldier has served in the 
army shall be deducted from the time necessary to acquire title. Why should 
not such a provision be adopted ? If the soldier has served three years in the 
army can we offer him a more appropriate reward than by enacting that the 
term of his military service shall be deducted from the time necessary to acquire 
a homestead in the public domain? It is right and just, and will command 
the approbation of all classes of citizens. 

There is also a provision that the soldier who is entitled to these rights may 
assign them, not to every person, l)ut to any other person who is entitled to 
enter a homestead. It does not appropriate one acre of the public domain 
that is not otherwise lialde to homestead entry. This provision ought to be 
adopted, because without it but few of the soldiers of this Republic will receive 
any benefit whatever from the bill. 

What olijcction is there to this ? It is said by some gentlemen on this floor 
that these rights will be assigned and will go into the hands of speculators. 
This might be the case if the substitute of the gentleman from Indiana 
[Mr. Holman] should l.)e adopted ; but the objection cannot apply to the pro- 
vision of this bill. The soldier is allowed one year in which to enter the land 
and commence settlement ; or, if he pleases, he may assign his right in the land, 
his inchoate title, to any other person who desires to actually settle upon the 
land as a homestead. If he does not make such settlement before the year ex- 
pires the land reverts to the Government. Is there any thing so sacred in the 

/■ 



M 



U{^ 



WILLIAM L. STOUGHTON. 4 

law tliat it cannot be temi3orarily modified to reward the bravery and devotion 
of the American soldier ? We give the foreigner, the moment he steps upon 
the shores of this country and declares his intention to become a eitizen, one 
hundred and sixty acres of as fair land as there is under the sun. Why not 
make the provision broader and more beneficial to the sons of the soil them- 
selves, who have served three years in a perilous war, and to those foreigners 
who have earned their citizenship in the fire and smoke of battle ? 

During the consideration of the Army Appropriation Bill 
Mr. Jones, of Kentncky, offered an amendment providing that 
the United States Government shoiild pay for the Arlington Cem- 
etery. This led to an animated discussion in relation to the rights 
of the Government and llie claims of the former owners of the 
Arlington estate, dnrin;^^ which Mr. Stoughton presented the 
following views : 

The soldiers who fell in dffense of our national existence are at least entitled 
to the right of sepulture. And if there is one sentiment in the hearts of the 
American people which aWove all others is omnipotent, it is the determination 
that their graves shall never be disturbed by sacrilegious hands. We make no 
war upon the graves of those who up(m many a battle-field challenged our 
admiration as a brave and spirited toe. And if any gentleman upon this floor 
or elsewhere imagines that we will sufter the honored forms of our fallen com- 
rades to be torn from their last resting-place, he is wofully ignorant of the 
character, resources, and temper of the men who put down the Re]x'lli(m. 

There is, Mr. Speaker, no question as to the title of the Government to 
Arlington and the other national cemeteries. It rests immarily upon the right 
of conquest. The land was taken from the enemy during actual hostilities and 
ajjpropriated for a purpose as lasting as time. The rule is laid down by the 
most eminent writers on international law. . . . These cemeteries are the prop- 
erty of the United States by a legal and valid appropriation. The Constitution, 
article one, section eight, expressly empowers the General Government to 
declare and cany on war, to raise and support armies, and m the last clause of 
the section, " To make all laws which shall lie necessary and proper for carry- 
ing into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by the 
Constitution in the Government of the United States or in any department or 
officer thereof." The burial of the dead is a necessary incident of the war, and 
the right to take and hold land for the purpose comes clearly within this grant 

of power. 

The courts are open to the tlescendants of General Lee and all other persons. 
If they have any valid claims against the United States for lands appropriated 
for national cemeteries they can be fully and fairly heard whenever they choose 
to go into court. 

^^7 



PETER W. STRADER 



"^^ETER W. STRADER was born in Warren County, New 




Jersey, November 6, 1818, but from childhood his life has 
been identified with the West, his parents having emigrated 
to Ohio in the spring of 1819. He attended the common 
schools until twelve years of age, when he entered a printing-office, 
where he spent three years. Seeking a more active life, he went 
upon the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers as engineer and clerk of 
^steamboats, in which employment he was occupied thirteen years, 
ending in June, 1848. He then accepted the position of General 
Ticket Agent of the Little Miami Railroad, which he held until 
February, 1807. 

The nature of his employment during many years of his life 
prevented him from taking an activ'e part in politics, in which he 
first appeared prominently in 1868, when he was elected a Rep- 
resentative from Ohio to the Forty -first Congress by a majority of 
two hundred and eleven votes over Hon. Benjamin Eggleston, his 
predecessor. On taking his seat in the Forty-first Congress Mr. 
Strader was assigned to the membership of the Committee on Coin- 
age, Weights, and Measures, and the Committee on Ex])enditures 
in the Interior Department. 

The scat was contested by Mr. Eggleston, and the case was not 
finally decided until the last session, the Committee reporting, 
December 21, 1870, that Mr. Strader was entitled to the seat. The 
report was accepted withont a division. Mr. Strader made no 
speeches. He was attentive to his duties as a Representative, vot- 
ing uniformly with his party on all questions which divided the 
House. He was not a candidate for re-election. 





HON. PETJiR V/. STRAT^ER 

PEPHESENTA'TlVa FPCM OaiO_ 



W H. BAPMES*C° PueLI SHEKS. 



EAI^DOLPH STEIOKLA^D. 



^C-mv- AT^DOLPH STPJCKLAIs^D was born in Dansville, Steu- 

■ Itl^i t>en County, New York, February 4, 1823. His ancestors 

t^ri^t-' were from EnMand, coming to this country m the sixteenth 

century. John Strickland, his grandfather, was a soldier 

in the Revolutionary war. His father came from Massachusetts to 

Dansville, New York, in 1816, and was an^ong the fii'st to make 

his home in what was then termed " the West." 

Schools were few, and of the poorest kind. Very few books were 
to be found in the neighborhood. Under the instruction of his 
mother, who was a woman of strong mind, young Strickland 
learned to read and write, and when ten years old he had read every 
book to be found in the immediate vicinity of his home — including 
the Bible, which he had read twice through by course. He was the 
oldest of seven children, and when he was twelve years old his 
mother died. From that time he was compelled to labor daily to 
assist in supporting the family, and had no opportunity" for study 
except after the day»s work was done ; then with his book in hand, 
by light made from burning pine-knots, he toiled on until " the 
small hours." By such unaided efforts he obtained a good common 
education. When sixteen years of age he was employed in a saw- 
mill, taking the position of a grown man, and laboring sixteen hours 
each day during the season. From that time until his majority he 
engrao-ed in luinberino; in winter and farming in summer. 

At twenty-one he set out for Michigan, in the hope of being 
able to make for himself a pleasant home and an honorable posi- 
tion in society. When he reached his destination he had less than 
one dollar left ; but he had an excellent constitution, great will- 
power, a strong determination to succeed, and was ready and willing 

29 



2 EANDOLPH STRICKLAND. 

to perform any kind of hard labor. In December, lS4-i, lie com- 
menced teaching- school in Ingham County, Michigan, for ten dol- 
lars per month, the best price to be obtained. When spring came he 
engaged in chopping and clearing land, and during summer labored 
in the harvest fields. In the fell following, having carefully saved 
his earnings, he commenced the study of the law. "When his small 
amount of money had been expended for board and clothing, he 
left the office to work in the saw-mill, harvest field, and to teach 
school, always taking his law books with him, and never allowing 
an hour to be lost. Tn this way, without assistance as to means for 
his support, he struggled on until, in October, 1849, he was admit- 
ted to practice in all the courts of his State. The following winter 
he visited his early home in the State of New York, and there 
engaged in teaching. 

In the spring of 1850 he returned to Michigan, and commenced 
the practice of his profession at De Witt. It was very soon appar- 
ent that he would succeed. In 1852 he was elected Prosecuting 
Attorney for Clinton county, a position of decided advantage to a 
young man just rising in his profession. In the administration of 
the office he gave such satisfaction that he was re-elected in 
1854, 1856, and 1858. He was one of the delegates to the 
National Republican Convention held at Philadelphia in 1856, 
and earnestly advocated the nomination of John C. Fremont for 
President. During the following campaign Re was on the stump 
continually, and aided materially in carrying his State for the can- 
didate of his choice. 

In 1860 Mr. Strickland was elected to the Michigan Senate, in 
which he served on the Judiciary Committee, advocated and assisted 
in carrying through the bill allowing parties to testify in their own 
behalf in civil cases, and also allowing the respondent in criminal 
cases to make his statement to the jury in the nature of evidence, 
on which they may acquit if they believe it. His party urged him 
to accept a second term in the Senate, but he declined, and was 
.again in 1862 elected Prosecuting Attorney. 

In the early part of the Hebellion Mr. Strickland was appointed 



RAKDOLPn STRICKLAND. 3 

by the Governor of Miclii2;aii, tlie Commissioner to superintend 
the draft, known as the State conscription. President Lincoln in 
April, 1863, appointed him Provost Marshal for the Sixth Con- 
gressional District of his State, which office he held until after the 
close of the war, and was honorably discharged in October, 1865. 
In the execution of this- most delicate trust he so performed his 
duty as to make a host of warm and earnest friends. 

At the Congressional Convention held in his district in 186-1 
— when the then member of Congress had not served out his first 
term — the nomination was tendered to Mr. Strickland by a majority 
of the delegates, which honor he respectfully declined, on the 
ground that the sitting member, by the usage of the party, was 
entitled to a second term, saying to the delegates that he could not 
accept the nomination and thereafter hold an honorable position in 
the party. 

After his discharge as Provost Marshal, Mr, Strickland returned 
to the practice of his profession, and continued actively and suc- 
cessfully engaged therein until 1868, when he was nominated for 
Kepresentative in Congress. lie was a member of the Republican 
State Central Committee in 1867 and 1868. Having been a dele- 
gate to the Chicago Convention that nominated General Grant for 
President, and being on the ticket, he canvassed nearly the entire 
district, speaking through fourteen of the eighteen counties of which 
it was composed, carrying all the counties but three, and being 
elected by more than 3,100 majority. 

Taking his seat as a Kepresentative from Michigan in the Forty- 
first Congress, Mr. Strickland served on the Committees on Public 
Lands, Mines and Mining, and Invalid Pensions. 

The demands of his district upon its Representative are unusually 
great. It has more than 1,500 miles of navigable coast ; its agricul- 
ture will average fairly with the other districts throughout the coun- 
try ; in the year 1869 the district produced for export 596,800 
barrels of salt, 900,000,000 feet of pine lumber, 2,933,500 tons 
of iron ore, 194,628 tons of pig iron, value of ore and pig iron 
$5,296,318; 12,200 tons of ingot copper, value $5,368,000; and 



4 RANDOLPH STRICKLAND. 

its fisheries were equal in value to its wool and wheat productions 
combined. 

Mr. Strickland is a working member, speaking only when he 
has something to say. He delivered a speech in the House upon 
the tariff, March 26, 1870, of whicli the following extracts show 
his views upon that important subject : 

The people of the country, for the purpose of this discussion, may be properly 
divided into three classes, which may be denominated or designated producers, 
consumers, and carriers. 

The first class named, the producers, are never prosperous unless they find the 
second class, the consumers, sufficiently numerous to buy whatever they may have 
to dispose of Whenever the production is beyond the demand the producer suf- 
fers; and, on the other hand, when the demand is hcyond the supply the con- 
sumer of necessity must submit to exorbitant prices. The existence of these two 
classes causes the third class, the carriers, and this class is strong and prosper- 
ous, or Aveak and suftering, just in proportion to the distance between tbe pro- 
ducer and consumer. 

The entire cost of this carrying business must be paid by the producers and 
consumers. This fact demonstrates l)eyond any kind of question that every dol- 
lar unnecessarily paid to the carrier is an absolute loss ; therefore it is clear that 
this class should be limited to the least number of men and the smallest num- 
ber of dollars which can be employed in furnishing the necessities of life. 

In the ratio of reduction in this carrying business will come wealth to the 
other two classes. This can only be done by shortening the distance between 
the producer and the consumer. Any system of legislation that shall tenil to 
distribute the ditlcient l)ranclies of business over the country is in the right di- 
rection. Whenever the producer and consumer are found together this loss of 
cnrrying is saved, and goes into the credit side of the account. 

In the States where the products of tlie soil are to any considerable extent 
required to feed the manufacturer, or, in other words, where the producer and 
consumer are side by side, the most rapid advance in wealth and population is 
found. 

After giving a statement of the productions of his district, he 
closed as foHows : 

The repeal of the duties on these commodities would very seriously cripple, 
if it did not entirely stop, the production of these vast quantities of lumber, salt, 
iron, and copper. It would also make the large sums invested in these branches 
of business unproductive, thus bringing to the people generally such injury as the 
stagnation of business must inevitably bring. Believing that the policy of a 
duty on imports for revenue, with incidental protection to our American indus- 
try, is wise, and, agreeing, as I do in the main, with the Committee that have pro- 
posed the bill under consideration, I will take this occasion to say that in my 
judgment tea and coffee should be added to the free list. 



JULIUS L. STEOISTG, 



"ULIUS L. STRONG was born in Bolton, Connecticut, 




November 8, 1828. He entered Union College, but left in 
his senior year and entered the National Law School at 
Ballston Spa; studied law, was admitted to the bar in 
1853, and has practiced since at ITarttbrd ; was a member of the 
Legislature of Connecticut in 1852 and 1853, and was elected to 
the Forty-first Congress as a Republican. 

Taking his seat as a Representative from Connecticut April 9, 
1869, Mr. Strong was appointed a member of the Committee on 
Claims. His first speech in Congress was delivered December 14, 
1869, pending the consideration of the Census Bill in Committee 
of the Whole, when he gave some interesting facts on the subject 
of Insurance : 

I approve of the proposition to include in this census the statistics of the 
insurance business of the country. In omitting this sulyect the original bill was 
certainly seriously defective. Any exhibition of the business statistics of the 
country leaving out the business of insurance would be like the play of Hamlet 
with the part of Hamlet omitted. Few members of the House, I presume, 
unless their attention has been specially called to this subject, are aware of the 
magnitude and importance of the insurance business of the country. The little 
city of Hartford has nine fire insurance companies, with assets of $13,000,000, 
and eight life insurance companies, with assets of $50,000,000. I cannot give 
the total amount of the assets of the insurance companies of the United States, 
but it is estimated that the premiums paid annually by the peojjle of this Union 
amount to the enormous sum of $150,000,000. 

This business, as has been remarked by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Gar- 
field,] has largely increased during the last decade. Indeed, sir, in 1860 life 
insurance was in its infancy. Of tlie twenty-three hundred pages of the last 
Census Report only one page, if I am correctly informed, was devoted to the 
subject of insurance. I trust, sir, that in the census of 1870 this great and rap- 
idly growing business will be fiiirly represented. A few States have insurance 
bureaus, which furnish for their own citizens reliable information as to the stand- 
ing and condition of the companies doing business within their borders, and it 
is exceedingly desirable that full and accurate insurance statistics should be 
provided for the people of all the States. ... 

^S3 



THOMAS SWA^K 



J^^S3 







^IIOMAS SWANN was born in the city of Alexandria, 
t'M^ Virginia, and is descended on both sides from some of tlie 
oldest and most distingnished families of tliat State. His 
father, Thomas Swann, was a lawyer of ability and dis- 
tinction, who was appointed by President Monroe to the office of 
United States District Attorney for the District of Columbia, 
which position lie held for many years. His name can be fre- 
quently found in the reports of important trials of that period 
before the Supreme Court of the United States, and he was well 
known in Washington City, where he resided, as well through his 
prominent position at the bar as by his generous hospitality. 

His son, Thomas Swann, received his education first at the 
Columbian College, and afterward at the University of Yirgiuia. 
He then commenced the study of law in the office of his father in 
Washington, and, marrying a lady from Maryland, moved to the 
city of Baltimore, where he has since resided. A gentleman of 
large fortune and liberal education, firm and decided in his convic- 
tions, and of great promptness and energy of character, Mr. Swann 
did not long remain idle ; he became interested in whatever works 
of public improvement were then being projected, which might in 
any way tend to the promotion of the future prosperity of his 
adopted city and State. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, a line 
of road some four hundred miles in length, running through a wild, 
irregular, and at that time unsettled country, crossing two ranges of 
mountains, had been commenced as early as the year 1826, and 
was then in course of construction. The completion of this road, 
connecting as it would the city of Baltimore with the Ohio River, 
was of vital importance to the future welfare of the former. Mr. 




"y' V'-'tmiif--^""" ' 



'^^'-^ Ca^x^-- 






THOMAS SWANN. 2 

Swann, who had become one of the most active and energetic of its 
Board of Directors, was, in 184S, elected to the presidency of this 
company as successor of the Hon. Louis M'Lane. The road was 
then contending with apparently insurmountable difficulties, finan- 
cial as well as natural, the latter owing to tlie almost inaccessible 
nature of the country through which it passed, and the former 
to the difficulty of obtaining sufficient means in the then embar- 
rassed condition of the treasury of both city and State. A man of 
boldness and determination was required to undertake its com- 
pletion, and the announcement of Mr. Swann's election as Presi- 
dent was hailed with satisfaction by the public authorities, as well 
as by those of Ids fellow-citizens who were familiar with his 
character, and the previous services he had rendered to the Com- 
pany. Mr. Swann at once turned all his efforts to the accomplish- 
ment of the work he had undertaken, and boldly contending with 
those difficulties that had at one time appeared so formidable, he 
had the satisfaction of seeing fulfilled the prediction he had made 
as early as 1851, the completion of the entire road on the first of 
January, 1853, the first train of cars passing over it from the city 
of Baltimore to the city of Wheeling on that date. 

On the final completion of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 
Mr. Swann turned his entire attention to the North-western Yir- 
ginia Eailroad, of which he had been elected President after 
having obtained its charter from the Yiro-inia Legislature. This 
road, diverging from the Baltimore and Ohio road in the mountains 
at Grafton, Virginia, strikes the Ohio River at Parkersburg, some 
ninety miles below the city of Wheeling. It was opened for 
travel under his auspices, and he retired from its presidency in 1857 
to become Mayor of the city of Baltimore, to which office he had 
been elected by a large majority of the votes of his fellow-citizens. 
This position he filled for four years, having been twice elected, 
and he has left in that city monumetits that will long recall the 
memory of his administration. He proposed, and was able to 
carry by his paramount influence with the City Council, a change 
from the Volunteer Fire Department, with all its irregularities, 



3 THOMAS SWANN. 

to .the paid Steam Fire Department, with all its system, prompt- 
ness, and efficiency. He introduced into tlie city the then new 
system of the Police and Fire Alarm Telegraph, which added so 
much to the safety of persons and property, and which has since 
been generally adopted in all the cities of the Union. 

When Mr, Svvann came into office the jail for the coniinement 
of criminals, which had been of sufficient size when the popula- 
tion of Baltimore did not exceed some fifty thousand, had long been 
found totally inadequate to the requirements of a city of nearly 
two hundred thousand inhabitants. When he left office a noble 
edifice of great size and striking architecture was in its place. The 
Water Works, by which Baltimore is supplied at an elevation of 
217 feet above tide with pure water by natural flow, is another 
of the works to which the city is indebted to his administration. 
The passenger railways were then being introduced in many of the 
cities throughout the country, and several companies had made 
application to Mr. Swann for permission to lay their tracks and 
run their cars, drawn by horses, through the streets of Baltimore, 
lie, however, through his influence over the City Council induced 
them to grant this franchise only to that company which would 
agree to pay to the city treasury one fifth of its gross earnings, 
which sum was to be appropriated to the purchase and endowment 
of Public Parks. At his instance a commission was appointed 
with unlimited powers, and the magnificent domain of Druid Rill, 
lying on the suburbs of the city, was purchased as a public park 
for the people of Baltimore. The income from the city passenger 
railways in 1870, amounting to near one hundred and twenty 
thousand dollars per annum, w^as sufficient for the payment of the 
interest on the bonds issued by the city for the purchase of the 
Park, and also for the improvement and maintenance of the grounds, 
and providing a sinking fund for the final redetnption of the bonds. 

Mr. Swann's last term of office as Mayor of Baltimore expired in 
1860. Soon afterward the Southern States seceded, and the great 
war for the preservation of the Union began. Although a Vir- 
ginian by birth and a resident of a Southern State, Mr. Svvann was 



THOMAS SWANN. 4 

strongly opposed to secession, and from the Gommencement of the 
war until its close was thoroughly on the side of the Union, alienat- 
ing from him by this course many of the friends of his early life. 
In 1863, when the system of National Banks was developed, Mr. 
Swann was elected President of the First National Bank in the 
city of Baltimore. In 1864, while war was still in progress, he 
was elected by the Union party Governor of Maryland, and took 
his seat as chief executive officer of the State on the first of Janu- 
ary, 1865, on the expiration of the term of Governor Bradford. 

On the termination of the war Governor Swann supported the 
policy of Mr. Lincoln, looking to a speedy restoration of the Union, 
and on the accession of Andrew Johnson to the presidency advo- 
cated his plan of reconstruction. At the session of the Legislature 
in the winter of 1866 Governor Swann was elected United States 
Senator, but at the earnest request of his friends resigned the posi- 
tion, and remained at his post as Governor of Maryland until the 
end of his term of office on the first of January, 1869. In Novem- 
ber, 1868, he was elected by an overwhelming majority Representa- 
tive of the Forty-first Congress from the Third Congressional 
District of Maryland. He served on the Committees on Foreign 
Affairs and Private Land CLaims. The following is from the first 
elaborate speech of Mr. Swann in the House on the resolution 
extending sympathy to Cuba : 

Territorial acquisition, Mr. Speaker, has never been a favorite policy of mine, 
and I trust that I may not be supposed to be influenced by any consideration 
of this sort in the cordial support which I shall give to this resolution. I would 
rather see Cuba an independent republic, with free laws and free institutions, 
than I would see her an integral part of this Union represented by States 
upon this floor. So of all the contiguous territory governed by independent 
sovereignties lying upon our outskirts. We have teriitory enough, in my humble 
judgment, to be conveniently and properly cared for. I would not extend that 
area beyond the claims of actual necessity growing out of the dangers of our 
position and the duty of self-preservation. In proportion as you increase it, 
already fully up to the limit of safety, you multiply the chances of domestic 
jealousy and discontent among the States. But I would take good care that no 
institutions of foreign growth in antagonism with our own should be permitted 
to throw obstacles in the way of that great march of progress upon which the 
American people have entered with such assured prospects of success. 



WILLIAM E". SWEE:N"EY. 



'^I^^^ILLIAM N. SWEENEY was born at Liberty, Kentucky, 
May 5, 1832. He studied and practiced law, was Cora- 
^§y^ monwealth Attorney for Daviess County from 1854 to 
"^^ 1858, and Presidential Elector in ISGO. As a Democrat 
he was elected a Kepresentative from Kentucky to the Forty-iirst 
Congress, during which he served on the Committee on Invalid 
Pensions. On the 14th of January, 1870, he delivered in the 
House an elaborate speech on the admission of Yirginia, from 
which we make the following extracts : 

I trust I will be pardoned, Mr. Speaker, for saying that in my judgment the 
history of the part taken by Virginia in the late unhappy war will be found- 
to the eye of those who are to succeed us, who will read it without venom and 
without passion— to have brought no diminution to her ancient fame, and that 
the sons of her noble sires of the past approved themselves not unworthy sons 
of their ilhistrious ancestry. Mistaken they may have been ; you say they were ; 
but the purity of their motives, equally with their l)earing, their valor in the 
field and theh- wisdom in council, which, if you will not, the world has 
admired, are beyond question. . . . 

I have no purjiose to discuss at length these reconstructicra measures — time 
would not suffice — but only to say, sir, that nobody can or does doubt that the 
Southern States would have been promptly admitted but for the unhallowed 
lust of vengeance the war excited, and lust of party dominion and ascendency. 
How infinitely insignificant the error of Virginia, under the circumstances exist- 
mg at the time, in resorting to what she believed to be her right of secession — 
a right which had been maintained by some, ay, by numbers, of the best intel- 
lects of the country — in comparison with the gross violations of the Constitution 
in these reconstruction acts; not alone in relation to the people of the seceded 
States, but all the rest, in that stupendous wrong of forcing on them amend- 
ments of the Constitution which they loathe and condemn ? . . . 

Anxious as I am to see the people of Virginia restored to their relations to 
the Union— an event which would deserve to be celebrated with bonfires and 
rejoicings, and which will thrill, in my judgment, tlie great heart of this nation 
from its center to its furthest limit as nothing else has done since the close of 
the war— I will not, I cannot consent to vote for the bill reported by the Recon- 
struction Committee. I cannot consent to put the great shame of these degrad- 
ing conditions upon her, and I will not violate the Constitution of my country. 



J. HALE 8YPHER. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) , 

Mr. Sjpber was a candidate for Representative in the Forty-first 
Congress, but, owing to the bloodshed and terrorism which pre- 
vailed in his district, the official returns gave a majority against 
him. lie contested the seat, and Congress remanded the subject 
back to the people to be decided by another election. The result 
was that Mr. Sypher was elected for the unexpired term of the 
Forty-first Congress, and for the whole of the Forty-second Con- 
gress by over five thousand majority. On taking his seat he was 
appointed to the Committee on the Pacific Railroad. 

Among the measures advocated by Mr, Sypher in the Forty-first 
Congress were the rebuilding of the levees of the Mississippi River, 
the Southern Pacific Railroad, universal amnesty, and the abolition 
of the test oath. On the subject of amnesty, in his speech of De- 
cember 15, 1870, he advocated the most liberal policy: 

Mr. Speaker, the time has arrived when it is right and proper to relieve every 
body ; it is the desire of the colored people of my State as well as the white 
Republicans. I believe it is the public sentiment of the country. Let the same 
party which imposed these disabilities remove them. The results of the war, 
including the abolition of slavery, the enfranchisement of the colored peoi^le, 
and the granting of civil and political rights to all citizens, have been unaltera- 
bly tixed in the Constitution of the United States. 

No gentleman can say it is not safe to perform this act now. We of the 
South will be the greatest suflferers if there is danger in it, and we are quite 
willing to intrust our neighbors with all the rights and privileges of citizens. I 
believe that I exjjress the sentiments of the great mass of the Republican party 
of Louisiana when I say that we desire no rights or jirivileges in the afl'airs of 
Government of which any portion of our citizens are deprived. I was sorry to 
hear my friend from Ohio [Mr. Lawrence] talk so much about " rel)els." We 
have none of that class in our State since the election, and I predict that we 
never shall have. 

Mr. Speaker, I regret to hear gentlemen on this floor cite the outrages com- 
mitted in the South as a reason why amnesty should not be granted. My ex- 
perience is that the men who commit these outrages are not the parties affected 
by the disability clause. Let the Repul>lJcan party, through its representatives 
in Congress, remove all the political disabilities of southern men ; let them by 
wise legislation aid in building uj) that beautiful country, devastated by war ; 
let the people feel the fostering care of the General Government ; aid us to build 
and maintain our levees, to construct new railroads, to improve the navigation 
of the Mississipjji River, to encourage labor, capital, and diversified industry in 
the South, and it will accomplish more toward the develoijraent of a true sen- 
timent of loyalty toward the Government than half a century of prescriptive 
legislation. 



JOHN TAFFE. 

, (Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During tbe Forty-first Congress Mr. Taffe served on the Com- 
mittee on Indian Affairs and tbe Committee on Territories. 
During a debate on the boundary line of Dakota Mr. Taffe made 
the following statement, which is interesting as showing how 
chanp-es in physical geography sometimes affect political bound- 
aries : 

The old channel of the Missouri River was csta1)lished as the boundary line 
between the State of Nebraska and the Territory of Dakota at the time of the 
organization of that Territory ; but since that time there has been what is 
termed in that section of the country a cut-otf, so that where the Missouri River 
formerly ran twenty-live miles around it now runs across about two and a half 
miles, and wagons and teams are driven across the dry land where the old 
channel was. Upon an examination of the law I am satisfied that the main chan- 
nel of the Missouri River would be the boundary line notwithstanding any 
gradual changes of slight extent ; but in cases of greater change, like this cut- 
off, I am also advised that an act of Congress wonld be required to establish the 
boundary line in the new channel. The people on the strip of land in question 
in this bill are actually on the Nebraska side of the present main channel of 
the Missouri River. Now, as a matter of convenience to them and to us, we 
ask that they should be put under the jurisdiction of tlie State of Nebraska. 
As the matter now stands, if these people commit any little offense against the 
laws of Nebraska, although the old cliannel of the Missouri River is now dry 
land, we have to get a requisition upon the Governor of Dakota Territory. 

Pending the Indian Appropriation Bill, Mr. Taffe opposed what 
he regarded as an improper policy as follows : 

As I understand it now, under this bill a whole tribe of Indians will be paid, 
although one half of the tribe may be upon the war-path. 

In regard to the twenty-two thousand Indians on the Upper Missouri, for 
whom $750,000 are appropriated in this lull, I claim, in the first place, that 
there never were seven thousand of them to be fed by the Government, and, 
further than that, that nearly one half of them have been nearly all the time 
uiion the war-path. I ask that they shall only be paid when they are at peace 
with the Government. Tw^-lve men in one body have been killed in my State 
by Indians this year, and one or two separately ; and I protest against paying a 
premium on white scalps by giving these marauders l)lankets and guns and 
ammunition to perpetrate these outrages. If I did not misunderstand the gentle- 
man who has charge of this bill he stated that he had hoped for a better state 
of things. I want to see that better state of things before these appropriations 
are paid. It will be seen that the effect of this amendment is to provide that 
only those Indians shall be paid who are true to their treaty obligations, and 
that nothing shall be paid to those who are out on marauding expeditions. 

4G0 



ADOLPHUS H. TAI^^EB. 



^^I^DOLPIIUS II. TANNER was born in Granville, Wash- 
£^%^ ington County, New York, May 23, 1833. He received 
^^M^T a pnblic-scliool education, studied law, and came to the 
bar in 1854. In 1862 he entered the Union Army as a 
Captain, and as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 123d Regiment of New 
York Volunteer Infantry served until the close of the war— first 
in the Armv of the Potomac, and subsequently throughout the 
Atlanta campaign and that of the Carolinas. 

Mr. Tanner was elected as a Republican Representative from 
New York to the Forty-first Congress, and was appointed to the 
Committee on Public Buildings and Grounds, and the Committee 
on Expenditures in the War Department. On the occasion of 
accepting the statue of General Greene as a gift from the State of 
Rhode Island Mr. Tanner spoke as follows : 

The old Hall of the House of Representatives has been dedicated by act of 
Congress to the commemoration of civic and military virtues by art. The State 
of Rhode Island is the first of the States to erect in this uoljle Hall a statue, 
wrought from purest marble, of one of her most illustrious citizens, who in the 
early history of this Republic, in battle and in council, illustrated the valor, the 
wisdom, and the patriotism of the American soldier and the American states- 
man. Our history is rich with the records of such men ; but the common con- 
sent of the American people has assigned to General Nathaniel Greene a place 
among the very first of those great men who have thus adorned either the earlier 
or the^later periods of our history. It is no part of my purpose to pronounce 
his eulogium. His great deeds and his greater character are recorded in the 
annals o1" his country's history, and a grateful people will not permit them to 
pass from the memories of men. When time shall have dimmed the luster of 
thismarble, and have marred the beauty of its outlines, the character of this 
great man will shine with ever-increasing brightness, and every line of its majes- 
tic proporticms preserve their original grace and dignity to excite the interest 
and arouse the emulation of posterity. 



CALEB N. TAYLOK. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Tn the Forty-first Congress Mr. Taylor served on the Committee 
on Invahd Pensions. Pending the consideration of the tariff ques- 
tion in Committee of the Whole, he thus expressed his views: 

"I rise for the purpose of giving some views which I entertain 
in reo-ard to the principles involved in this whole tariff question. 
In my judgment, now is the proper time to utter them. I have 
heard Free-Trade Representatives from New York, men represent- 
ing importing and purely British interests, professing to be the 
special advocates of the agricultural interests of this country. In- 
deed, I have scarce ever heard them speak that they did not declare 
themselves to be in favor of the downtrodden tax-payers, and that 
the consumer always paid the duty. I wish here, as an agricultur- 
ist and representing an agricultural community, to put in my pro- 
test against that position. And here is the proof : Ask any farmer, 
drover or miller in the country who buys Canadian horses, cattle, 
or wheat, if the taking off of twenty cents a bushel on wheat 
would lower the price of wheat twenty cents, and every one of 
them would tell you that it would not ; or if you ask whether tak- 
ing off the twenty per cent, duty on a horse worth one hundred 
dollars would lower the price of the horse twenty dollars in our 
market, every one of them knows that it would not. 

" I present this aspect of the case to the Committee and the coun- 
try, on behalf of the advocates of a protective tariff, for the pur- 
pose of nailing to the wall here and forever the unsound doctrine 
that the consumer always pays the duty. I do not believe it. I 
know practically that it is not so. I am in favor of retaining this 
paragraph in the bill. If it is struck out it will not, as has been 
asserted by the gentleman from New York, lower the price of beef 
one atom. On the other hand, if it is retained it brings more 
money to your coffers, and makes the Canadians, not the American 
people, pay. They pay the tax, and we get it. If it is asserted 
that taking off the duty of twenty per cent, on a bullock worth 
one hundred dollars would reduce its price here and make it eighty 
dollars every drover in the country knows that that would not be 
the case." /^ ^Z- 



LEWIS TILLMAI^. 




sJeWIS TILLMAN was born in Bedford County, Tennessee, 
August 18, 1816, and lias never resided elsewhere. lie re- 
ceived a limited common-school education, never studied 
any profession, and is a farmer by occupation. He served 
a campaign as private against the Senjinole Indians in 1836. He 
was clerk of the Circuit Court from 1852 to 1860. He was ap- 
pointed clerk and master of the Chancery Court in March, 186.5, 
and held the office nntil ♦ecently. He was a Whig so long as there 
was a Whig party, and has since been a Kepublican. He was one 
of the signers to the call put forth in the fall of 1864 for the Con- 
vention that abolished slavery in Tennessee. He was never a 
candidate for political office until nominated and elected to the 
Forty-first Congress as a Eepublican. 

Taking his seat as a Representative from Tennessee, Mr. Tillman 
served on the Committee on Freedmen's Affairs and the Committee 
on Patents. His first speech in the House was delivered January 
14, 1870, on the Bill to admit Virginia to representation. The 
following are the opening paragraphs : 

Bom and raised in one of the rebellious slave States, and never outside of 
their limits until I came liere last February, I claim to have the interest of my 
section and of the whole country as much at heart as any other man. I have 
always regarded slavery as the great cause of the war, and that when it should 
be entirely removed by giving equality before the law to the former slave and 
colored man, then we should enter upon an era of peace and prosperity. All 
that I have desired to see required of my vanquished section were assurances to 
be given by them, or guarantees taken from them, that slavery should not only 
be and remain dead, but that freedom should in deed and in truth exist and live 

in its place. 

I believe the Government, now and since the w^ar ruled by the Republican 
party, would have long since arrived at this agreement with my countrymen of 
the late Rebellion had it not been for the unhallowed ambition of one who de- 
sired for his own selfish purposes to revive and restore to power the very party 
that had fostered and cherished the principles that plunged the country in 
civil war. This Andrew Johnson aimed to do. . . . 



WASHII^GTOI^ TOW]SrSE:ND. 



^^%|ASHmGTON TOWNSEND was born in West dies- 
ijpw' ^^^' Pennsylvania, January 20, 1813. He received an 
academical edncation at the West Chester Academy under 
the superintendence of a veteran teacher of youth, Jonatlian 
Ganse. At the age of fifteen he was appointed book-keeper in the 
bank of Chester County at West Chests, and remained in that 
institution as book-keeper and teller until 1844. AVhile occupy- 
ing the position of teller in the bank he devoted his leisure 
hours to the study of the law under the instruction of William 
Darlington, Esq., then, as now, a distinguished member of the' 
Chester County bar. 

Mr. Townsend was admitted to that bar in 1814, and pursued 
the practice of the law until 1849. During that time he was 
Deputy Attorney under Attorneys General Darragh and Cooper, 
and occupied that office in 1849, when he withdrew from the legal 
profession to accept the position of cashier of the bank of Chester 
County, which had become vacant by the resignation of the incum- 
bent. He fulfilled the duties of that office from 1849 to 1857, when 
he resigned his position because of impaired health, and resumed 
the practice of the law, in which he has continued ever since. 

Mr. Townsend was a Whig of the Henry Clay school during the 
existence of the old Whig party, and has been a Republican ever 
since the latter party was formed. He was a delegate to the 
Baltimore National Whig Convention of 1852, and favored the 
nomination of General Scott for the Presidency, and was also a 
delegate to the Chicago ]^ational Hepublican Convention of 18G0, 
and voted for the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for that office, 
and labored for his first and second elections. He was an earnest 

A6^ 




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^{yiyr J/c-t-^j^ lJU^ca^c 



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HCl-I ^A'AS HUiGTON T OV/l'-T S El-ID , 
KEPRESEN'::A:rr/E from PEm\TSYU"vffilllA_. 



EA = :\l3 ;--.C^' PUBLISHERS 



Vv^ASHINGTON TOWNSEND. 2 

and ardent supporter of his administration, and an uncompromising 
opponent of tlie llebellion, 

111 1S68 lie was elected a Representative from Pennsylvania to 
the Fortj-first Congress as a Kepublicau, receiving 12,771 votes 
against O.-lSl for Robert E. Monaglian, the nominee of the -Demo- 
cratic party. 

lie was a member of the Committee on Education and Labor, 
and believing that the continued existence of republics depends 
upon the virtue and intelligence of the people, he supported the 
Bureau of Education, and advocated sufficient appropriations to 
make it an efficient instrument to aid all parts of .the country that 
seek information as to the best means of rendering their educa- 
tional systems available for the general enlightenment of the 
people. 

As a niember of the Committee on Public Lands he was in favor 
of the homestead principle, whereby every head of a family could 
get a home gratis on the prairies of the West, and in favor of the 
law giving public lands to the loyal soldiers in the late Rebellion, 
with no more restrictions on their ability to perfect a title than 
miiiht be necessary to protect them from the rapacity of speculat- 
ors. As to grants of public lands to railroads, he favored the 
legislation in aid of the two great JSTorthern and Southern trans- 
continental railroads as affording a judicious and necessary aid 
toward procuring great competing thoroughfares to the Pacific, 
and opening out the territories to an early settlement, but believed 
that the time had arrived wlien further grants to railroads should 
cease for a time, or be made only in exceptional cases, on good 
grounds, in limited quantities, so that the public domain should 
remain as a perpetual fund on which the landless citizen could 
draw for a comfortable home at no greater expense than the office 
fees. lie advocated the doctrine that in raising revenue from im- 
ports the duties should be so adjusted as to protect the industry of 
the American laborer against the competition of the low-priced 
capital and cheap labor of Europe, and at the same time impose no 

unnecessary burdens upon the consumer of foreign products. 

30 



GINERYTWICIIELL. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Tvvicliell served on the Commit- 
tees on tlie Post-Office and Post-Roads and on Expenditures in 
the State Department. He was remarkably attentive to the busi- 
ness of his committees. Referring to a report purporting to ema- 
nate from the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, Mr. 
Twichell said in a speech to the House, " I think there has never 
been a meeting of that committee since it was organized when 1 
have not been present." Mr. Twichell seklom made speeches 
before the House. He, however, spoke very earnestly February 2, 
1870, in favor of the bill for the relief of the poor and desti- 
tute people of the District of Columbia. He strenuously opposed 
amendments which were designed to defeat the benevolent objects 
of the bill, and said : 

Tbe needy people of tliis District call for a different kind of food from that 
■which they are getting here on this floor. They ask for bread ; they are in a 
starving condition. There are fifty-three persons, men and women, who are 
now engaged in this city as visiting committees, who are going all about the 
city examining into the condition of every person seeking charitable relief 
These visitors report that three hundred fimilies in this District are at this 
moment dependent from day to day for their tood upon the supplies that may 
be furnished them through these visitors. If gentlemen on this floor who may 
have doubts as to the necessity of this measure will go to-night to the room of 
this visiting committee and spend one hour in listening to their reports, I shall 
have no question with regard to the vote that may be given upon this bill. 

On a subsequent day, just before the question came to a vote, 

Mr. Twichell said : 

Mr. Speaker, I wish that members who oppose this appropriation had been 
present, as I was, the night before last, when the members of the visiting com- 
mittee who have undertaken to care for the wauls of these poor people made 
their reports. The wards of the city are subdivided into sections, one visitor 
being appointed for each section. One lady visitor told me that in her section 
there were sixty persons, men, women, and children, suftering for want of 
clothing, destitute of even a single garment fit to wear out of doors. A doctor 
told me that in one f imily where there was sickness tliere were two women and 
five children upon one bed, and they had not had any fire in the house for 
three days. If the bill be passed as proposed by the gentleman from Missouri 
[Mr. Benjamin] these poor people will starve before relief can l)e aftorded. This 
Board of Visitors have spent all the money in their possession, and I hope the 
bill will pa^s as it came from the Senate, so that the relief proposed may be in- 
stantly given to the poor starving people who are now in this District. 





, ^.^r?i/-L_ 




JAMES K TYNER. 




\\MES N. TYNER was born in Brookville, Indiana, 
January 17, 1826. His native town was earlier and better 
£ favored with educational facilities than most other places 
in the States, and in one of its seminaries Mr. Tyiier re- 
ceived an academic education. He studied law and eno-atxed in 
the practice at Peru, a flourishing town on the Wabash and Eric 
Canal, and the terminus of one of the earliest railroads in the 
State. Mr. Tyner's first appearance in public life was as Secretary 
of the Indiana Senate, in which office he served for four consecutive 
sessions, commencing in 1857. He was a Presidential Elector in 
18G0. During five years, commencing in 1801, he was special 
agent of the Post-Office Department. He was elected a Rep- 
resentative from Indiana to the Forty-first Congress, as a Repub- 
lican, at a special election held to fill the vacancy occasioned b}^ 
the election of Hon. D. D. Pratt to the United States Senate, 
receiving a majority of three thousand two hundred and seventy- 
six votes. He w^as re-elected to the Forty-second Congress by a 
majority of nineteen hundred and sixty-four votes. 

In the Forty -first Congress Mr. Tyner served on the Committee 
on the Post-Office and Post-Roads, and the Committee on Educa- 
tion and Labor. His speeches in the House, though few, were 
careful in statements of fact, accurate in statistics, and sound in 
reasoning. His first speech in the House, delivered February 5, 
1870, on the Franking Privilege, was one of the ablest arguments 
delivered on that question. He showed by carefully collated 
statistics that " the Postmaster-General had misled the people as to 
the cost of the franking privilege," and yet he maintained that it 
ought to be abolished " because the people seem to demand it." 



WILLIAM H. UPSOi^. 



-^ f?V<S7 



^WW^f^UAAAU H. UPSON was born at Wortlungton, Frank- 
J j( liii Comity, Ohio, January 11, 1823. In 1832 his father 
and family removed to TaUmadge, Summit Connty, Ohio. 
He entered Western Reserve College, at Hudson, Ohio, in 
1838, and graduated in 1842. Having studied law two years in 
the office of Hitchcock & Wilder at Painesville, and a year in the 
Yale Colleo-e Law School, he was admitted to the bar in Septem- 
her, 1845, and began the practice of law in January, 1816, at 
Akron, Ohio, where he has ever since resided. 

In October, 1838, Mr. Upson was elected Prosecuting Attorney 
of Summit County, and held the office two years. In October, 
1853, he was elected a member of the Ohio Senate, but was i^t a 
candidate for re-election, preferring to devote himself to the prac- 
tice of his profession. He was an active Republican, and was a 
member of the Baltimore Convention of 1864 which renominated 
President Lincoln. 

In 1868 the name of Mr. Upson was presented to the Re])ublican 
Congressional Convention for the Eighteenth District of Ohio as 
tlie unanimous choice of the Republicans of Summit County, and 
after numerous ballotings, there being several other caiididates, he 
M^as nominated and was elected by a majority of 6,379 votes. In 
1870 he was again nominated, with but little opposition, and was 
re-elected. 

Durinf'- the Fortv-first Congress he served as a member of 
the Committee on Reconstruction and of the Committee on 
Manufactures. As a member of the former Committee he took an 
active part in the work of reconstruction, especially in Georgia, 
Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas. Representing a district largely 
engaged in manufacturing, he has taken special interest in meas- 
ures for the protection of American industry. 

4ir 




-' ^"SSaiir^ 




OaZ^O^\ 



N- TA/^7^T_LAi',;;; Yi. UPS '"'""■■" 



.:r AV^D F- H SARME 



WILLIAM H. UPSON. 2 

During the discussion of tlie Tariff question, April 18, 1870, Mr. 
Upson made a brief but able and interesting speech. To show how 
greatly the pending subject ati'ected the agricultural, manufactur- 
ing, and commercial interests of his district, he prefaced his s]:»eech 
with the following statistics of the iron manufactures of Cleveland 
and immediate vicinity : 

Capital employefl during the year 1869 $2,810,000 

Nuuil)er of men employed during the year 186'J 3,250 

Tons of ore used in blast-furnaces aud mills 38,700 

Tons of coal consumed 273,049 

Tons of pig metal used 57,950 

Amount paid for labor $1,260,500 

Value of product $8,750,000 

Iron ore imported coastwise during the year 1 869 at the port 

of Cleveland, (tons) 343,507 

Foreign iron ore imported, (tons) 17,830 

Mr. Upson then proceeded : 

At Akron aud other places in the district the manufacture of iron is also 
extensively carried on, but the statistics are not now in my possession. The 
burdens of taxation in every form should be removed as rapidly as possible; but 
we know that a large amount of revenue must be raised for the payment of the 
necessary expenses of the Government, the interest of the public debt, and the 
payment each year of a part — I think it should be a small part — of the princi- 
pal. I believe that the greater part of this revenue should be obtained from 
duties levied upon imjjorts, because that mode of collecting a revenue is less 
expensive than any other, less liable to frauds, less objectionable in the manner 
of its collection, and less burdensome to the people ; and also because if a tariff 
is i^roperly adjusted it will aft'ord jirotection to all of our interests. 

It should not discriminate in favor of special interests or favored classes, but 
should promote the prosperity of all alike. Those articles which are really nec- 
essary to the comfort of all the jieople, and which we do not produce, should 
either be placed on the free list or admitted at the lowest rate of duty. The 
higher rates should be levied upon articles of luxury, and upon articles which 
can be manufactured in this country, and in the manufacture of which our own 
labor needs protection against competition with the ill-paid labor of Europe. 
In accordance with these principles I have advocated the placing of high duties 
upon foreign cigars, wines, brandy, laces, and silk, and the reduction of duties 
upon tea and coffee, even more than has been recommended by the Committee of 
Ways and Means, and have opposed the reduction of the duty on wool. 

I believe that the interests of the whole country will be promoted by giving 
amjile protection to the manufactures of iron and steel in all their branches. 
The duty on pig iron, as fixed by the present tariff, is not higher than the rate 
imposed upon other articles, either by the law now in force or by this bill, and 
I think it ought not to be reduced. 



■'o' 



>^6> 



ROBERT T. VAN HORN. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Yan Horn was re-elected to the Forty-first Congress, receiv- 
ing 5,427 votes against 4,560 votes for the Democratic candidate. 
He was sworn in at the beginning of the Congress, but his seat was 
contested, and the case was finally decided in his favor, without a 
division, February 21, ISTl. 

On the 6th of January, 1871, he reported from the Committee 
on Indian Affairs a bill to provide for the consolidation of the In- 
dian tribes, and to organize a system of government in the Indian 
territory. When this bill came up for consideration in the House 
on a subsequent day, Mr. Yan Horn explained and advocated it in 
an interesting and forcible speech, of which the following is an 
extract : 

Mr. Speaker, this bill Las been before the Committee on Indian Affairs nearly 
four years. It was authorized to be reported to the House in the Fortieth Con- 
gress, but the session expired witliout that committee being called. It has been 
authorized to be reported in the present Congress for over a year. The Indian 
country, or the territory of the United States, owing to the construction of our 
Pacific railroads and the development of the material resources of the country, 
has become so circumscribed that we have now no country West to which these 
Indians can l)e removed. In the oj^inion of the committee the time has come 
for a new policy in regard to the Indians of this country. By treaties, and by 
laws heretofore enacted, this territory has been set aside as a permanent home 
for the Indians residing there up to this time, and for many other tribes that 
have been removed to that country within the last two or three years, and that 
are to be removed hereafter. There are but two questions in our Indian jjoiicy : 
we must either adopt the policy of civilizing and saving the remnants of these 
tribes, or we must adopt a policy looking to their extinction. Tiiese are, in my 
opinion, the only two courses which this Congress can pursue in regard to the In- 
dians. The main portion of the population inhabiting this territory, comprising 
in the aggregate some forty-five or fifty thousand persons, are the most highly civ- 
ilized of any of the Indian tribes of this continent. Some of them have lived 
under written laws since the year 1808. I have here what may be called the 
revised statutes, or the statutes-at-large, of the Cherokee nation. The first writ- 
ten law of that nation bears date September 11, 1808. They have progressed 
up to 1839, at which time they framed the Constitution of the Cherokee nation, 
modeled much after our own Constitution. They have unusual facilities for 
education. The Chickasaws and Choctaws have some eighty-four public 
schools, the Cherokees have fifty-four schools, and the Creeks and Seminoles 
have schools in like jjroportion, according to their population, Tliey have 
among their members men of education, professional men, lawyers, lihysieians, 
and others, who would compare favorably with men in like professions in any 
of the States. 

O 



^7 



PHILADELPII VAN TRUMP. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During tlie Forty-first Congress Mr. Van Trump served on the 
Committee on the Fost-Office and Post-Roads. In an able speech 
on the Bill in relation to " The Rights of American Citizens 
Abroad," in reply to Mr. Banks, Mr. Yan Trump said : 

Mr. Speaker, tliis ri^ht of expatriation, as the consequent political result of 
tlie act of eniigration, is as old as civil Government itself. It existed in the best 
days of Greece and Rome. It was ai)ostrt)pliized by tbe immortal TuUy, in his 
defense of Balbus, when he exclaimed: '' O glorious right, by divine t^xvor ob- 
tained for us by our ancestors in the commencement of the Roman name, by 
which no man can be a citizen of more tha?! one commonwealth ; by which no 
man can be compelled to leave it against his will, nor remain in it against his 
inclination ! This is the firmest foundation of our liberty, that every man shall 
have an absolute power to retain or abandon his rights at his election." 

Mr. Speaker, the whole principle, the very essence of this great right of self- 
expatriation, is embodied in this single sentence of Cicero : it enunciates the 
great truth that the natural rights of man are paramount to the delegated pow- 
ers of government. As long as the liberties of Rome existed this great right of 
her citizens endured. But, sir, there came a time, long after the liberties of the 
Roman people had perished by usurpation, when there was a sad retrocession 
of this ancient right of the people. The rise of the feudal system in Europe 
organized a very different condition of society and laws. To this dark era of 
human degradation, when civilization was pushed back by vandalism and 
Gothic barbarity, we owe the origin of this slavish doctrine of per^xtual allegi- 
ance. William the Conqueror carried it with him into England, and it exists 
there to-day as the servile relic of the Norman conquest. The question now 
before us and the American people, revived by recent events and acts of aggres- 
sion and outrage on the rights of our naturalized citizens l)y the British Govern- 
ment, is, whether we shall take an open and bold stand in defense of those rights, 
to ignore which Avould be to abandon the fundamental principles upon which 
our Government is based. ". . . 

So far as the right of exijatriation is concerned, no act of the Government is 
necessary to establish or exercise it. It exists by the law of nature, a title as 
paramount to the laws of man as God himself is paramount to the will or power 
of man. In its character of a God-given right it can neither be enlarged, or re- 
stricted, or abrogated by municipal law. The lavv of nature applies to man and 
not to Government. The rights resulting to each have no relation the one to 
the other. The one is primitive and fundamental, the other limited and con- 
ventional. Deity endows man with his natural rights; man invests Government 
with its political powers. The right thus existing is paramount to the power 
thus created ; the power, therefore, cannot absorb the right. In relation to the 
exercise of this inherent right the citizen stands high above all the powers of 
the (iovernment; his right of locomotion and domicile, as derived from the uni- 
versal law of nature, which is God's law ami not man's, is subject to no human 
control, and is held !)y a tenure wholly independent of the political laws of the 
Government under which he lives. Sir, I was not only surprised, but pained, 



^y/ 



2 PHILADELPH VAN TRUMP. 

to find in tlie report of the Committee a sentiment wliicb is wholly at war with 
every Americ:ni idea on this subject. They say : " It may justly be conceded 
that the express or implied consent of both partii s is necessary to the extinction 
of mutual obligations between a Government antl i:s subjects." 

Now, Mr. Speaker, that is a proposition whicli has been laid down by the 
Committee without due consideration, if they mean to apply it to this right of 
expatriation. Any such concession as that destroys the right of expatriation. 
An admission of the indisijensability of consent on the part of the Government 
necessarily implies the right and the power of refusal in that Government ; so 
that the act of expatriation eonsunmiate, if this doctrine of the Committee lie 
true, depends not upon an inherent and indefeasible right in the citizen, ijut 
ujjon the will and option of the Government under which he lives. The Com- 
mittee, with all due deference be it spoken, have only deluded themselves by 
the use of inappropriate language. They speak of "mutual obligations." 
Therein lies the lallacy. There are undoubtedly mutual (obligations existiag 
between Government and citizen while that relation subsists ; but the obligation 
to continue to be a citizen, either perpetually or otherwise, at the will of the 
Government, is certainly not one of them. The Committee have thus unwit- 
tingly indorsed the most ultra dogmas of Sir ^Villiam Blackstone on the doc- 
trine of perpetual allegiance. Sir, I hope that no American Congress will ever 
sanction a doctrine like this; a doctrine much more consonant with the dark- 
ness of the Middle Ages, when a man born in the image of his Creator was 
considered as a sort of chattel-real passing with the freehold from one lor.l par- 
amount to another, than with that glorious spirit of individual right and liberty 
which is the light and the glory of modern civilization. 

The i)rovision in the Constitution which gives to Congress the power "to 
establish a unitbrm rule of naturalization " would, in my opinion, settle the ques- 
tion of their power over the subject (^f expatriation in aid of the right, even if 
that right depended upon the laws of the society, instead of springing from the 
great and paramount law of nature. For it woidd be a most illogical position 
to hold that Congress is authorized by the Constitution to enact a rule i)y which 
the rights of citizenship might be acquired, and yet have no jm'isdiction or 
power over the correlative question as to how those same rights might be relin- 
quished at the option of the person in whom they were vested. But, sir, we 
are not driven to this position. Some of the learned opponents of this question 
in 1818 made the palpable mistake of supposing that it was by the legislative 
power alone that expatriation could Ite accomplished, if, as they claimed, it 
could ite consummated at all ; that the right existed, if it existed at all, either in 
the nature of a grant, or by the consent of the legislative power of the Govern- 
ment. Sir, this is a naked Mlacy. The true question is, that not only the right 
of expatriation, but the whole power of its exercise, rests solely and exclusively 
in the will of the individual citizen. 

Mr. Van Truinp seldom occupied the time of tlie House with 
speeches, yet he was attentive to legishitive duties, and careful 
of the interests of his constituents. His addresses gave evidence of 
literary culture and familiarity with subjects apart from politics. 



/^7?- 



CHARLES H. VAN WYCK. 

(Continued frotn the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Van Wyck, as a candidate for the Forty-first Congress, 
received, according to the ofiicial returns, 11,298 votes against 
11,020 votes for George W. Greene, Democrat. The hitter rec'^Lived 
a certificate of election, and was sworn in as a member of the 
Forty-first Congress. Mr. Van Wyck contested tlie seat, and cm 
tlie 3.1 of February, 1870, Mr. Butler, of Tennessee, reported a 
resolution from the Committee on Elections that he was entitled to 
a seat in the Forty-first Congress, and Mr. Burr presented a reso- 
lution from the minority that Mr. Greene was entitled to the seat. 
The main reason given by Mr. Butler for the report of the Com- 
mittee in favor of Mr. Van Wyck was that "in the County of 
Orange, one of tlie two counties composing this district, it' had 
1)een n^ual to naturalize from fifty to one lumdred ])ersons, l)ut 
within a few weeks l)efV)re this election m(n-e than eight hundred 
aliens were made citizens. More than five hundred of them are 
put down as having arrived in this country before they were eight- 
een years of age; yet when you come to the proof, when you bring 
them up and test the matter according to the laws, iiot one of 
them, if I recollect the testimony correctly, but what discloses that 
that was not true." 

On the other hand, Mr. Burr, in a speech supporting the resolu- 
tion of the minority, maintained that the testimony disclosed that 
" all the persons naturalized did not, so far as citizenship or habita- 
tion was concerned, live within the limits of the eleventh district. 
It was the center, so to speak, of the naturalization, as other im- 
portant points in different parts of the country are centers for such 
a purpose as well as for other legitimate purposes." He contended 
further that if there were naturalization frauds Eepublicans as well 
as Democrats were guilty of participating in them. 

The House passed the resolution recommended by the Commit- 
tee by a vote of 118 against 61, and Mr. Van Wyck was sworn in 
on the ITth of February, 1870. He served on the Committee on 
Post-Ofiices and Post-Roads and the Committee on Indian Affairs. 
He had opportunity to do but little during his fragmentary term, 
and at its close retired to private life. 



DAI^IEL ^Y. YOORHEES. 



^^Ef^ ANIEL W. YOORHEES was born in Fountain County, In- 

7^M diana, September 26, 1828. His great-grandfather on the 

■^%ilXl father's side was a soldier in the Revolution, and followed 

"Washington through the memorable campaign of 1776-7. 

To this soldier and patriot was born a son who emigrated in early 

times to the western wilderness, and became the companion of 

Boone and other pioneers of Kentucky. He fought at the battle 

of Blue Licks, and many other bloody engagements between the 

Whites and Indians. The father of Mr. Voorhees was born in 

Mercer County, Kentucky, married into a Maryland family, and 

afterward settled in Fountain County, where he became a successful 

farmer. 

At the age of sixteen Mr. Yoorhees entered upon his studies 
preparatory for college, and in due time became a student in the 
Indiana Asbury University, one of the leading literary institutions 
of the West, then under the presidency of Rev. Dr. (now Bishop) 
Simpson. He made fine proficiency in his studies, but was especially 
noted while in college for his success as a debater in the literary 
society of which he was a member. 

Graduating in 1849, Mr. Voorhees determined to adopt the 
legal profession, and entered as a student of law in the office of 
Lane & Wilson, at Crawfordsville. In November, 1850, he was 
admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court of Indiana, and of the 
United States Circuit and District Courts. He met with immediate 
success in his profession, and in 1853 was appointed Prosecuting 
Attorney for the Eighth Judicial Circuit, embracing the place of 
his nativity and residence. In the following year he was offered 
the Democratic nomination for Representative in Congress, but 
declined the honor. In 1856 he was nominated by acclamation by 
the Democratic Congressional Convention in his district. This 




^^^^, 'oril^.E r'ernia 







DANIEL W. VOORHEES. 2 

nomination he accepted, and made a most vigorous canvass against 
a talented and popular candidate of the opposite party, who, accord- 
ing to the puhlished returns, was elected by a majority of two hun- 
dred and thirty votes, while the personal vote of Mr. Voorhees was 
six hundred ahead of his party on the State ticket. 

In 1857 Mr. Voorhees located in the city of Terre Haute, a wider 
professional field being presented here than in the village of Cov- 
ington, where he had up to this time resided. In 1858 he was 
appointed by Mr. Buchanan to the important office of United 
States District-Attorney. The next year John Brown made his 
memorable raid into Virginia, carrying with Irim John E. Cook, 
brotiier-in-law of Governor Willard, of Indiana. Cook, with the 
rest, was captured by the authorities of the State, and indicted for 
treason, murder, and inciting insurrection. Governor "Willard 
obtained the services of Mr. Voorhees for the defense of his relative. 
One who was present during this important trial describes the scene 
in court while Mr. Voorhees was delivering his speech to the jury 
in Cook's defense — how " tiie crowd stood statue-still for over an 
hour and a half, brawny, dark-browed men, with arms folded across 
their breasts as if to bar out too much pity for the misguided pris- 
oner at the bar. The most significant illustration of the power of 
that speech is found in the verdict of the jury. By the laws of 
Virginia, a person convicted of treason is hoplessly consigned to 
death. The Governor is forbidden in such cases the use of the par- 
doning power. The jury found him 'not guilty of treason,' thus 
virtually leaving the task of consigning him to death to the Gov- 
ernor, who could pardon for murder. Seldom, indeed, is such hom- 
age paid to the genius of a prisoner's counsel. But this was not 
all. Mr. Voorhees was immediately afterward invited to deliver 
the anniversary address before the literary societies of the Univer- 
sity of Virginia at the approaching commencement of that ancient 
seat of learning. This invitation he accepted, and discharged the 
duty it imposed in such a manner as to extend the reputation he 
had already gained among the high-spirited and refined people of 
the Old Dominion." 



^7 



s 



3 DANIEL W. VOORHEES. 

In 18G0 Mr. Voorhees was nominated by the Douglas Demo- 
crats of the Seventh District of Indiana as their candidate for the 
Thirty-seventh Congress. As he was hohiing an important office 
under Mr. Buchanan at the time, his acceptance of this nomina- 
tion was deemed especially unkind in him by the Breckenridge 
men, and they nominated lion. James A. Scott, while the Repub- 
licans nominated Colonel Thomas II. Nelson. In tliis triangular 
political contest the odds were greatly against Mr. Yoorhees. 
Both his opponents were gentlemen of fine talents, were good 
stump speakers, and very po])ular; and while the district was sup- 
posed to be Demoeratic, it was known to have always gone as the 
State went, and there was every indication that it would be car- 
ried by the Republicans. While this was done by over ten thou- 
sand majority, Mr. Voorhees beat his Republican antagonist one 
thousand and nineteen votes, and the Breckenridge candidate and 
him together six hundred and fifty votes. 

Mr. Yoorhees was re-elected to the Thirtv-ei2;hth and Thirty-ninth 
Congresses, but in the latter his seat was successfully contested by 
Henry D. Washburn. He was re-elected to the Forty-first Con- 
gress, serving on the Committees on the Pacific Railroad and the 
Revision of the Laws. 

Recognized as one of the foremost orators of the country, Mr. 
Yoorhees took a prominent part in the discussions of this Congress, 
and was always heard with attention. His first speech, delivered 
April 7, 1869, on the Reconstruction of Georgia, in its opening 
paragra])hs afi'ords a good illustration of his political position, as 
well as his style of oratory : 

Mr. Speaker, the measure under discussion belongs to that revolutionary 
class of legislation -which is utterly unknown to the Constitution, contrary to 
all laws now existing upon the subject, and in open and direct violation of 
every precedent and pledge made by tJiat dominant party which now controls 
every department of the Government. 

The proposition to overthrow and destroy a State by the action of Congress 
would cnce have alarmed and convulsed tlie country and called the people 
together in amazement and horror, like a fire-bell startling the still air of mid- 
night. Once it would have been regarded as more menacing to American 
liberty and to the existence of the Republic than an invading army as mighty 



ALEXANDER S. WALLACE. 




'LEXANDER S. WALLACE was born in York County, 
h^M^ South Carolina, December 30, 1810. He received a 
v^^Jl common-school education and became a planter. lie 
was appointed a magistrate in 1838, and was successively 
re a})pointed until 1853. lie was elected a member of the South 
Carolina Legislature in 1852, in opposition to the secession move- 
ment of 1851, and was re-elected for five successive terms. He 
was a candidate for re-election in 1860, and was defeated by the 
Secessionists, but was elected as a Union candidate in 18G5. In 
July of the following year he was appointed Internal Revenue Col- 
lector for the Third District of South Carolina. 

When his State was in process of reconstruction Mr. Wallace was 
the Republican candidate for Representative from South Carolina 
to the Forty-first Congress. His Democratic competitor, William 
D. Simpson, had served in the rebel army and in the Confederate 
Congress. At the election Wallace received 9,807 votes and Simp- 
son 11,098. The South Carolina Eoard of Canvassers first save a 
certificate of election to Mr. Simpson, and then reconsidered their 
action and gave a certificate to Mr. Wallace. After. long consider- 
ation of the case by the Committee on Elections, they reported in 
favor of the right of Mr. Wallace to the seat, basing the report 
upon three propositions, as stated by Mr. Cessna : (1.) That when 
one of two candidates is ineligible the votes given for him are of no 
effect, and the other candidate is elected ; (2.) that there was such 
intimidation as in tbe judgment of the Committee invalidated the 
poll in several of the counties of this district ; (3.) that enough vot- 
ers were driven from the polls, because of violence and fraud, to 
have changed the result had their votes been admitted. J\Ir. Wal- 
lace was sworn in and took his seat May 27, 1870. 

^77 



HAMILTON AVARD. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty-firf^t Congress Mr. Ward was a member of the 
Committee on Territories and the Committee on Reconstruction. 
On the 15th of December, 1869, he offered a motion to suspend the 
rules in order that a petition might be read signed by over 70,000 
citizens of the State of New York, " the most numerously signed, 
perhaps," said Mr. Ward, " that ever was submitted to Congress." 
The petition prayed for the recognition of the belligerency and 
independence of Cuba. On this occasion Mr. Ward briefly but 
forcibly said : 

It seems to me that tlae sufferings of these people in Cuba in the cause of 
liberty, equal rights, and justice appeal to our commiseration and sympathy ; 
that the struggles of the puople of Cuba in asserting their independence and equal 
rights challenge oiu- highest admiration. And I think it would l)e unbecoming 
the American Congress to refuse even to listen to the petition of the people 
of my State asking that the sufiering cry of more than a million people almost 
within our borders, struggling for life and liberty, should be lieard, and that 
we slioukl allow the petition to be read I think is the least we can do. 

As a member of the Committee on Reconstruction Mr. Ward 
participated in the debates on that subject. To illustrate his 
position we cpiote from his speech on the Virginia Bill, delivered 
January 14, 1870. After criticising Mr. Farns worth, who, having 
charge of the bill from the Committee, " came before the House 
and attacked one of its principal provisions," he added : 

I, too, have my private griefs which I might parade here in reference to this 
bill. Individually I am opposed to the admission of Virginia under this 
Walker government; indivichially I am opposed to the admission of any State 
that conies here with a Repul^licau figure-head backed up l:>y a rebel back-bone, 
body and heels, as in the case of Senter of Tennessee, or Jack Hamilton of 
Texas, or this man Walker— men who believed that some condition shouhl be 
imposed upon Virginia in its adinission to seek to direct this tide and to 
secure all that we could from the Congress of the United States. And hence, 
sir, I favor this bill and propose to support it now. 

i have learned that I must yield, agree, compromise, sometimes where there 
is a conflict of views, or accomplish nothing; and when I found that there Avas 
this drift in favor of admitting Virginia without condition ; when I found 
the President of the United States, in good faith, I have no doubt, recom- 
mending it ; when I found leading Senators desiring it ; when I found on the 
vote taken on Monday last almost half the House insisring that Virginia 
bhould be admitted without condition, I saw then that it was the duty of the 



CADWALADER C. WASHBURN. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Fortj-lirst Congress Mr. Washburn served on several 
important Committees, and took a prominent and influential part in 
legishition. He was a member of the Committee on Appropria- 
tions, and, liaving charge in the House of the Naval Appropriation 
bills, he made a speech exposing many abuses in that branch of 
the service. Jle was a member of the Select Committee on Causes 
of the Decline of American Tonnage, and made a speech on that 
subject, from which the following extract is taken : 

Shall we go on to ex25end $20,000,000 a year on such a navy as we have, or 
shall we change our policy somewhat and use part of that money to encour- 
age the building of some iron ships that maybe usefully employed in commerce 
in time of peace and as swift cruisers in time of war ? To maintain a foi-eign 
squadron costs a great deal of money, an admiral's ship alone costing $(500,000 
a year. It is asserted that it is necessary to protect our commerce and maintain 
the dignity of the nation, and give the world an idea of its resources and its 
power, that such squadrons should ije kept up. I stated the other day, and it 
will bear repeating, that an American captain has stated to the Committee tliat 
before the war he was in the harbor of Rio with his ship, and that at the same 
time there were forty other ships in port loading with coffee flying the Ameri- 
can flag, and but one American war ship, the old John Adams, a sailing ship. 
Two or three years ago he -was in the same port, and his .ship was the only one 
flying the stars and stripes, while at the same time there were seven United 
States war vessels in port to protect him. 

A large American ship-lniilder informs me that he met but a few days ago an 
old acquaintance, long in the India trade, who had just come from China in the 
Pacific line. The friend said that ninety days ago he was in Calcutta, and there 
were then in that port but three American ships, while before the war he had 
frequently seen in the same port at one time over one hundred shii)s flying the 
star and stripes; yet in those days a single war ship in East Indian waters was 
all that was deemed necessary for the protection of our commerce there. 

He was Chairman of a Special Committee on the subject of 
Postal Telegraph lines, and presented a very elaborate report. On 
the 22d of December, 1869, he made an able and exhaustive 
speech, full of facts and figures, in support of the conclusion of 
his Committee that the Government shoidd own and operate the 
telegraph lines as a part of the postal system. The following ex- 
tracts show some of the results aimed at in this important measure : 

Let the Government buy out the lines, transfer the management to the Post- 
Office Department, and reduce at once the cost of telegraphing to a uniform rate 
for any distance to twenty cents for twenty words, and you will bring blessings 



f7/ 



2 CADWALADER C. WASHBURN. 

and benefits to millions of our ix'ople wlio have hitherto been deprived of the 
use of the telegraph. The niiud can scarcel}' comprehend the vast advantages 
to the whole country that will ensue if this system is adopted. The experience 
of cheap telegraphy in Europe has demonstrated that sixty ])er cent, of dis- 
patches sent are upon social or family matters, while here it is rarely used 
except upon urgent business. A money-order system such as is adopted in 
Europe would be of incalculable benefit to the whole country, and would stim- 
ulate and promote all kinds of business to an extent that few now can compre- 
hend. If you desire to ])ay any sum of money on a given day at New Orleans, 
San Francisco, or any other j^oint, whether near or remote, you will have but to 
step to a postal telegraph money-order oflice, deposit the amount you desire to 
pay, with twenty cents for a dispatch, and in an hour your correspcmdent on the 
Pacific coast has your money. . , . 

From careful estimates I am convinced that the Post-Office Department could 
add to itself the telegraph business of the country, and that it could do that 
business with good wires at an expense of $3,500,000 j^er annum — one half or 
less than one half what telegra])liing now costs the country; that it could and 
would do five times the amount of telegraphing done to-day, at from one fifth 
to one tenth the rates charged at present, and be not only self-sustaining, but a 
small source of revenue to the Government. That its receipts should exceed its 
expenditures by more than enough to pay the interest on the cost of construc- 
tion or purchase of wires is not desirable. This could be easily done. Tlie sav- 
ing thus effected to the people in three years would actually pay for the wires. 

In a brief and forcible speecb Mr. Waslibnrn thus conchisi\e]y 
presented important reasons a^'ainst a removal of tlie capital : 

I utterly dissent from all propositions for the removal of the national capital, 
come from what quarter they may. I am in favor of its remaining where it 
was established by the Father of his Country, and where to protect and main- 
tain it the best blood of the country has been shed on a thousand battle-fields. 
Should it ever be determined to abandon this capital, from that day will dis- 
union and disintegration begin. To leave here because of the corruption which 
exists Avill be but to realize the fable of the fox and the flies. The situation of 
AVashingtou is pleasant, the climate mild and healthful, and its public Iiuildings 
the finest in the world; and, by tieans that were unknown when the Govern- 
ment was established, through telegraphs and railroads, our constituents are 
brought almost to the door of the Capitol, and anyone wdio desires it can come 
here even from the fiir-off shores of the Pacific with more ease, and almost as 
soon, as the fathers of the Republic could come here from New York city when 
the capital was established. 

The removal of the capital means the taking from the people by taxation 
$100,000,000 to establish a new capital and erect public l)uildings equal to those 
we now possess. It means more than that: it means $500,000,000 of private 
property destroyed. Believing that my oonsliluents are satisfied that the capi- 
tal should remain where it is, and as their judgment accords with my own, I 
shall opj)ose all schemes for its disturbance or removal. 



WILLIAM B. WASHBURN. 

(Continued from tho Fortieth Congress.) 

As Chairman of the Committee on Claims in the Forty-first 
Congress, Mr. "Washburn introduced many bills of a private and 
personal character, which he supported by brief explanatory 
speeches. The most important measure proposed and advocated 
by him in this capacity was a bill to authorize the settlement of 
the accounts of officers of the army and navy arising since the 
commencement of the Rebellion and prior to the 20th day of 
August, 1866, allowing such credits for overpayments, and for 
losses of funds, vouchers, and property as they may deem just and 
reasonable, w4ien recommended, under authority of the Secretaries 
of War and Navy, by the heads of the military and naval bureaus 
to which such accounts respectively pertain. This bill Mr, Wash- 
burn said amounted simply to " wiping out or clearing up the old 
books and starting with a new set of books." 

Mr. Washburn sometimes participated in discussions upon other 
subjects, but never made extended speeches. When the Tariff 
Bill was under consideration in Committee of the Whole he made 
the following interesting statements : 

" The Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means knows 
that to-day, with the present tariff, there has been more paid into 
the Treasury of the United States than was ever paid before with 
a single exception, and that was in 1866, when the tariff was very 
low and w^e were about to raise it to a very high price. It is 
known to most members here that at that time there were cio-ars 
enough imported into the country to last us for nearly two years. 
Owing to the fact of that great importation, in view of a proposed 
greatly increased duty, the amount received into the Treasury of 
the United States w^as greater than the revenue received from this 
source last year ; but W'ith that exception, and that only, and 
under the circumstances I have stated, we never received so much 
revenue from the tariff on cigars as we received during the last 
year under the present tariff. Again, sir, we have received more 
than double on leaf tobacco imported than we received three years 
ago on imported leaf tobacco." 

31 

Ail 



MARTIN \yELKEE. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Forty -lirst Congress Mr. Welker served as Chairman 
of the Joint Committee on Retrenchment on the part of the House, 
and as a member of the Committee on the District of Cohimbia 
and of the Committee on Private Land Claims. Both in commit- 
tees and on the floor of the House Mr. AYelker was an active 
working member, never speaking save when lie had something of 
interest and importance to say. ISTear the close of the Forty-first 
Congress he delivered a speech on the Agricultural Department, 
from which the following extracts are given : 

It is said tbat lie who makes two blades of grass grow where one did before 
is a pu1)lic benefactor. This department lins done this and more in many vari- 
eties of agricultural products. It has established relations with organized asso- 
ciations for agricultural improvements, whether governmental or otherwise, 
making exchanges of seeds, plants, and publications. Through an extended 
coiTespondence with foreign societies and our consuls abroad it is searching the 
world for new and valuable plants to acclimatize, new varieties of cereals to 
test, and, when found valualile, to distribute, thus finding and introducing into 
oiu- agriculture the valuable products of all countries suitable and profitable for 
our cultivation. 

Agriculture is the great civilizer of the world. Its improvements and ad- 
vancements mark national as well as individual i^rogress. Whatever will add 
to its success, furnish it with valuable inventions and discoveries, are so many 
steps toward accomijlishing the highest forms of civilization and human hap- 
jjiness. In this country, with its liroad and fertile acres, the cultivator of the 
soil is generally its owner. So large a ])r(^portion of our population being 
engagetl in this pursuit, it must ever be a leading occupation. The great extent 
of our country and its capabilities make it necessary that there shall always be 
a great diversity of agricultural labor. To give direction to this diversified 
agriculture is one great puipose of the department, and it will lie able to lead 
the way in proci-'sses of culture, as well as selection of products and their varie- 
ties in the different localities, and thus enable farmers to give attention to 
that culture which promises and secures the best results and rewards. . . . 

The whole landed property of England is now owned by thirty thousnnd 
persons, making one in every six hundred and fifty of its jjopulation. One half 
of its soil is now owned by about one hundred and fifty persons. Nineteen and 
a half million acres in Scotland are owned by twelve proprietors. In this 
country this extensive ownership of the soil, the sense of proprietorship result- 
ing therefrom, encouraging independence of action and thought, constitute the 
corner-stone of our Republic. The multiplication of these free homes for the 
people, instilling into their minds the spirit of agricultural and mechanical 
progress, and education, and moral develoi)ment, and improvement, will secure 
freedom, equality, and prosperity among om- people, and pei-petuity to our 
Government. 




^'^S*¥Geo.EPerme>'^ 




RK; :'.7:SENTATI\''E' FROVT >/fISSOURl 



ERASTUS WELLS. 



2|^))"^'RASTLS WELLS was born in Jefferson County, New 
sU^^ York, December 2, 1823. He received a common school 



-sfe-l^ education, and at fourteen, liavinpj lost liis father, and 
beino- compelled to rely wholly on his own resources, he 
went into a store as clerk, and pursued this employment four years 
in Watertown and in Lockport. 

He then made his way to St. Louis, Missouri, where he was an 
entire stranger. He soon found Mr. Calvin Case, a successful 
business man of St. Louis, who was from the loctility where Mr. 
Wells was born. They united in establishing the tirst omnibus 
line in St. Louis, which they sold out after successfully running it 
for five years. Mr. Wells then bought a white-lead factory, but 
finding the business unfavorable to his health, he sold out in a 
short time. He then built a saw-mill, and shortly afterward re- 
sumed partnership with Mr. Case, and bought back one half the 
omnibus line they had established, making it much more extended 
and successful than before. In 18.59 Mr. Wells procured a charter 
for lines of city railroad under the name of the Missouri Eailroad 
Company, of which he remains the President. He was one of the 
incorporators and the President of the Accommodation Bank of 
St. Louis. 

Li politics Mr. Wells has always been a member of the Demo- 
cratic party, and as such in 1848 he was elected a member of the 
City Council, and served one year. He was again elected in 1854, 
and served fourteen years. liis party was in the majority only 
two years, during which he was President of the Board of Alder- 
men. Li 1865 he went to Europe, and after having made a tour 
on the Continent, he extended his travels to South America. 



2 ERASTUS WELLS. 

In 1868 Mr. Wells was elected a Representative in Congress 
from Missouri as a Democrat, receiving 9,734 votes against 9,553 
for W. A. Pile. During tbe Forty-first Congress lie served on tlio 
Committee on Railways and Canals, and the special Committee on 
the Causes in the Decline in American Commerce. The first speech 
of Mr. Wells in the Forty-first Congress was on a resolution in re- 
lation to Americari citizens imprisoned abroad fur political oifenses. 
The speech, limited to three minutes, was as follows : 

I rise to give my voice and vote in favor of this resolution, wbicli will but 
render tardy justice to the imprisoned victims. I have not time to enter into 
merits of this question at length, to occupy the time of this body with elaborate 
arguments in defense of a much aiigrieved nation; that has been done already. 
It is my purpose now simply to give expression to a warm and heartfelt sym- 
pathy in behalf of those people. 

Sir, the history of the Irish people is one of unexampled devotion to Church 
and counti-y, of daring courage and self-sacriticing zeal; but not less of glowing 
eloquence, brilliant wit, and Christian charity. The bravest deeds of the cava- 
liers, tinted with all the poetry of romance and legendary lore, have found their 
parallel in the heroism of the Irish soldier; and the bm-niug eloquence and 
classic writings of the Augustan age have been equaled in many an Irish fnruru 
before the shamrock and harp yielded to the banner of St. George. Upon 
every field, and in the van where valor charged to death and victory, the sons ot 
the Emerald Isle have been found battling for liberty and freedom ; and when 
their native cause was lost, and their own hopes shattered, they have wandered 
far from their household gods to battle bravely in defense of others, ami but 
recently in our own war, and on both sides, they have illustrated the best deeds 
of their national character, and many of the bravest chiefs and most brilliant 
soldiers were Irishmen. Their blood has purpled the battle-fields of almost every 
nation, their eloquence has echoed through the world, and there never was a 
struggling nation or a suffering people but has felt the power of their aid. 
Well mi^-ht Napoleon say, "With Irish soldiers and French ofiicers I could 
concpier the world." 

I am aware, Mr. Speaker, that I have a field for my sympathy nearer home, in 
my own State, where the hand of the oppressor weighs heavy on my people. 
There for years have my constituents been downtrodden and oppressed as a 
people have seldom lieen, and that, too, in the name of republican liberty. 
Would to God I could raise my voice with more avail in their behalf, and so 
relieve them of the burden under which they now suffer ! but if charity does 
begin at home I have some left to my fellow-sufiferers, especially Irishmen 
abroad. 

Mr. Wells subsequently made speeches on the Decline of Ameri- 
can Cotmnerce, the Custom-IIouse and Post-Oflice building in St, 
Louis, and the Centenary of American Independence. 




■'^S*'!72eo.E Pericti"" 




1-iON- Y/11-.TJ/viV; 



WILLIAM A. WHEELER 




-Sr^^^ILLIAM A. AVIlEELEPt was born in Malone, New 
York, June 30, 1819. He received an academic educa- 
tion. He studied law, and engaged in the practice of the 
profession in his native town, where he still resides. He 
was fourteen years cashier of a bank, and was eleven years Presi- 
dent of the Ogdensburg Raih-oad. 

Meanwhile he did not abandon the law ; his first public office 
being in the direct line of his profession— District Attorney of 
Franklin County — in whicli he served for several years. In 1850 
and 1851 he was a member of the ISTcw York Assembly. In 1858 
and 1859 he was a member of the 'New York Senate, and was Presi- 
dent j^w tern, of that body. He was a member of the New York 
Constitutional Convention of 1867-68, and was chosen President 
of the same, receiving universal approval for the ability and impar- 
tiality with which he discharged the important duties of the position. 
Mr, Wheeler's career in Congress began March 4, 1861, when he 
took his seat as a representative from New York to the Thirty- 
seventh Congress. The Administration of Mr. Lincoln, which at 
the same time came into power, found in Mr. Wheeler one of 
its most reliable Congressional supporters, and the Rebellion, just 
becoming flagrant, met his unrelenting resistance. After six years' 
absence Mr. Wheeler returned to the halls of legislation, March 4, 
1869, having been elected a representative to the Forty-first Con- 
gress, receiving 15,262 votes, against 6,284 for Wallace, Democrat. 
He was appointed Chairman of the Committee on the Pacific Rail- 
road, and a member of the Committee on Expenditures in the 
Treasury Department. 

Mr. Wheeler's first formal speech in the House was delivered 



2 WILLIAM A. WHEELER. 

May 5, 1870, on the occasion of his bringing np the joint resolution 
authorizing the Northern Pacific Raih'oad Company to issue its 
bonds for the construction of its road, and to secure the same by 
mortgage. He stated that the Company did not seek money nor en- 
larged subsidies in lands, but sought, first, the national impress upon 
its mortgage ; secondly, to change the route of its main line and 
branch ; and thirdly, to have made good to them the lands origi- 
nally granted. He closed his speech as follows : 

Mr. Speaker, there lie between Lake Sujierior and Puget Sound and tlie mouth 
of the Columbia river half a million square miles of territory, alternating in 
jjrairie and pine forests, and teeming with coal, iron, gold, silver, and copper, 
the sure elements of national wealth, and waiting the countless thousands who 
are there to find homes and develop every condition of social growth and pros- 
perity. It is now the home of the Indian, the buftalo, the elk, and the antelope. 
It is now wholly inaccessible, unisroductive, and dead property to the United 
States. To develop it is a work of such magnitude as completely to defy any 
combination of private capital. 

Thei'e are gentlemen sitting in the sound of my voice who were part of Chi- 
cago — soon to be, if not now, the grain mart of the world — w-hen the palti'y 
amount of wheat marketed there found its way over the prairies by ox teams in a 
journey of from one to two weeks, the freighters traveling by compass, and camp- 
ing with their cattle at night. Look at Chicago and Illinois to-day, with one fif- 
teenth of the population of the United States, and paying nearly twenty-five million 
dollars annually of the national taxes. AYhat has wrought this mighty change? 
The question has but one honest answer. It is our j)olicy of governmental aid 
in national railway building, as illustrated in the grant of lands to the Illinois 
Central Railroad. The locomotive is the "open sesame" to the vast region of 
which we are speaking, and the sole agency by which we can spread law, or- 
der, poi)ulation, industry, and wealth over the thirty-two degrees of longitude 
which this road is to traverse, thereby increasing the taxable resources of the 
country, adding to its revenues, and lessening the burden of the jDublic debt. 
^Vise statesmanship, therefore, dictates that we give this great enterprise all 
consistent aid, and stay up the hands of the men who in its successful comple- 
tion arc to add new luster to the American name. 

I know well many of the men who have this work in hand and at heart. They 
will neither hold these franchises unused or hawk them about the streets. An 
intimate acquaintance for years with the late Governor of the Green Mountain 
State, who stands at the head of this company, justifies me in saying tliat 
he is the embodiment of New England pluck and enteiprise. Bold, ener- 
getic, and tireless, give him these additional sinews of war and he will 
push on, defying all natural obstacles, and, subjugating mountain and plain 
to the dominion of the rail, he with his efficient co-workers will present to the 
nation the full fruition of its most cherished hojjes in connection with this great 
enterprise. y^ ^/ 



RIOHAPvD H. WHITELY. 




'iCITAED II. WHITELY was born in County Down, 
^ ^ Ireland, December 22, 1830. Coming in chiklbood to 
Eif America, be settled in Georgia, wbere be was reared and 
' self-educated. From bis boybood until tbe age of tbirty 
years be was employed in tbe manufacturing business. Wbile so 
engaged be prepared bimself for tbe profession of law, and was 
admiUed to tlic bar in 1860. He opposed secession, but finally 
entered tbe Confederate army, in wbicb be rose to tbe rank of 
major. He was a member of tbe State Constitutional Convention 
of 186T, and in tbe following year was tbe Eepublican candidate 
for Representative to tbe Fortietb Congress from tbe Second 
District of Georgia, but was defeated by fraud and violence. He 
was appointed Solicitor-General of tbe Soutb-western Circuit in 
1868. In February, ISTO, be was elected by the General Assembly 
of Georgia United States Senator for tbe term ending Marcb 3, 
1871. Not seeing an immediate prospect of getting bis seat in tbe 
Senate, be was a candidate for Representative to the Forty-first 
Congress. Tbe Senate refused to give him a seat in that body, 
whereupon tbe Governor of Georgia issued to him a certificate of 
election as Representative, wbicb, being in due form, was regarded 
as giving him ^ prima facie right to the seat, and he was sworn in 
February 9, 1871. Having less than a month to serve, be took no 
part save to vote, and introduce a bill to relieve from disabilities 
certain persons in tbe Second Congressional District of Georgia. 
He was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress, receiving (tbe 
Counties of Calhoun and Sumter being omitted) 13,441 votes, 
against 12,987 votes for Tift, Democrat. 



GEOEGE W. WHITMOEE. 



^p^ EOEGE W. WniTMORE was bom in M'Minn County, 
^^ Tennessee, August 26, lS2-i. He was reared upon a farm, 
JiJ^ and received a comnion-scliool education. In 1848 he re- 
moved to Texas, where he studied and practiced law ; and 
in the years 1852, 1853, and 1858, was a member of the Texas 
House of Representatives. He from the beo-innino; assumed a 
decided stand against secession, and was, of course, proscribed by 
his neighbors and the people generally. The war of the Rebellion 
being inaugurated, he was conscripted for military service in the 
rebel cause, to avoid which he attempted to secure a detail to accom- 
pany some teams in the Confederate employ to the Rio Grande, with 
the hope of escaping thence into Mexico. This plan, however, was 
thwarted by his enemies, who commnnicated with the proprietors 
of the teams, representing Mr. Whitmore as opposed to secession, 
and in sympathy with the Korth. " He voted," said they, " against 
the ordinance ; he and others issued an address to the people of the 
State against a Southern Confederacy, which contained the most 
obnoxious Free-soil sentiments, and the doctrines inculcated in the 
Helper book. Not only has he done this, but he recently reiterated 
the same sentiments in a letter over his own signature. . . . The 
general sentiment of the county is that his feelings are not with 
the South in the present struggle." Another letter to tiie same 
company represents Mr. Whitmore as "notorious in this cou]ity as 
au evil-wisher — a Tory as far as he dares to be — an enemy in secret 
of the Confederate States." 

Being dismissed from the service of the company above named, 
Mr. Whitmore was presently arrested by military authority and 
imprisoned for more than a year, being much of the time confined 
in the dungeon of his own county jail. The cliarges on which his 
imprisonment was founded were that he was a member of the 




"fy^-Baaus.meni-^''^ 




p:epe:e:seit'Tati\'e from texas 



E\'CRAVED rOR EARNL5 HISTORY OF CONGRESS 



GEORGE W. WIIITMORE. 2 

Legislature of Texas when that State seceded and opposed seces- 
sion, and that he afterward liehl office under the Xational Govern- 
ment. Xot satisfied with their severity upon Mr. AV'Jiitrnore, the 
authorities imprisoned his father, a man of seventy years, together 
with liis brothers and other friends. 

At the close of the war Mr. AVhitmore strongly espoused the 
Congressional policy of reconstruction. lie was appointed District- 
Attorney of the Xinth Judicial District of Texas by Governor A. 
J.Hamilton in 1866, was chosen Register in Bankruptcy by Chief 
Justice Cliase in 1868, and was elected a member of the Eecon- 
struction Convention which sat in Austin in 1867-6S. 

In the fall of 1869 Mr. Whitmore was elected, as a Republican, 
a Representative from Texas to the Forty-first Congress, and, with 
the other members from that State, was admitted March 31, 1870. 
On the 21st of February, 1871, Mr. Whitmore delivered a speech 
on the Texas Pacific Railroad, of which the following extract is 
the opening paragraph : 

:Mr. Speaker, of all the States of this glorious Union, Texas has been the most 
unfortunate as regards railroads. As long ago as 1853 she chartered numerous 
roads, endowing them with magnificent grants of lands, and lavished ruarly 
three million dollars of her specie s^chool fund on them in order that she might 
have rail communication speedily to develop her great wealth. The railroad fever 
ran high among the people at that time, and they were told that with this aid 
from the State the steam-horse would soon be speeding over our great ])rairies, 
slaking his thirst at the headwaters of our rivers, chiving before him the bloody 
Camanche and the hated Kiowa, awakening from their quiet rest the strange 
companions, the owl, prairie-dog, and the rattle-snake, infusing life and energy 
in our people, and brinjring in its train a stream of stalwart men whose brawny 
arms were to make glad tlie heart with the sounds of husbandry, and whose 
cottages should dot our waste places as the stars do the eternal heavens. Routes 
were surveyed, maps and charts were filed in our land office, as per the condi- 
tions of the various charters. Laborers were employed, and the work for a 
time went boldly forward. From early mom to dasky eve the sound of the 
workmen was heard in prairie and forest, and the people rejoiced. But, alas ! 
there came a killing frost, yea, a withering blight, which nipped the bud of our 
growing greatness, and hurled us headlong into a cmel war 1 Its fruits have 
been those of driving from our country the abused and condemned system of 
degraded slave labor, and of clothing all with equal rights before the law, and 
throwing over all the broad mantle of suffrage and citizenship under the Fifteenth 
Constitutional Amendment. 



B. FRANK. WIIITTEMORE. 

(Continued from tlio Foi-tieth Congress.) 

Taking Ms seat in the Forty-first Congress, Mr. Whittemore was 
continued on the Committee on Reconstruction, and during the 
first session and a part of the second took an active part in legish^- 
tion, particularly in relation to reconstruction. 

On the 4th of February, 1870, a resolution was adopted author- 
izing the Committee on Military Afi'airs to inquire into the alleged 
sale of appointments to the Military and Naval Academies by mem- 
bers of this and the preceding Congress. On the 21st of February 
Mr. Logan, Chairman of this Committee, reported to the House 
testimony taken by them implicating Mr. Whittemore, and recom- 
mending the passage of a resolution that he be expelled from his 
seat as a member of the House of Representatives. The matter 
having been deferred until February 23d, Mr. Whittemore asked 
for time in which to cross-examine the witnesses who had already 
been brought before the Committee to testify against him, and to 
have witnesses produced in his own behalf in explanation of the 
matters alleged against him. In the deposition making this request 
Mr. Whittemore declared that he had never received and used a 
dollar of money for his appointments for his own private purposes. 

Mr. Poland submitted a resolution that the further consideration 
of the resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Whittemore should be 
postponed until the Committee on Military Afiixirs should make 
their final report, comprising the other cases before them. This 
resolution was not agreed to, and on the dav followino;, as the 
House was proceeding to consider tlie subject. Mi". Whittemore sent 
to the Speaker copies of telegrams announcing his resignation to 
the Governor of South Carolina and the acceptance of the same. 
Mr, Whittemore being by the ruling of the Chair no longer a mem- 
ber of the House of Representatives, no further action was taken 
upon the I'esolution proposed by the Military Committee. The 
House, however, passed a resolution declaring that his ''conduct 
has been such as to show him unworthy of a seat in the House of 
Representatives. Mr. Whittemore having been re-elected, his cre- 
dentials were presented to the House of Representatives June IStli, 
but a resolution was passed refusing to allow him to be sworn in. 





6iy(yVtnM^ 



HC:! T.AO :^ "-■ C>T 3. V/ILKINS ON , 
l-E?Rn..3El^TArr/E. FROM l/iIl^Tl-ESOTA 



MOETO^ s. wilivi:nsok 




lORTON" S. WILKINSON was born in Skaneateles, 
Onondaga County, New York, January 22, 1819. He 
^g:^,*^ worked in boyhood on liis father's farm, availing himself, 
however, of opportunities afforded him for acquiring an 
academical education. In 1837 he removed to Illinois, where he 
was employed for two years upon the railroad w^orks then com- 
menced in that State. He then returned to his native town, where 
he studied law, and was admitted to the bar. Conceiving that the 
"West would afford him a better field for professional labor, he set- 
tled at Eaton Rapids in Michigan. In 1817 he removed still far- 
ther West, settlino; in Minnesota two vears before its oro;anization 
as a territory. He identified himself actively with the interests of 
the embryo Commonwealth, and has lived to see his hopes realized, 
in its becoming one of the most prosperous portions of the Union. 
When the Territory was organized he was elected to its first Legis- 
lature. He drafted a code of laM's for the Territorv as a member 
of a Board of Commissioners appointed for that purpose. 

His Congressional career began in 1859, when he was elected to 
the Senate of the United States as a Republican, to succeed Hon. 
James Shields, Democrat. He served as Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Revolutionary Claims, and member of the Committee on 
Indian Affairs. As a member of the Senate during a most im- 
portant period in the history of the country, it was his good for- 
tune to favor by his speeches and his votes some of the most im- 
portant enactments in national legislation. At the close of his 
term in the Senate he returned to the practice of his profession. 
In 1868 he was elected a Representative from Minnesota to the 
Forty-first Congress by a majority of nearly ten thousand votes. 



2 MORTON S. WILKINSON. 

Mr. Wilkinson, entering the House after long experience in the 
Senate, was prepared to take a prominent part in the proceedings 
of .the Forty-first Congress, and did so from tlie first. He made a 
number of able speeches. He delivered an appreciative and gen- 
erous eulogy on the announcement of the death of Mr. Is'orton, his 
predecessor in the Senate, giving him the highest credit for hon- 
esty and integrity, notwithstanding the aspersions which had 
been heaped upon ]\[m for his abandonment of the Republican 
party. Mr. Wilkinson delivered a eulogy on Hon. David Heaton, 
who died a Representative from North Carolina, but had spent 
most of his public life in Minnesota. In this speech he said : " I 
went there at the time of the earliest settlement of the State, and 
have been pretty well acquainted with all the young men emigrat- 
ing there from different portions of the Union, and taking part in 
public affairs ; but I cannot remember a single man who had so 
many friends and so few enemies as Mr. Heaton." 

Mr. Wilkinson delivered a speech on the tariff, in which he 
advanced the view that Congress had no legitimate power to 
impose a tariff for any other purpose than revenue, while he 
admitted that protection to American manufactures was a neces- 
sary and important incident. The following is a brief extract : 

Gentlemen liave said, "Why, you ought to be able to build up manufactures 
in Minnesota ; you onglit to do your own manufiicturing there." I answer that 
suggestion by referring to a conversation that occurred yesterday, in which my 
friend from Tennessee [Mr. Maynard] took part. My friend from Massachusetts 
[Mr. Ames] was telling me yesterday that he wanted no protection for his firm 
in their manufacture of shovels ; that they already ex[)orted thdr shovels, and 
sold them in Australia and elsewhere in competition with the British manufac- 
tures. To this my friend from Tennessee replied, " O Mr. Ames does not want 
any protection. He is quite able to compete with the world ; but it is we poor 
fellows who are engaged as shovel-makers out in Teunesseil^pho want protec- 
tion.'" I asU, Against whom do they want protection? Against England? 
No, because England has got a comjjetitor already in New England, who can 
meet and compete with her in her own markets. But Tennessee wants to be 
protected ag:iinst Massachusetts. It seems to me that we have no right under 
our system to pass laws for such a purpose as that ; yet if we should undertake 
to manufacture in Minnesota we want a tariff, not only to protect us against 
Great Britain, but to protect us against Pennsylvania and New England as 
well. 

4^2^ 



CHAELES W. WILLAED. 




'C'^^IIAELES W. WILLAED was born at Lyndon, Caledo- 
■i'^^'a nia County, Vermont, June 18, 1827. He graduated 
at Dartmouth College in 1851 ; studied law and was ad- 
mitted to the bar in Montj^elier in 1853 ; was elected Sec- 
retary of State for 1855-5G, and declined a re-election. He was a 
member of the Senate of Yermont in 1860 and 1861. He became' 
in 1861 editor of the " Green Mountain Freeman." 

He was elected a Eepresentative from Vermont to the Forty- 
first Congress as a Eepublican, receiting 13,999 votes against 4,396 
for his opponent. Taking his seat in the Forty-first Congress, he 
was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Eevolutionary Pen- 
sions and War of 1812, and reported the bill, since become a law, 
giving pensions to surviving soldiers of the war of 1812. He was 
also a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and as such 
supported the policy of the Government respecting Cuba, and op- 
posed the annexation of the Eepublic of Dominica. 

On the ninth of April, 1869, Mr. Willard addressed the House 
in an elaborate speech in opposition to a resolution of sympathy 
with the insurrection in Cuba. He said : 

This resolution, or the proposed action of this House, in m\' judgment, has 
no warrant in the law or comity of nations, is unprecedented in the action of 
om-Government^is opposed to every construction wliich we have ever put upon 
our duties as a neutral Power, is unnecessary, can answer no good purpose wliat- 
ever, and, so far as it has any force as a legislative expression, can only serve to 
complicate our relations with Spain, put us in a false attitude in our complaints 
against England for her interference in our civil war. and make it much more 
difficult for the Executive to maintain a strict neutrality during the disturb- 
ances in Cuba. 

Near the close of the speech occurs the following passage : 

I am aware, Mr. Speaker, that the popular ear is not tickled by speeches in 
opposition to such projects as give strength to this resolution ; and I am not 

^f3 



2 CHARLES ^y. WILLARD. 

ignorant of the fact that the covetous eyes with which for many years many 
of our people have looked upon the "gem of the Antilles" will grow bright 
at the announcement that this measure has received the indorsement of a major- 
ity of this House. . This is not the first insurrection in Cul>a, and the present is 
not the fii'st time in our history that filibustering has had a temporary popu- 
larity. The lust for territory seems yet to possess others than Mr. Seward, and 
real estate operations and projects for annexation, if they abandoned the State 
Department, did not leave all branches of the Government with the late Secre- 
tarjr. The "manifest destiny" men still live, and although our flag does not 
yet fully protect or give free government to all upon our own soil, they would 
run our boundaries beyond the limits of the unsettled and fighting populations 
of the West Indies, and the turbulent factions of Mexico, and would make 
American citizens alike of the Esquimaux toward the North Pole and the uaked 
natives of the tropics. I believe this resolution has its chief and most active 
support, both in and out of this House, from those who favor this project of 
continental empire. For myself, however, I am by no means assured that the 
United States have not already territory enough ; and I am quite certain that 
until freedom and equal rights, and the peaceful enjoyment of life and liberty, are 
made abundantly secure to white and black at home, it is not wise, just, or ex- 
pedient to take up the quarrels of any other people, or attempt to establish free 
governments upon any foreign soil. 

In his speed) delivered February 15, 1870, on the report of the 

Committee on Foreign Affairs in relation to the alleged inhuman 

treatment of American citizens in British prisons for political 

offenses, Mr. "Willard replied to his colleague on the Committee, 

Mr. Wood, who had characterized Yermont, New England, and 

the Kepublican party as "intolerant, unprogressive, fanatical, and 

puritanical," as follows : 

Vermont lias, no doubt, some Puritan notions, and I should be entirely false 
to her history and her political character if I should plead here not guilty to 
that charge. She is not ashamed of her reputation in that regard, but, on the 
eontrtiry, is proud of it. Among the Puritan ideas which Vermont put as the 
corner-stone under the fabric of her government is that old-fashioned notion 
that all men are created equal, and that civil and religious liberty is the right 
of every person born on our soil or adopted as a citizen of tbe Republic. A 
slave never breathed her mountain air. Her form of government is simple and 
democratic, and under it her people have for almost a century enjoyed perfect 
civil and religious freedom, equally and happily removed from intolerance on 
the one hand and license on the other. The mob does not rule her Churches 
or her platforms, but liberty, regulated by law, and controlled by intelligence 
and education, has given her always the blessed fruits of order and peace. 



/if9 



WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

In the Forty -first Con(2;ress Mr. Williams was a member of the 
Committee on the District of Columbia, and Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Expenditures in the War Department. On the 20th of 
December he introduced a resolution — 

That tlie Judiciary Committee be instructed to inquire into, the constitutional 
power of Congress to legishite or to enact such laws as shall protect the great 
agricultural and other producing interests of the AVest, by limiting the rates of 
tariff on such productions from the West to the sea-board where said railways 
extend through two or more States, and to report the result of such inquiry to 
this House for further action. 

On the 29th of January following he made an elaborate speech, 
citing judicial decisions, in support of " the constitutional power of 
Congress to regulate the interstate commerce of the country." 
One of the great railroad monopolies of the country is thus held 
up to view : 

Mr. Sj^eaker, in sight of your own capital is a jiractical solution of the effect 
of this doctrine that the Constitution, by reason of the right of eminent domain 
in the States, cannot charter or incorporate arteries of trade througli and over 
which the conuuerce of tlie nation may pass. I mean the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad — a monopoly without soul, body, or j^arts purely spiritual. See this 
mighty monopoly, which has grown rich and impudent over the spoils stolen 
from the visitors and business men of the States who come here to legislate for 
your country or pay a visit to the tomb of Washington. Sir, at the city of 
Baltimore the traveler is met with the tax-gatherer of this monster monopoly, 
and he does not give you time to ask the question, " Is it lawful to pay trilnite 
to Cesar?" but says, "Your thirty cents, sir, into the treasury-box of Garrett, or 
you shall not behold the capital of the nation." The tax-gatherer who stands 
in the great highway to the nation's capital is a man of extensive rotundity and 
brazen effrontery, and his name, as I have indicated, is Garrett. He says to 
every citizen, " You must pay thirty cents into my coft'ers or you cannot go to 
Washington."' I fancy as he complacently places the proceeds of this larceny 
in his pocket I hear it sing as it reaches its destination at the bottom, " Fare- 
well, vain world ; I am going home." [Laughter.] 

That railroad corporation cannot do even as the publican. It does not even 
come before Congress and say "Have mercy on me, a sinner ;" but, like the Phar- 
isee, it stands in the temple and says, " I thank God I am not as others are ; I 
have received $3,000,000 capitation tax from the people, and paid not one cent 
to the General Government." And it is not like any othei* corporation in the 
country, for it was the only corporation in the country that refused to commute 
the fare of the soldiers who came patriotically to defend the Government, and 
to save even that road itself from destruction. Like Shylock, it always clam- 
ored for its pound of flcvsh, even when the country was bleeding at every pore. 

^9^ 



EUGEI^E M. WILSOK 



^;lf^UGENE M. WILSON was born in Morgantown, Mo- 
J^2^ nongalia County, Virginia, December 25, 1833. His 
«^^¥ father, Edgar 0. AYilson, was a liepresentative in Con- 
gress from Virginia from 1833 to 1835. His grandfather, 
Thomas Wilson, was a Representative from Virginia from 1811 to 
1813. Soon after the organization of the Government, his great- 
grandfather on his mother's side, William Griflfin, represented in 
Congress a district comprising the western part of Pennsylvania, 
Both his father's and his mother s ancestry were Scotch Irish, the 
former being the first settlers of Augusta and Rockbridge Counties 
in Virginia, and the latter the first settlers of Fayette County, 
Pennsylvania, 

Eugene was educated at Jefferson College, where he took liigh 
rank as a student, graduating at the age of eighteen. Immediately 
after graduating he commenced the study of law with his father, 
and at twenty-one he was admitted to the bar. 

He soon after emigrated to Minnesota, which presented a fine 
field for a young man of ability and energy. He was appointed 
by President Buchanan United States District Attorney for Min- 
nesota, and held the ofiice four years — from 1857 to 18(U. He 
served in the late war as captain in the First Minnesota Cavalry. 
His line of operations was principally in the Indian country, fight- 
ina: the Sioux, which afforded but little field for distinction. He 
performed his duty faithfnlly, and at the close of his term of serv- 
ice returned with credit to the practice of his profession. 

In 18G8 Mr. Wilson was elected a Representative from Minne- 
sota to the Forty -first Congress as a Democrat, receiving 13,506 
votes against 11,229 for Donnelly, his predecessor, and 8,595 for 




ySslfaU^Sms (K A"'-'''"' 






EUGENE M. WILSON. 2 

Andrews. lie sewed on tlie Committee on the Pacific Eailroad 
and the Committee on Public Lands. He took a more active and 
influential part in legislation than is usual witli Representatives 
during their first term of service, lie devoted his principal efforts 
in Congress to securing the passage of the Northern Pacific Pail- 
road Bill. To the accomplishment of this vt^ork of inestimable 
importance to his State no one in Congress contributed more ear- 
nest and successful labor. 

Mr. Wilson was more than ordinarily successful in securing the 
passage of measures which he proposed and advocated. He intro- 
duced a bill making a grant of land to the State of Minnesota to 
aid in securing the navigation of the Mississippi Piver immediately 
above the Falls of St. Anthony, and a bill authorizing the allowance 
of the claim of Minnesota to lands for the support of a State Uni- 
versity, besides several other measures of advantage to his State 
and the whole country. 

The speeches of Mr. Wilson Avere practical and to the point, 
seldom failing to produce a marked efl:ect. His first speech in the 
House was delivered April 2, 1869, when he was successful in 
securing the passage of a joint resolution granting the right of way 
for the construction of a railroad from a point at or near Portland, 
Oregon, to some point west of the Cascade Mountains in the Ter- 
ritory of Washington. In his remarks to the House, February 25, 
1870, Mr. Wilson entered his yjrotest against a disposition which 
seemed to be manifested to overturn our whole policy for eighty 
years past in relation to Indian treaties. He believed the frauds 
of later years to be an abuse of the system, and not inherent in the 
system itself He feared that the proposed change in policy would 
place the Indians entirely at the mercy of the men who were now 
trying year after year to get away from them what little land they 
have remainini?. He addressed the House at lent!i;th on the 
Georgia Peconstruction Bill, which he declared to be a proposi- 
tion which for assumption of unwarranted power has no equal in 
the history of Congress. He also spoke on the M'Garrahan case, 

the Tariff Bill, and other important questions. 

32 



^y 



JOHN T. WILSON. 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

During the Fortj-first Congress Mr. Wilson served as Chairman 
of the Committee on Agriculture, and as a member of the Commit- 
tees on Invalid Pensions and Public Expenditures, One of his 
ablest eflorts during this Congress was an elaborate speech on 
the subject of Agriculture, delivered January 21, 1870. He thus 
presents an outline of the origin and progress of the Department 
of Agriculture : 

As early as 1796 George Washington recommended to Congress the establish- 
ment of an agricultural department; and at various sul)sequent times up to 1838 
agricultural conventions, members of Congress, and others used their influence 
in the same direction without success. ... In March of that year the Commit- 
tee on Agriculture in the House made an elaborate report on the subject of 
husbandry, recommending a small appropriation for the collection from differ- 
ent parts of the world of rare and valuable seeds and plants, and the establish- 
ment of an agricultural depository in the Patent-Office, and requiring the 
Commissioner gratuitously to distribute througliont the Union the seeds and 
plants thus collected, and to make to Congress an annual report on the subject. 
Here we have the beginning of what culminated on the 15th day of ]\[ay, 1802, 
in the passage of a law establishing a Deijartment of Agriculture, the general 
designs and duties of which are to acquire and to diffuse among the peo^jle of 
the United States useful information on subjects connected with agriculture, 
and to procure, propagate, and distribute among the people new and valuable 
seeds and plants. ... 

This instittition, though yet in its infancy, has already been worth to the 
country more than tenfold its cost; and if future legislation shall be favorable 
to its growth and usefulness, it would be difficult to estimate the extent of its 
value, not only to the people of the United States, but also to the inhabitants 
of every quarter of the globe. 

This speecli abounds in valuable facts, of whicli the following 
paragraphs are specimens : 

We probably produced the past year twelve hundi'ed million bushels of corn 
and wheat alone. With a fair proportion of rye, oats, barley, buckwheat, pota- 
toes, tobacco, hay, cotton, wool, etc., and with a population increasing at a rate 
approximating a million annually, we could within the next decade, if the de- 
mand would jostily it, produce double the amount. No other Industry of the 
country can present a similar showing to this, tliough the mines and rivers, lakes 
and oceans, are equally bounteous with the soil. . . . 

Leaving out Alaska, with about three liundred and seventy million acres very 
lightly appreciated by farmers, the jiublic domain of the United States and Ter- 
ritories contains an area of about 1,447,000,000 acres, capable of sustaining a 
population probably greater than the present inhabitants of the globe, and embrac- 
ing about twenty-four degrees of latitude and tittyeigbt degrees of longitude. 

^9^ 



JAMES J. WII:^A:^S. 




"^AMES J. WI:N"ANS was boni in Maysville, Kentucky, 
June T, 1818. lie received a common-school education 
and studied law in Kentucky. Removing to Ohio, he set- 
tled in Xenia, where he practiced his profession. In June, 
1845, he Mas appointed clerk of the court of Greene County. In 
1857 he was elected to the State Senate, and in 1863 he was a 
member of the Ohio House of Eepresentatives. Ho was appointed 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas to fill a vacancy in 1861, and 
was elected for the full term of five years in 1866. He was elected 
a Representative from Ohio to the Forty-first Congress as a Re- 
publican, to succeed Hon. Samuel Shellabarger, by whom he in 
turn was succeeded in the next Congress. He was a member of 
the Committees on Public Lands and Revolutionary Pensions. 

On the 1st of Fel)ruary, 1870, Mr. AVinans addressed the House 
in advocacy of a bill prepared by himself to divide the State of 
Ohio into three judicial districts. He showed that the business of 
the United States courts, in the southern district of Ohio espe- 
cially, had been greatly increased by cases arising under the bank- 
ing and internal revenue laws, and added : 

The Miami and Scioto country has Ijeen notoriously the scene of tlie opera- 
tions of "the whisky ring,'' and of extensive frauds upon the revenue by to- 
bacco rings and dealers. Since March, 1867, statistics have been fiu-uished by 
District Attorneys, and from these Mr. Rollins reports for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 18G7, (from the 2d of Marcli in that year,) in the southern district of 
Ohio, forty-eight cases in which the United States was a party, and at the close 
of the fiscal year there were thirty-eiglit cases pending, ten only having been 
disposed of; and for the fiscal year 1868 he reports three hundred and fortv 
new cases, of which and of cases coming over from the former year one hundred 
and eighty -five remained undisposed of; and Mr. Delano for the fiscal year 
1869 reports two hundred and forty-four new cases, and one hundred and sixty- 
seven remaining undisposed of. 



BOYD WlisTJIIESTEB. 




^OYD WINCHESTER was born in the parish of Ascen- 



sion, Louisiana, September 23, 1836. He was educated at 
^'^"^^ Center College, Danville, Kentucky, and at the University 

of Virginia, Charlottesville. He graduated at the Law 
University of Louisville, Kentucky, in 1857, and located in that 
city in the practice of his profession. 

In August, 1867, he was elected to the State Senate of Ken- 
tucky. In 1868 he was a candidate for district elector on the 
Seymour ticket, and took an active part in the canvass. He was 
elected a Representative from Kentucky to the Forty-first Con- 
gress as a Democrat, receiving 15,108 votes against 1,515 for 
English, Republican. 

Takino- his seat in the national House of Representativ^es, Mr, 
Winchester was appointed on the Committee on Railways and 
Canals, On the llth of January, 1870, he addressed the House on 
the bill to admit Virginia to representation, which he denounced 
as involving a " most dangerous usurpation of power," and as a 
"compound of malignity and bad faith, having no parallel even in 
the revolutionary legislation of the past four years." The follv)W- 
ing is an extract from this speech : 

" Patriotism," says Gibbon in one of liis chapters on the Decline and Fall of 
the Roman Empire, " is that sense of common interest which men feel in the 
preseryation of a Government of whose liberties they are common partakers ;" 
but modern political philosophy declares patriotism to be an undying attach- 
ment to the Radical party, and loyalty an unquestioned devotion to its interests. 
The policy of Congress in dealing with the Southern States has been as illogical 
as it has lieen perfidious. Why the necessity of an act of Congress to admit 
Virginia to representation ? The mere -temporary abeyance or suspension of the 
right, from the exigency of the war, was no forfeiture. The people of the re- 
volting States never ceased to be citizens Jiecause they failed to effect their 
forcible expatriation, and therefore were entitled to the right of local self-gov- 
ernment the moment the rebellion ceased. 

S-C'O 



JOIII^ S. AVITCHER. 



I^^^Oim S. AVITCIIER was born in Carbell Count v, then Yir- 
^M ginia, now West Virginia, July 15, 1839. lie was brought . 
Jj^^.^ up on a farm, and received a common school education. 
In 1801 he was elected Clerk of the Circuit Court of Car- 
bell County under the restored government of Virginia, and served 
about six months, when he resigned to enter the volunteer service 
of the United States. lie was appointed second lieutenant, and 
I'ose by degrees through every rank to that of colonel of his regi- 
ment. He served with distinction under Sheridan, in 1864, during 
the Shenandoah Valley campaign. He took part in the iinal cam- 
paign around Richmond and Petersburgh, Virginia, in the spring 
of 1865. For gallant and meritorious services in this campaign, 
and especially at the battle of Ford's Station, on the Southside 
Railroad, he was breveted Brigadier-General. He was mustered 
out of the United States service June 30, 1805, and in the follow- 
ino- October was elected to the West Virginia Legislature. A year 
later he was elected Secretary of State of West Virginia, and 
served until March 4, 1869. He was chosen a director of the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad in the fall of 1868, 

He was elected a Representative from West Virginia to the 
Forty-first Congress as a Republican. He served on the Com- 
mittees on Militarj^ Affairs and Revolutionary Claims. The first 
speech of Mr. Witclier, delivered March 26, 1870, was an able 
argument for a protective tarifi", in which he showed that " by 
abolishing the tariff, or protection we have thrown around our min- 
ing and manufacturing industry, the consequence would be that the 
whole industrial population would engage in the more profitable 
department of agriculture, and the market for farm products would 
almost cease to exist in this country." 



WILLIAM P. WOLF. 



--- 'T--, 




..v2_ 



l^ILLIAM P. WOLF was born in Stark County, Ohio, 
December 1, 1833. He was brought up on a ftirm, and 
received a common school education. He removed to 
Iowa in 1856, and, having studied law, was admitted to the bar in 
1859, engaging in the practice at Tipton. He tilled the office of 
Superintendent of Common Schools, and was a member of the 
State House of Representatives in 1863 and 1864. 

In the late war he entered the service of the United States as a 
Captain in the Forty-sixth Regiment of Iowa Infantry, but having 
been severely wounded at Collinsville, Tennessee, he was compelled 
to resign. On his recovery he resumed the practice of his pro- 
fession, but was soon re-elected to the Iowa House of Representa- 
tives. He served as Assistant Assessor of Internal Revenue in 
1865, and was elected to the State Senate in 1867. 

On the death of Hon. William Smyth, Mr. Wolf was elected a 
Representative from Iowa to the Forty-Hrst Congress as a Repub- 
lican by a majority of 5,000 votes. He took his seat on the second 
day of the third session, December 6, 18T0, and was appointed a 
member of the Committee on Claims. He was an active and 
efficient Representative during his brief term of service. He de- 
livered a brief and eloquent eulogy on his predecessor, in which he 
said : " True greatness does not consist in the ability to attract 
attention, any more than true statesmanship is indicated by the 
ability to declaim. Hence, when fault-finders disparagingly said, 
' He made very few speeches,' his friends have referred to the long 
record of his integrity, and then suggestively pointed to the many 
rhetorical patriots who fell by the way-side, or were carried by 
their own impetuosity into the ranks of the enemy." 



FERNANDO WOOD. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

Mr. Wood was returned to the Forty -first Congress by a largely 
increased majority over that which he had received for tlie Fortieth 
Congress. Indeed, the hold he had acquired upon the affection and 
confidence of the people of his district, irrespective of partisan 
relations, rendered any o))position to hiiu almost hopeless. Tiius 
secure in the regard of his constituents, he was the better able to 
maintain an independent stand in Congress. This, of course, 
increased his influence, and gave greater effect to his declared opin- 
ions. The Forty-first Congress was distinguished for tiie impor- 
tance of the questions presented and discussed. Many of them 
M'ere original in their character, requiring talent of a high order, 
and strength of intellect not to be derived from books and prece- 
dents, for their full examination and elucidation, Mr. Wood par- 
ticipated more frequently than before in these discussions, taking 
an active part in the legislation of the House, and speaking on all 
the leading questions. Though acting with the minority, he never- 
theless had the respect of the chief men of influence on the other 
side. As a member of the Committees on Reconstruction and of 
Foreign Affairs he made himself fully acquainted with the subjects 
appropriately belonging to them, and took a leading part in the 
debates upon the measures reported by them from the Opposition 
stand-point. Among these may be especially mentioned his speech 
on the resolution reported for the acquisition of Cuba, and on 
the policy of the dominant party with reference to the Southern 
States. 

One of the most important matters agitated by him in this Con- 
gress was the investigation ordered on his motion into the manage- 
ment of the Freednien's Bureau. lie initiated this proceeding by 
the introduction of fifteen specific allegations of fraud in, and mis- 
management of, that Bureau by the Commissioner (General How- 
ard) and his subordinates. The Committee intrusted with this sub- 
ject passed six weeks in laborious examination, and it was alleged 
by Mr. Wood and the minority of the Committee that each and 
every one of the specifications had been fully sustained. A major- 
ity, however, did not so report. The testimony was printed by 



2 FERNANDO WOOD. 

order of the House. It was in the debate in the House that arose 
upon the discussion of this subject that Mr. Wood so abl}' and tri- 
umphantly defended his course during tiie hite civil wai', which 
had frequently been made the subject of unfriendly comment 
against him. 

A member of the Committee which had examined the case of 
the Bureau, who had defended General Howard, attacked Mr. ^Vood 
as disloyal during the Kebellion, repeating several newspaper scan- 
dals which had impugned his fidelity to the Government, and among 
them the charge that he had furnished arms to the Confederacy. 

Mr. Wood in reply said that the only foundation for this charge 
was that as Mayor of New York, previous to the commencement 
of the Rebellion, he had sent a telegraphic dispatch to Senator 
Toombs, of Georgia, in reply to an inquiry, stating that the ])olice 
of New York had no authority to seize merchandise hi transit a for 
shipment to the South. He did not deny having so stated. l)ut at 
that time no Rebellion existed ; the mails, telegraphs, and other 
communications were uninterrupted ; no war existed, nor was there 
any immediate apprehension of hostilities. So far from sympa- 
thizinir with or aidinii; the resistance of the South to the Federal 
authority, he was the first official who had initiated practical meas- 
ures for the maintenance of the Federal authority. In advance 
of any action by the Government at Washington, he had as 
Mayor sent a special message to the Common Council of iSiew 
York recommending the apjjropriation of one million dollars for 
the outfit of troops to be tendered to the President in behalf of the 
Union cause. The money was appropriated and actually expended 
for this purpose early in the spring of IS (31. The Union Defense 
Committee was formed at his instance, who had the disbursement 
of this money, and by whom fifteen regiments were armed, equip])ed, 
and transported to the national capital. At his own expense he 
had fitted out the Mozart Regiment, naming it after the political 
organization to which he was attached. The first and largest pub- 
lic meetino; held at the North to sustain the Government at this 
crisis was called at his instance, and addressed by himself. General 
Dix, Senator Baker, and other distinguished friends of the cause. . 



GEORGE W. WOODWARD. 1 

(Continued from the Fortieth Congress.) 

-Dnrhicr the Fortyfirst Coni^ress Mr. Woodward was a member 
of tlie Committee on Reconstruction, of the Joint Committee on 
the Library, and of the Select Committee on Postal Telegraph Lines. 
He frequently addressed the House on subjects with which his Com- 
mittee was charged, and was always heard with' attention and re- 
spect. Pending the discussion of the Georgia question, December 
20, LS09, he made a speech of coiisiderable length, in the course 
of whicli he said : 

It is proposed to coerce Geoi-gia into a ratification of tl)e Fifteenth Amendment 
We arc to torture her into this unseemly ratification, and tliat is another reason 
for this bill. Now, I say that ol.ject is unworthy of the American Conoress 
And tais very kin.l of legislation is going to defeat your Fifteenth Amendment 
i^or what IS a ratification worth that is obtained by tlircats and tortures such as 
this ? It isworth just as much as the footpad's title to my purse when he has 
IJrcsented his pistol and bid me stand— "Your money or your life! " 

^ Referring to his observations on the occasion of a recent visit to 
Georgia, Mr. Woodward said : 

I spent a week in the State, having free intercourse with all classes of people 
black and white. I found much diversity of opinion on this question as on 
all otaer questions among the people. I do not know in what way tlie maioritv 
would decide, but I can tell you this: the people of Georgia are just as faith- 
fully attached to the Government as if they never had seeded. They seceded 
from the Union ; they fought the battle, and thev lost it. They surrendered to 
the authority of the Union, and there are not within the jurisdiction of this 
Government men whose loyalty would be more unquestioned than that of the 
people ot Georgia if you would treat them as they have a right to be treated 
by tlieir fellow-countrymen. ... 

So fir as I saw the South I found no undue prejudice against that class of 
men called " carpet-baggers." On the contrary, I found that the people of the 
South desired that noithern people should come among them if they would 
come with any means, come to settle, to labor, to buy propertv, to live with 
them, and incorporate themselves with the body of the community Such 
northern men are welcome in the South and in every part of the South They 
are glad to have them come. But when these men come down to create offices 
to be exercised by themselves, to exact enormous salaries, and to stimulate the 
negroes to impose taxes on the white people that amounts to confiscation of 
their estates, then they complain, and if some rash man makes a rash speech it 
comes right to the chairman of the Committee on Reconstruction ; we hear of 
It in this House; it is put forward here as evidence that their people are inca 
pable of self-government, and under the constitutional clause about guarantee 
we are called upon to pass some outrageous bill under the pretense of securing 
to that people a republican form of government. 



2 GEORGE W. WOODWARD. 

After Mr. Mungen had delivered his speech in favor of Repudia- 
tion, and other Democrats had expressed their views, Mr. Wood- 
ward, remarkino; that it seemed to be "a dav of ireneral confession," 
proceeded : 

It bappened to me to be a member of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania 
■wlien the Republican county of Alleghany and the Republican city of Pitts- 
burgh repudiated their most honest and most righteous debt. The commis- 
sioners of that county and the authorities of that city were summoned before 
our court to state why they did not levy the necessary taxes to pay the interest 
on that delit. It fell to my lot to write the first opinion that was ever written 
in Pennsylvania against these repudiators. Other opinions in other cases fol- 
lowed. "We imprisoned these county commissioners — the commissioners were 
imprisoned for one whole year in jail — before they would surrender to our 
authority. It was a tierce struggle between the judicial authorities of the State 
and the Republican party. [Laughter.] And the judicial authorities of the 
State finally triumphed OA'er the repudiation of the Repuljlican party in that 
instance. Well, sir, on the ^oth of Feliruary, 1862, a Republican Congress 
passed an act declaring that greenbacks, worth then about sixty cents on tue 
dollar, should be a legal tender in ])ayment of debts, in direct and palpal)le vio- 
lation of a provision of the Constitution of the United States, and to the utter re- 
pudiation of one third of the whole indebtedness of this wide country. Against 
that instance of repudiation my soul and all that was within me rebelled. And 
I improved the earliest ojiportunity when I became a member of this House to 
offer a resolution instructing the Committee on the Judiciary to bring in a bill 
to repeal that law, as a disgrace to the country and the age ; and I am obliged 
to say that that Committee has never yet reported on my resolution. 

And I hope it never will, interposed Mr. Myers. 

Mr. Woodward continued : It was a Republican Congress in which I cftered 
that resolution ; it was a Republican Committee to whom the resolurion was 
referred, and it is a Republican who now says that he hopes the Committee never 
will report on that resolution. That resolution contem])lates a gradual repeal 
of the legal-tender act, in order to let down the country gradually. 

There was another instance of repudiation. A Republican Congress and ]\Ir. 
Johnson signalized themselves by requiring every Southern State before it could 
be admitted into the Union to repudiate her debt, teaching them repudiation 
according to the Republican code of morals. And I know men in the South 
who will tell you that there never has been in their personal experience so dis- 
gusting and disgraceful a necessity as that which compelled them to repudiate 
their debts. 

I look forward to the time when the Republican party of this country will be 
' in favor of repudiating the national debt, and I may at some future day liave 
to stand up in defense of the plighted faith and good credit of the country 
against the Republican party, as I did in the State of Pennsylvania against the 
Republican repudiators of the county of Alleghany, and the Republican repu- 
diators of the Republican city of Pittsburgh. 




?;>'■ 




eeprese:mtatt\/f' f"P':m n 



PIEECE M. B. YOUI^G. 




lERCE M. B. YOUNG was born at Spartanburg Court- 
house, South Carolina, in 1838, and was removed to Geor- 
gia in the following year. He studied law, but was educated 
as a soldier at the Military Institute of Georgia, and at the 
United States Military Academy at West Point. He resigned in 
1861, two months before the graduation of his class, to enter the 
Confederate States Army as second lieutenant, and surrendered 
in 1865 as Major-General. He was elected a Representative from 
Georgia to the Fortieth Congress as a Democrat, and for a 
short time held a seat in that body. He was re-elected to the 
Forty-first Congress; but the Legislature of Georgia having expelled 
colored members, and otherwise incurred the displeasure of Con- 
gress before being fully reconstructed by the admission of her 
Senators, the House refused to receive her Representatives at the 
beginning of the Forty-first Congress, and Mr. Young was not 
sworn in until the 16th of January, 1871. 

Serving less than two months in this Congress, Mr. Young had 
little opportunity to participate prominently in legislation, yet 
on several occasions he addressed the House — chiefly on election 
cases. In his speech on the contested election case of Tift 
vs. Whitely, he maintained that the certificate of the Governor 
given to the latter was a "fraud upon the House and a gross 
violation of the election franchise." He contended- that although 
the certificate of a Governor of a State has been regarded as giving 
a prima-facie right to a seat, nevertheless a person claiming a seat 
on such a certificate should not be admitted without investigation 
when sufiicient evidence is in possession of the House that the 
certificate of the Governor is erroneous. He cited several cases to 
substantiate his position. 



S~e^ 



'7 



SELUCIUS GAEFIELDE. 



> O ELUCIUS GARFIELDE was born at Slioreham, Vermont, 
^^ December 8, 1822. He emigrated with his parents to 
Xi^ Xortliern Ohio in the summer of 1832. AVhen only thir- 
teen years old he left horne without money to struggle for 
an education, from that time forward receiving no aid from parents 
or others. At fifteen he commenced teaching as the best method 
of procuring means to pursue his studies. In 1810 he went to 
Kentucky, where he finished a collegiate course at Augusta in 
181:2. Having studied law, he was admitted to the bar, and mar- 
ried in 1811. 

Mr. Garfielde began life as a Democrat, and as such was, in 1849, 
elected to the convention to revise the Constitution of Kentucky, in 
the County of Fleming, where the Whig majority was six hundred, 
beating his competitor two hundred and fifty votes. In 1850 he 
visited the West Indies, and Central and South America, making a 
study of the features of the country and the character and habits of 
the people. He reached California late in 1851 and went to the 
mining regions, where he engaged in the practice of law and in 
quartz mining. He became interested in politics in the West, as 
he had been in the East, and in 1852 was elected to the California 
Legislature from the County of El Dorado. In the following 
spring he was appointed by the Legislature a commissioner to 
codify the statutes of the State. A few months later he went to 
Boston, where he prepared and published the first code for Cali- 
fornia. He was in that year married a second time. 

Returning to Kentucky in 1854, after a long and adventurous ab- 
sence, he published an infiuential Democratic newspaper at Paris 
until 1857. He was member of the Cincinnati National Convention 

s-0% 




^'^■''i'/SSSall^Ssnsf.'y'-^'-^''^^^' 



jELSGAT.E from V^,^.3HIirGT0K TEPPJTOPY 



ENGRAVED rCR S^RNES H iSTO^r CF COI.'CRCS^. 



SELUCIUS GARFIELDE. ^ 2 

of 1856 which nominated Buchanan and Breckinrido-e. In the en- 
suing political campaign he was an elector for the State at large, 
and made a canvass all over Kentucky with Eoger ITanson, the 
Know Nothing elector, which was celebrated at the time, and is 
still remembered. 

Late in 1856 Mr. Garfielde was appointed by President Pierce 
receiver of public moneys for the District of Oljanpia, Washington 
Territory, and went to the post of duty in the S])ring of 1857. 
He took ground with Mr. Douglas against the administration on 
the Kansas-Nebraska' question, and was consequently removed 
from office by President Buchanan. He was nominated for Con- 
gress by the regular Democratic Territorial Convention in 1861, 
but was beaten by the Republican candidate because the Breckin- 
ridge men bolted and ran a third candidate. 

Soon after the breaking out of the war of the Rebellion Mr. 
Garfielde left the Democratic party and became an active supporter 
of Republican principles and policy. He was appointed Survey- 
or-General of Washington Territory in 1866. He canvassed 
Oregon and California in 1868 for Grant and Colfax. He was 
unanimously nominated for the Forty-first Congress by the Repub- 
licans, and was elected by one hundred and sixty-four majority. 
He was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress by nearly eight 
hundred majority. Washington Territory, always before strongly 
Democratic, became Republican at the same time Mr. Garfielde 
did, and has ever since given a Republican majority when he has 
been there to make a canvass ; at other times it has gone Demo- 
cratic. 

Both in Kentucky and on the Pacific Coast Mr. Garfielde has 
a very -high reputation as a public speaker. In 1870 and 1871, at 
the request of tlie Northern Pacific Railroad Company, he deliv- 
ered a ]K)pular and successful series of lectures in the cities of the 
Central and Western States on " The Great North-west." 

Mr. Garfielde took his seat as a Delegate in the Forty-first Con- 
gress December 6, 1869. His first speech at length in the House 
was delivered March 2, 1870, on the Indian Appropriation Bill. 



WILLIAM H. HOOPEE. 




(*|||lLLIAM H. HOOPER was born in Dorchester County, 
on tlie Eastern Shore of Maryland, December 25, 1813. 
J§3p He received a limited common school education, and early 
engaged as a merchant's clerk in Baltimore. He was 
subsequently for some years a merchant on the Eastern Shore of 
Maryland. In 1835 he emigrated to Illinois, where he engaged in 
mercantile pursuits. He afterward became a steamboat captain 
on the Mississippi. In 1850 he removed to Utah, where he was 
elected a member of the Legislature, and served as Secretary of the 
Territory. He was chosen United States Senator under the State 
organization of Deseret, adopted by the people of Utah in 1862, 
He was elected a delegate from the Territory of Utah to the 
Thirty -sixth. Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, Forty-first, and Forty-second 
Congresses, receiving each time a nearly unanimous vote. 

The service of Mr. Hooper iie the Forty -first Congress was dis- 
tinguished by his celebrated speech delivered March 22-23, 1870, 
in defense of ''Polygamy in Utah." In a summary of the speech 
given by himself, near its close, he said he had aimed to show : 

1. That under our Constitution we are entitled to be protected in tlie full and 
free enjoyment of our religious faith. 

2. That our views of the marriage relation are an essential portion of our 
religious faith. 

3. That in considering the cognizance of the marriage relation as within the 
province of Church regulations we are practically in accord with all other 
Christian denominations. 

4. That in our views of the marriage relation as a part of our religious belief, 
we are entitled to immunity from persecution under the Constitution if such 
views are sincerely held ; that if such views are erroneous their eradication 
must be by argument, and uot by force. 

Sfo 




Stisii. 



"5^ brGeoE P = 







-DEI^.Z'j'A.'iJ F-P.O.vI Tj^:AH 



'''-ihZS?<C.<: 37 F%RAR:v/ MEW /C'-'K 



WILLIAM ir. HOOPER. 2 

5. That of our sincerity we have, both by words and works and suflferings, 
given for nearly forty years abundant proof. 

6. That the bill in i^ractically abolishing trial by jury, as well as in many 
other respects, is unconstitutional, uncalled for, and in direct opposition to that 
toleration in religious belief whicii is characteristic of the nation and age. 

Of the purposes of the bill under discussion Mr. Hooper said : 

The bill l)eforc us declares that that system which Moses taught, that God 
allowed, and Irom which Ch'nst, our Saviour, sprung is a crime, and that any 
man l)elieving in it and practicing it— I beg pardon, the bill, as I shall pres- 
ently show, asserts that belief alone is sufficient— that any one so offending shall 
not be tried, but shall he convicted, his children declared bastards, his wives 
turned out to starve, and his property be confiscated ; in fact, for the benefit of 
the moral reformers, who, as I belie\e, are the real instigators in this matter: 

In reply to Mr. Ciilloin, wlio ])roposed the bill, Mr. Hooper said : 

The gentleman confounds a religious belief with a criminal act. He is 
thinking of I ligamy when he deuouncis polygamy, and in the confusion that 
follows blindly strikes out against an unknown enemy. AYill he permit me to 
call his attention to the distinction ? Bigamy means the wi'ong done a woman 
by imposing upon her the forms of matrimony while another wife lives, render- 
ing such second marriage null and void. The reputation and happiness of a 
too-contiding woman are thus forever blasted by the fraudulent acts of her sup- 
])osed husband, and he is deservedly punished for his crime. Polygamy, on the 
contrary, is the act of marrying more than one woman under a belief that a 
man has the right, lawfully and religiously, so to do, and with the knowledge 
and consent of both the wives. 

The Mormon character is thus drawn by Mr. Hooper : 

It is common to teach, and tliousands believe, that the leaders of the sect of 
Latter-day Saints, popularly known as Mormons, are hypocrites, while their 
followers are either ignorant, deluded men and women, or people held to their 
organization by the vilest impulses of lust. To refute these slanders I can only 
do as the eariier Christians did, point to their sufferings and sacrifices, and I 
may add the unanimous testimony of all, that aside from what they consider 
the ol)jectional)le practice of polygamy, my constituents are sober, moral, just, 
and industrious in the eyes of all impartial witnesses. In this community, re- 
moved by long reaches of wastes from the moral influences of civilization, we 
have a quiet, orderly, and Christian community. Our towns are without gam- 
bling-hells, drinking-saloons, or brothels, while from end to end of our Temtory 
the innocent can walk unharmed at all hours. Nor is this due to an organized 
police, but to the kind natures and Christian impulses of a good people. In 
support of my argument of their entire sincerity I with confidence appeal to 
their history. 



EIOHARD C. M^COEMICK j 



fcllwICIIAED C. M^COPailCK was born in New York city 




ill 1832. lie received a classical education, and entered 
"^/^ business in AVall-street in his native city in 1850. In 
1854-55 lie traveled extensively in Europe and Asia, 
spending- some time in the camp of the allied armies during the 
siege of Sevastopol. He wrote letters descriptive of the interesting 
scenes and important events witnessed by him, which were sub- 
sequently issued in book-form in !New York and London, and 
passed through many editions. In 1860 he published in Xew 
York a book entitled '"St. Paul's to St. Sophia; or, Sket(;liings 
in Europe." From 1857 to 1801 he was a Trustee of Public 
Schools in New York. In 1859 and 1860 he was editor of " The 
Young Men's ]\Iagazinc," and was a })oi)nlar contributor to various 
periodicals. He delivered frequent lectures upon subjects pertain- 
ing to his extensive travels and wide range of observation. In 
1861 he was connected with the Xew York "Evening Post." 
Subsequently he was the correspondent of that journal and of tiie 
New York "Commercial Advertiser" in Washington, and with 
the Army of the Potomac. He was present at Bull Run, Will- 
iamsburg, and other battles. In 1862 he became Chief Clerk of 
the Department of Agriculture. In March, 1863, he was appointed 
Secretary of the Territory of Arizona, and was made Governor in 
April, 1866. In June, 1868, he was elected a Delegate to the 
Fortv-first Congress, receiving twelve hundred and sixty-tiiree 
votes against eight hundred and thirty for two other candidates. 
He was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress by a majority of 
nine Imndred and seventy votes. 

Mr. M'Cormick represented his distant constituency with much 
ability and with entire faithfulness. 










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